post-Soviet Research Articles

Механизмы сотрудничества тюркоязычных стран в период с 1991 по 2022 год

Introduction. Studying the cooperation strategies of Turkish-speaking countries has important practical significance. Establishing cooperation mechanisms is an important way to implement cooperation strategies. The purpose of this study is to attempt to comprehensively analyze the process of establishing cooperation mechanisms among Turkish-speaking countries over the past 33 years. Methods and materials. The research on the cooperation mechanisms of Turkish-speaking countries in the international academic community can be divided into two stages: before and after the establishment of the Organization of Turkic States. However, these studies have not systematically revealed the fundamental changes and development prospects of the cooperation mechanisms among Turkish-speaking countries. This article aims to address these issues through the methods of case studies and comparative analysis. Analysis. Turkish-speaking countries have experienced four stages of establishing cooperation mechanisms, marked by the convening of the Summits of heads of Turkish-speaking states (1991–2008), the establishment of the Turkic Council (2009–2018), expanding its membership (from 2018 to November 2021), and its renaming to the Organization of Turkic States (from November 2021). Results. This study draws the several conclusions. Firstly, in the post-Soviet era, Turkish-speaking countries have worked hard to form discussions on the nature and prospects of their relations, which has led to changes in the cooperative narrative logic, actors, and characteristics of activities in the “Turkic world.” Secondly, the main factor affecting the current and future cooperation of Turkish-speaking countries is their national interests, not pan-Turkism. Thirdly, one of the most important factors affecting the implementation of Türkiye’s cooperation strategy is the position of the Turkish-speaking countries in Central Asia. Fourthly, cooperation between Turkish-speaking countries is currently at its highest level. Based on the mechanisms they have established, these countries have the potential to become a pole in the multipolar world.

Направления развития системы таможенно-тарифного регулирования РФ в условиях новой нормальности

The purpose of this article is to review and analyze domestic and foreign studies devoted to the problem of the effectiveness of the application of the customs policy of the Russian Federation. The main objective of the article is to summarize the theoretical and practical experience of using the tools of customs and tariff regulation and to develop recommendations for improving the effectiveness of their use as a way of ensuring the economic security of the country. The liberalization of foreign economic relations within the framework of integration associations, as a key element of globalization, allows the most effective transformation of the structure of exports and imports of countries, taking into account their international specialization and competitive advantages. In these conditions, it is important for the national economy to achieve a certain balance between the elimination of barriers and reducing the negative consequences of integration for the member states. This problem has gained additional relevance in light of the deepening of the integration processes of the Russian Federation in the post-Soviet space within the framework of the Eurasian Economic Union. The reduction of institutional barriers to foreign trade imposes additional requirements on the effectiveness of customs and tariff regulation systems. This involves identifying existing problems and developing measures to solve them. The measures proposed in the article to improve the instruments of customs and tariff regulation make it possible to reduce the negative effect of restrictive measures on the national economy.

The problem of diplomatic recognition of the USSR by the Third Republic in the autumn of 1924: a view from France

The article examines the reaction of the French press to the diplomatic recognition of the USSR by the Third Republic, which took place on the initiative of the government of E. Herriot on October 28, 1924. The authors pay special attention to the role of the press in preparing public opinion for the future establishment of diplomatic relations. The study of the public discussion that broke out on the pages of newspapers allows us to analyze the attitude of various political forces of the Third Republic to the problem of prolonged recognition, as well as views on the evolution of the young Soviet state in the international arena, solutions to the problem of paying off debts of the Russian Empire and the future of Franco-Soviet trade relations. The centennial anniversary of the diplomatic recognition of the USSR by France serves as an additional incentive to explore new aspects of a landmark event in the history of international recognition of the USSR and Franco-Soviet relations in the interwar period. The scientific novelty of the proposed research lies in the involvement of a wide range of sources, as well as in the generalization of scientific literature on the studied problem. The authors of the article conclude that the active public discussion of France's recognition of the Soviet state on the pages of the central press lasted no more than a week, but demonstrated a clear polarization of opinions. The problems of "Russian debts", the rapprochement of the USSR with Germany, as well as the risks of "exporting the revolution" were discussed particularly acutely. The socialist newspapers, though restrained, undoubtedly welcomed the recognition of the USSR, while the right-wing bourgeois French press did not hesitate to express its extreme wariness and even hostility to the consequences of the decision.

The review of monograph "The history of antidepressants. Book I: The irreversible non-selective inhibitors of mono-amine oxidase" by D. S. Danilov

The publication is the only monograph in Russia devoted to description of history of development of irreversible non-selective inhibitors of mono-amine oxidase. It is the first group of antidepressants becoming available for physicians to be applied in clinical practice. The necessity of such publications is obvious because information presented through history perspective permits to better understand process of formation of modern practical guidelines of applying psychotropic drugs. The monograph presents well structured thorough systematization and detailed analysis of data of history of irreversible non-selective inhibitors of mono-amine oxidase. The text includes multitude of facts of scientific interest. For example, application of drug in the USSR, Russia and other countries of post-Soviet space, input of specialists from these countries into development of psycho-pharmacotherapy, experience of using inhibitors of mono-amine oxidase in treatment of somatic diseases. In addition, every chapter presents many historical excursus into important general psychiatric and even general medical issues. The monograph undoubtedly will arise interest among psychiatrists, neurologists, pharmacologists, etc.

Reflections on Eurocommunism in the UK

Eurocommunism could not save the CPGB, but the concept of the broad democratic alliance still has importance The attraction of communism in the 1970s was its strong commitment to challenging the whole system rather than finding ways to manage capitalism. This was a decade in which there was a real struggle to hold on to, and even develop further, the achievements of the postwar settlement. At that point we sometimes thought we were winning, and joining an anti-capitalist party was a way of expressing this optimism. By the mid-1970s, Eurocommunism was making communism much more attractive to people of my generation. Eurocommunist parties were breaking away from their subordination to the Soviet party, and starting to base their strategies on the political realities of Western Europe; their belief in democracy had finally won out over their ingrained loyalty to the Soviet state. In the UK discussions were beginning on a new version of The British Road to Socialism (BRS), which, after many battles, adopted the notion of a broad democratic alliance for change. There was also the beginnings of an expanded sense of what constituted politics, one of many important ideas that had come from Gramsci. However, the embrace of Eurocommunism did not turn out to be the salvation of the CPGB, which voted to close itself down in 1991. The most important factor leading to its dissolution was the changing nature of the working class and the decline of the organised labour movement within the UK ‐ itself a symptom of the wider, victorious, neoliberal counter-offensive. The other European communist parties, Eurocommunist or not, are now for the most part in decline. But some of the ideas that Eurocommunists in the UK were trying to develop remain of relevance. These include its early attempts to recognise new political subjects within the public realm, and the importance of forming alliances across difference. Rock Against Racism, the Greenham Common Women’s Peace Camp, the GLC under Ken Livingstone’s leadership, and the creative ways in which community support for the NUM was mobilised in 1984-5, are examples of the kinds of politics we supported.

“Party principles” in the views of Grigory Evseevich Zinoviev

The subject of the article is the views of one of the founders of the Soviet state and the Bolshevik party, G. E. Zinoviev (1883-1936), on the essence and functions of the communist party. This topic is analyzed through the prism of the political biography of the hero, which determined the emphasis placed on the following three points: 1) understanding of the Communist Party, 2) the place of the Party in the Soviet political system, 3) the boundaries of intra-party pluralism. The sources for the analysis are the texts of books, speeches, articles, drafts, brochures and statements of G. E. Zinoviev. In addition to the specified range of sources, the presented work is based on the existing historiography about G. E. Zinoviev (the works of Yu. N. Zhukov, S. S. Voitikov, V. N. Samokhodkin, E. D. Fliginskaya and other researchers). In his work, the author used a materialistic concept (in particular, historical determinism), as well as historical-genetic and historical-typological methods. It is established that Grigory Evseevich Zinoviev had his own formal views on the essence and functions of the Communist Party, which followed the general course of Bolshevism, but also had their own characteristics. Zinoviev's definition of the Communist Party boiled down to recognizing it as the only vanguard and political organization of the proletariat, and the possibility of the existence of only one Communist Party was emphasized, and within this Communist Party the impossibility of forming internal factions was postulated. The scientific novelty of the study lies in the fact that it systematizes the views of such a major Bolshevik and Soviet figure as G. E. Zinoviev on the role and functions of the Communist Party, as well as their inclusion in the history of Marxist and Bolshevik political thought.

Transformation of Soviet State Policy in the Field of Motherhood and Childhood Protection at the Turn of 1980–1990s

The scientific relevance of the article is related to the importance of identifying the prerequisites for the transition from protecting motherhood and childhood to protecting the rights of women and children in the state policy in the 1990s. Such prerequisites were of a social nature and marked the beginning of the transformation of Soviet state policy at the turn of the 1980–1990s. Accordingly, the aim of the article is to highlight the social reasons for the transformation of Soviet state policy regarding the protection of motherhood and childhood at the turn of 1980–1990s. To achieve the aim, the article uses historical, logical and cause-and-effect methods. The scientific novelty of the research is defined by a number of documents that have not been previously introduced into scientific circulation. These include paperwork documents of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR and documents related to the implementation of a set of resolutions which are stored in the State Archive of the Russian Federation. The study also includes documents reflecting statistical data, such as report of the USSR on the implementation of the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women and documents from the collection of modern political documents of the State Public Historical Library of Russia (GPIB of Russia). Data from periodicals of the indicated years were also used. The study shows that in the context of political changes in 1980–1990s the social issue, due to many political and economic reasons, required a new solution. This entailed, among other things, a change in ideas in society about the tasks of the state in the field of motherhood and childhood. As a result, there was a need to transform policy regarding the protection of motherhood and childhood, which was most fully expressed in the 1990s.

State Migration Policy: Determining Criteria of Effectiveness in the Recipient State

A significant increase of migration flows directed to the Russian Federation from the PostSoviet states makes it possible to consider the modern Russian Federation as one of the main centers of migration attraction in the world, namely, the recipient state of external migration. Migration policy of the recipient state has certain features, which is due to the need to differentiate external migration into demanded and undesirable, to ensure a balance between the interests of government and society, to combine aspects of national security of the state and the personality with an economic and demographic approach to migration. Currently, there are several methods for determining the effectiveness of state migration policy developed by various international organizations, but these methods are focused on developing countries, which, as a rule, are the donor states of migration, or consider the effectiveness of individual components. For example, socio-cultural adaptation and integration of migrants into the host society. In this regard, the need to create new approaches of evaluation the set of measures realized by the state in the field of external migration in the context of the recipient state itself is actualized. Effective migration policy of the recipient state combines approaches that ensure the protection of national interests, the security of the state, society and the personality. It closes addressable the temporary needs of the national labor market, which makes it possible to formulate a number of objective criteria for its evaluation.

Особенности наследования переживших супругов в государствах различных правовых систем

The article analyzes and compares legislative approaches to determining the order and conditions of inheritance of a surviving spouse in various legal systems of our time. Much attention, in particular, is paid to the analysis of the relevant sections of the legislation of England, the United States of America, individual Islamic states, as well as states formed in the post-Soviet space. Based on the conducted research, it is shown that the variety of legal approaches discussed in the article refl ects the features of the historical development of the relevant civil law institutions of national legislation.

К вопросу особенностей реализации государственной антикоррупционной политики в странах Центральной Азии

This article reveals the features of modern state anti-corruption policy in a separate group of countries of the post-Soviet space. The study presents an analysis of the specifics of the main approaches to combating corruption in the Central Asian states and the implementation of the existing anti-corruption model from the point of view of international and regional recommendations in this area. Particular attention in the work is paid to the commonality of cultural factors, the state-political structure of the countries under consideration and the relevance of individual anti-corruption mechanisms for the Russian anti-corruption model.

К вопросу о конституционных основах советского федерализма и их преемственности в построении Российской Федерации

In this article, the author analyzes the features of the construction of federal relations in the Soviet period. The author characterizes the development of federalism after the creation of the Soviet state, reveals the peculiarities and difficulties of the formation of federal relations of this period. The author also analyzes the continuity in the modern model of Russian federalism of certain features of Soviet federalism. Based on the analysis of the historical development of Russian federalism, the author reveals the features of building federalism on the modern development of the Russian state, including the institution of federal intervention.

Homing desires: Transnational queer migrants negotiating homes and homelands in Scotland

A vast literature on the home across sociology, human geography and cognate disciplines has mapped out home as a messy conceptual terrain. Critical perspectives have theorised home as simultaneously imaginative and material, and argued for the importance to pay attention to both dimensions. Following in this tradition, empirical research has explored how ‘home’ is understood, imagined and experienced in everyday life, and how imagery and experiences of home are inflected by class, race/ethnicity, migrancy, gender, sexuality, age and able-bodiness. In the literature on home, however, migrancy and sexuality are rarely brought together. This article advances existing debates on the home though an intersectional exploration of the home/migration/sexuality nexus, drawing on research with queer migrants from Central Eastern Europe (CEE) and the Former Soviet Union (FSU) living in Scotland. Methodologically, the article draws on photo diaries and photo elicitation interviews to explore queer migrants’ sense of home: an approach that allows us to untangle the spatial, material, imaginary, affective and temporal dimensions of home. Empirically, we show how both migrancy and sexuality inform our participants’ complex experiences and understandings of home. Conceptually, the article brings into conversation literatures on the migrant and the queer home, which have hitherto been largely separate, and proposes ways to advance the exploration of the home/migration/sexuality nexus.

Post-Soviet power hierarchies in the making: Postcolonialism in Tajikistan’s relations with Russia

AbstractThis article explores post-Soviet power hierarchies which constitute a unique system of vertical stratification in world politics. It does so by analysing relations between two former Soviet states, Tajikistan and Russia, in the aftermath of the Soviet Union’s collapse in 1991. The article investigates the underlying reasons for power asymmetries between the two countries, the ways hierarchies are sustained and enforced, as well as perceived and navigated at political and social levels. It is argued that Tajikistan’s relations with Russia are explicitly postcolonial without clear-cut colonial precedents in Soviet times. Postcolonialism did not automatically result from the Soviet breakdown. Rather, it has gradually emerged because of the two countries’ very different paths of integration into the global capitalist economy, which subordinated Tajikistan to Russia. In this way, new economic asymmetries exacerbated Soviet-era legacies and reinvented them in a new, hierarchical manner. Overall, the article contributes to the debate on the nature of post-Soviet legacies and what it means to be post-Soviet.

(e)Managing the uncertainty of tuberculosis in the post-Soviet limbo: Tracking prisoners' coerced mobility for treatment in Ukrainian prisons

The collapse of the Soviet Union triggered an escalation of the tuberculosis (TB) epidemic in many post-Soviet countries, including Ukraine. The main reasons for this situation include both the approach to TB care and the concentration of TB cases in prisons. The neoliberal approach to TB care system reform promises the optimization of treatment terms, "dehospitalization" and “despecialization” of the system of care, and a different type of control, established through digital technologies. One such technology is the “e-TB Manager”, which was designated as a national TB registry, including in the prison system in 2012.In prison, where everyone “is to be fixed” and isolated, the uncertainty of patients’ movements seems to be avoided by pre-existing conditions. In practice, however, the vertically aligned, centralized organizational structure of the post-Soviet prison implies a constant need to link its elements together through “coerced” mobility carried out in secrecy. Treatment in exile may not be the primary goal of such a practice, but it becomes the result when prisoners from numerous prison facilities are sent to a limited number of prison TB hospitals. The integration of the e-TB Manager as a tool to enable the tracking of patient movements and, consequently, improve the efficiency of diagnostic and treatment processes in prison, can be seen as both a purely technical measure and a “magic bullet”.In this article, we argue that, in the case of Ukrainian prisons, the neoliberal approach and the Soviet socialist approach to gaining control over TB indeed adapt and reinforce each other but fail to compete meaningfully. The fragmented implementation of one is absorbed by the fundamental and resilient nature of the other to produce and reproduce the state of “post-Soviet limbo”. We use the “post-Soviet limbo” as an overall framework aimed at conceptualizing the post-Soviet transformation as a combination of efforts to avoid and manage the uncertainty of TB treatment, especially in prison. We examine the empirical case of coerced mobility of prisoners who require TB treatment, seeking to trace how this process is reflected in the e-TB Manager. We provide a more in-depth picture of this journey with details gathered from qualitative research materials to situate numbers and variables in their contexts, deconstructing the way the data are recorded according to the logic of the system in which they are produced.

Drawing the line: public attitudes towards warranted and unwarranted government surveillance in European countries

This article investigates public attitudes towards government surveillance for law enforcement and national security in different European countries, considering the broader context of citizens' security concerns. These concerns encompass crime within individual countries, potential terrorist attacks, activities of foreign agents, and even inter-state conflicts, such as the Russian Federation's military aggression against Ukraine. Using data from the International Social Survey Programme, we examine opinions about various types of government surveillance. Regression analysis is employed to determine which variables influence these opinions. Notably, there is a tangible hesitation among citizens regarding such surveillance, stemming from fears of privacy invasion and potential misuse of collected data. Our findings indicate greater support for government surveillance in Western and Nordic countries compared to post-Communist countries. Respondents with a comprehensive understanding of political issues and those advocating for government spending on security generally held a more positive view of government surveillance rights. On the other hand, perceptions of higher corruption were linked to negative views on surveillance.

Soviet Library Policy on the Organization of Interaction between Science and Society in the 1920s–1930s

The purpose of the article is a critical analysis of the historical experience of forming the educational Soviet state library policy in the 1920s and 1930s and determination of the possibilities of its modern use. It is shown that the basis of this policy were the views of the domestic revolutionary democrats on science and its popularization, as well as V. I. Lenin’s ideas about the political education of the working class and the development of its political consciousness. It is noted that the library educational policy began to be formed within the framework of the educational concept of librarianship as a form of extracurricular education and political propaganda in the late XIX – early XX century, however, the political and organizational conditions for its implementation developed only in Soviet times. The main motive for the formation of the Soviet educational policy was the need to prepare workers and peasants for participation in public administration throughout the power vertical, the fight against the church, as well as improving workers and peasants’ technical and agricultural literacy. Propaganda became the main form of interaction as the most concentrated expression of political, scientific and technical education. These political and pedagogical principles are disclosed and conclusions are drawn about the prospects of using the experience of those years when forming modern library policy on the organization of interaction between science and society. The main achievements and shortcomings are analyzed. The experience of the 1920s and 1930s shows that such policy will become successful if keeping to the following conditions: 1) the library policy in this direction being an integral part of the national educational and scientific policy; 2) the organized management of educational and scientific reading; 3) library impact should have an active character; 4) principles of modern educational library policy are modernized taking into account the achievements of pedagogical science in the field of enlightenment, sociology of reading, information culture and popularization of science.

Exploring alternative preschool education methods in Georgia: Enhancing accessibility

This study is relevant as it examines public-private partnerships in early childhood education in Georgia, seeking solutions to the significant educational challenges common to post-Soviet regions. It assesses the suitability of alternative educational models in a society that is still struggling with the infrastructural legacy of the Soviet past, providing valuable recommendations for policy reforms needed to expand access to and improve the quality of preschool education. The purpose of the study was to assess the readiness of Georgian society to implement alternative educational practices. Drawing upon the experiences of post-Soviet nations, alongside international insights and local perspectives, the study aims to provide comprehensive insights into the feasibility and effectiveness of alternative models in Georgia. Employing a mixed-methods approach encompassing qualitative interviews, surveys, and data analysis, the research examines the strengths, challenges, and implementation prospects of various alternative models within the unique socio-economic and cultural context of post-Soviet Georgia. Early childhood education in post-Soviet and similar countries confronts common challenges in access and quality, despite varied policies, with efforts such as legislation and public-private partnerships aimed at addressing financial and geographical barriers. Persistent disparities in preschool systems across the region, as illustrated by reform initiatives and staffing issues in Georgia, highlight the need for continuous reforms. These factors underscore the importance of sustained policy efforts to support comprehensive and effective early learning environments. The results underscore a compelling need for alternative education avenues in Georgia, particularly in regions facing infrastructural and geographical barriers similar to those experienced in other post-Soviet nations. While highlighting the potential benefits of public-private partnerships models, the study also identifies key challenges that need to be addressed to ensure their successful implementation within the post-Soviet context. The practical value of this study extends to policymakers, educators, and communities across post-Soviet countries with similar educational challenges. By advocating for legislative reforms to incorporate alternative approaches, this research contributes to ongoing efforts to strengthen preschool education and promote inclusivity in post-Soviet Georgia and beyond

EU Energy Policy: Difficulties in the Way of Implementation of Tasks

The article studies the problem of energy policy of the EU. Issues of creation of conditions necessary for realization of declared goals are considered. The features of implementation of the tasks are highlighted. It is concluded that the energy policy of the EU countries has both a number of advantages and a number of difficulties, which can become a significant obstacle to the implementation of all announced projects. The formation of European Union energy policy in recent years has been strongly influenced by external factors, such as: the emergence and development of new technologies, climate change, EU countries’ dependence on energy imports and new policy decisions. Considerable attention is being paid to renewable energy (RES) technologies, which, according to the official EU strategy, will be used for the construction of a closed energy system. Renewable energies include marine renewable energy, “green” public procurement, solar panels, alternative fuels. However, these projects pose a number of challenges for European countries, such as the need to build new infrastructure and reform the tax system. The fulfilment of all the objectives of the “European Green Deal” also involves certain risks, for example, the loss of a significant number of jobs by heavy industry workers and the loss of competitiveness of certain branches of the economy. European energy policy undoubtedly influences the policy of the Russian Federation. The global trend on renewable energy directly concerns Russia and the countries of the post-Soviet space, because this region has a high potential in this industry. This is particularly true for renewable energy sources such as wind power and hydropower. The development of renewable energy sources is undoubtedly a very important process for world politics, because energy is one of the most important resources that nations possess. It is very important to take this into account when considering the world’s political strategies.

The Situation of Monastic Houses in Soviet Moldova

In 1944, after the withdrawal of the Romanian authorities from Bessarabia, some members of the monastic community, priests, deacons, cantors, especially those with higher education and high hierarchical positions, took refuge. The number of monasteries was considerably reduced. If in 1945 in the new Soviet republic - the Moldovan SSR - 25 monasteries and hermitages were registered (16 - monks and 9 - nuns), in 1956 - 15, of which 7 - monks and 8 - nuns. The only continuously functioning monastery was that of Japca. The cruel mechanism of liquidation of places of worship was part of the strategy of the Soviet authorities to eradicate all forms of spiritual expression and resistance. These radical actions of the Soviet state had a boomerang effect on religious sentiment. It is therefore no coincidence that the collapse of the Soviet Union was inextricably linked to the widespread religious movement in the present-day Republic of Moldova, followed by the reopening of the places of worship dismantled by the Soviets.

Геополитика как опасная патология политического сознания

The article is analytical and does not connected with questions of current politics. The radical difference between politics in genuine, Aristotelian meaning od word and political manipulations for solution of current political issues od day is emphasized. The historical, moral and sociological aspects of geopolitical paradigm in terms of imminent defectiveness of it and caused multiple negative consequences are considered. Among the topics of analysis are historical origin and evolution of geopolitical ideology from ancient China till European version of it – Machiavellianiism, and also a modern definition and understanding of geopolitics. The imminent pathologies of geopolitical consciousness are connected with mythology on national exclusiveness, ostensible uniqueness of different countries’ “special path”, etc. It was burdened in addition in several European states by post imperial political syndrome. Special sections of article are devoted to key crossroads in the history of Russia and also to condition of public political consciousness in the post Soviet period. It is characterized by deformations of value system, complex of social inferiority, fear of changes and deep socio psychological trauma. That usual for transit periods and finds a sort of compensation in vulgar pseudo patriotism. On the other side, the author is disagree and argues against of pessimistic, fatalistic judgements of Russian national political consciousness and culture and against of conclusion on supposed unpreparedness of us to democratic development.