[MWS 13.2 (2013) 273-278] ISSN 1470-8078 Book Reviews Bryan Turner Religion and Modern Society. Citizenship, Secularization and the State (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011), 344pp. ISBN 978-0-521-67532-1. $34.99. Religion has not declined in the way that modern sociologists expected; their dom inant presupposition that 'secularization is uniform and an inevitable feature of modernity' (p. 73) has been undoubtedly disproved since the Iranian Revolution— the pivotal event which 'offered a singular example of the mobilisation of the masses in the name of religion renewal' (p. 104)—while dramatically collapsing after the events of 9/11. In his recent book Religion and modern society: citizenship, secularization and the State Bryan Turner fully embraces much of the considerable criticism the sec ularization thesis has come to face in light of the highly debated issue of the return of religion to the international stage as a driving force in society. Indeed, since the publication of José Casanova's Public religions in the modern world (1994), a number of sociologists have deeply revised a theory that has shown a lack of any empirical evidence, thereby admitting its mythical overtones and historical embeddedness. In this sense, as Turner puts it, a Durkheimian Talcott Parsons 'did not accept the secu larization thesis that became the hallmark of much European sociology', insofar as American liberal democracy—as 'an institutional and cultural realisation of (Protes tant) Christianity' (p. 73)—could reveal an alternative development. Nonetheless, in Turner's view, that theory still retains a crucial role in a global ized world. Indeed, although comparative researches on a global scale have made it necessary to overcome a narrow-minded approach to the study of the multiple sides of the interaction between religion and society —beyond the narrative frame of a sec ular Europe and of a profoundly religious North America—according to the Author the secularization thesis should not to be dismantled 'too profoundly' (p. 149). By contrast, it still affects religious beliefs worldwide in what he calls 'commodifica tion' or 'low intensity religion': religious faiths and practices, being enmeshed in 'a secular commercial culture', cannot but compete with secular lifestyles in the deliv ery of commercial goods. The setting up of 'mega-churches, drive-in confessionals, buy-a-prayer, popular religious films, religious shopping outlets (...)' (p. 150) are but a few examples of a phenomenon where religion appears to be 'merely a set of rituals for bringing good fortune and good health'. Within this frame, the Weberian idea of religion—'an ethical activity of self-creation'— has completely disappeared, for religion, in order to be 'a radical faith of transformation', has 'to be concerned' — in Weber's interpretation—'not with Glück but with Leid' (p. 58). From this perspective, Habermas' basic assumptions on post-secular soci eties need to be redirected, as far as Turner's opinion is espoused. The German philosopher, in debating with former Pope Benedict XVI his in-depth investiga tion into the 'post-secular', has reconsidered his earlier conceptions on the place of religion in modernity. Religious beliefs—'against the German background of© Max Weber Studies 2013, Clifton House, 17 Malvern Road, London, E8 3LP. 274 Max Weber Studies Kulturprotestantismus' (p. 105)—can still be important sources of meaning, iden tity and solidarity. Turner believes the enduring vitality of religious beliefs in the modern public domain cannot be explained without grasping the huge transforma tions within religion's 'traditional forms of authority' that the secular has produced (p. 210). More precisely, the Author refers to the paradoxical effects of the use of the Internet 'in preserving social and cultural connections' among diasporic com munities worldwide; indeed, if it is true world religions could arguably not suc ceed in keeping their faithfuls' conscience alive without it, the building of such a global network technology unfolds 'democratic characteristics that are also corrosive of religious authority' (p. xviii). Thus, well-established definitions of Islamic holy law—following Weber's account of the irrational characteristics of Shari'a (p. 152) — that made it in principle a frozen set of religious norms, 'closed to further interpreta tion', cannot be applied anymore to the contemporary period. Since modern Muslim migrants living...