Positions Of Political Parties Research Articles

Research on the Two-way Interaction Between Voters and Political Parties in Elections

In democratic politics in the Western world, the process of elections are full with direct interactions with voters. Hence, voters choice affects whether a political party can become the ruling party. Voters prefer to choose parties that are in line with their own interests, and political parties need voters support to win the election. This paper studies the two-way interaction between voters and political parties in elections. The needs of target voters will affect the political views and positions of political parties. Therefore, in order to gain support, the party will promise to carry out some policies that would benefit the target voters. While the voters affect political parties positions, the parties also affect the voters choices, and Brexit is an example worth studying. Through media and advertisements, parties promote their core values and achievements, shape the image of candidates, and belittle the opponents. In this way, the parties can affect the votes preferable party and thus win the election.

The comparative meaning of political space: a comprehensive modeling approach

Abstract In latent scaling applications, such as the positioning of political parties, differential item functioning (DIF) may occur because of measurement issues or because of substantive differences in the association between latent and manifest variables. While the first source of DIF has received considerable attention, the second has not, although it is of potential interest to comparative scholars. In this research note, we introduce a novel hierarchical Bayesian item response model that allows us to disentangle different sources of DIF. Drawing on the 2019 Chapel Hill Expert Survey (CHES), we highlight how the same issues are unequally politicized across Western Europe, and how some issues are less ideologically determined than others. Our model can be adapted to alternate settings, allowing researchers to shine a light on variation in, e.g., ideology, issue politicization, or party competition.

The conflict between left and right on the policy of immigration

Right-wing populism, since the beginning of the twenty-first century, has had notable impact on politicizing migration and immigration in Western Europe. In contrast to economic concerns about immigration, the far right's ethnocentric, anti-immigration identity politics became more prevalent in the early 2000s. This study investigates the extent to which the far right's exploitation of multiculturalism and ethnocentrism in Western European party systems remains unrelated to economic conflict. In nine Western European nations, party competition is structured by a more recent multiculturalism-ethnocentrism dimension, and we examine how it interacts with the traditional left-right economic dimension. In 1999, the positions of political parties on multiculturalism and economics were largely distinct; however, by 2009, the two dimensions had become highly correlated, and by 2014, the correlation had grown even stronger. Both the de facto adoption of rightist economic policies by the extreme right and the mainstream right's growing ethnocentrism have contributed to this shift. Some claim that the far right is driving this realignment, and the policy implications are discussed.

Results of the Parliamentary Elections in France and their impact on Russian-French Relations

The article examines the results of the parliamentary elections in France held on June 12 and 19, 2022. The results of the leading political parties in the elections of 2017 and 2022 are compared, and all these parties that were represented in parliament in the period from 2017 to 2022 are characterized. The results of the activities of the French government, formed by President and Leader of party Republic on the March! E. Macron following the results of the 2018 elections. The reasons for maintaining the rating of this government and its influence on the course of the election campaign are revealed. It is considered how the coronavirus pandemic and the government's actions to overcome its consequences affected the course and results of the election campaign. The assessment of the activities of the main opposition parties of this country is given. The course of the election campaign and its main topics, as well as the positions of political parties and coalitions that were elected to parliament following these elections are considered: the coalition Together (For a President Majority), led by the Chairman of the National Assembly R.Ferrand, uniting the Renaissance, Democratic Movement and Horizon parties, the New People's Ecological and Social Union coalition (NPESU) led by the leader of the Unconquered France party J.-L.Melenchon, which also united the socialist and communist parties, and the Europe, Ecology, Greens party, the National Unification Party of Marine Le Pen, which was headed on the eve of the elections by MEP J.Bordella, and the coalition of the Union of the Right and Centrists led by the leader of the Republicans Party, C.Jacob, which also included the Union of Democrats and Independents party. The positions of these parties are presented. The state of Russian-French relations is analyzed and a forecast is given of how the election results will affect relations between RF and France.

The rise and fall of GMOs in politics: party positions and mainstream party behaviour in Western Europe

ABSTRACT Social and environmental scientists usually argue that political parties hold hostile positions towards GMOs, yet we are confronted with a lack of systematic comparative analyses in the West European context. Conducting a quantitative content analysis of 265 election manifestos in seven Western European countries from 1990 until 2020, we test this assumption and explore the salience of GMOs in election manifestos and the positions of political parties on this domain. Our findings reveal that GMOs are neither a particular salient nor ignored issue by political parties and that most party families do tend to reject GMOs. Mainstream parties are more likely to talk about GMOs and to take a critical stance during periods of high mobilization of anti-GMO movements. Additionally, we hypothesize that the presence of a Green party in the national party system may make a difference. The findings provide insights into mainstream parties’ behaviour on niche issues and information for the scientific community about how political parties may become less hostile towards GMOs.

Drivers of domestic politicisation of European issues: explaining low politicisation of differentiated integration in Czechia

ABSTRACT This article contributes to the debate on domestic politicisation of EU issues by suggesting hitherto overlooked explanation of (non)politicisation. This paper uses Czechia as an intriguing case in which the mainstream explanations of a low level of domestic politicisation of EU issues do not apply. The Czech case illustrates that, first, even in the context of high public Euroscepticism, EU issues do not necessarily become politicised, particularly so when the public does not consider them to be important. Second, high politicisation does not occur when there is a path dependency of a mismatch between positions of political parties and significant parts of their electorates on EU issues. Finally, the rise of catch-all populist parties prevents a high level of politicisation of EU issues.

Koncepcje dywersyfikacji źródeł i kierunków dostaw ropy naftowej do Polski w myśli politycznej Sojuszu Lewicy Demokratycznej w latach 2001–2005

The construction of a more diversified crude oil supplies structure to domestic refineries was treated differently by individual political parties in Poland. For the Democratic Left Alliance, a key element contributing to energy security was the need to ensure a constant supply of this commodity at the lowest possible price, and not to diversify the sources and directions of crude oil supplies. Therefore, the SLD government held talks on regulating the transit position of Poland (an initiative of the Russian side), but at the same time raised the need to build the Odessa-Brody-Plock pipeline. The aim of the article was to analyze the political thought of the Democratic Left Alliance in terms of ensuring alternative sources and directions of oil supplies to the Russian Federation, and to identify the potential consequences of the views and decisions made. The main assumption was that in the SLD concept, supplies from the Russian Federation played the most important role, but cooperation with other oil exporters created an opportunity to build a more diversified structure of import this commodity to Poland. Taking up the topic was important due to the lack of studies in which we can find the results of original studies on the position of political parties in the context of building a diversified structure of crude oil supplies, as well as the construction of the Odessa-Brody-Plock pipeline.

Ethnopolitical Processes in the Hutsul and Boykos Regions in the 1920s (On the Documents of Local Authorities of Stanislaviv Voivodeship)

The events of recent years have shown the need for regional studies. The problems of regionalism have a deep historical retrospective. The Second Polish Republic attempted to change the map of regionalism, in particular in the Ukrainian Carpathians, inhibited by the Ukrainian ethnographic groups of Hutsuls, Boykos, Lemkos. This attempt was unsuccessful and the local population didn’t support it. How did the regional Polish government see these processes? Despite the significant amount of work on the given subject, the period of the 1920s is not sufficiently researched. This article focuses on the political sources of identification, namely the activities of parties and public organizations in the Hutsul and Boykiv regions of 1924–1929 within the Stanisłav Voivodeship, it studies them through the perception of local Polish authorities. The unpublished documents of the State Archives of the Ivano-Frankivsk region make up the source base of the study. The analysed documents prove that the Ukrainian national identity of the Galician Hutsuls and Boykos in the 1920s was real and functional. It was the active position of political parties as well as cultural-educational, cooperative and other organizations, the position with a distinct Ukrainian ethno-national character that played an important role in its "formation" and manifestation. The most popular parties were the Ukrainian National Democratic Union and the Ukrainian Socialist Radical Party, both of them clearly stated their disagreement concerning the issue of the Ukrainian lands being a part of Poland and they strived for an independent Ukraine. Pro-Polish parties were far from very popular. Compared to Hutsulshchyna, Galician Boykivshchyna was characterized by an obviously higher degree of ethnical politicization. The ethno-political processes of the 1920s in the Hutsul and Boykiv regions resulted in the establishment of the Ukrainian national self-consciousness. In practice, on the local level even Polish officials did not question the national roots of Hutsuls and Boykos and them being Ukrainian; this fact only adds to the artificial character of the following Polish policy of local "regionalisms" of the 1930s. In general, the imaginary picture of the ethnical-political process in the region, provided by the local authority documents, was objective. The question whether it influenced the political decision-making process is open and still to be studied.

Parteipositionen und Wählerpräferenzen in der Bundestagswahl 2021. Ein Vergleich mithilfe des Wahl-Kompasses

The German voting advice application “Wahl-Kompass” allows the positioning of political parties in a political landscape with the two dimensions “conservative-traditional versus progressive ecological” and “redistribution versus personal responsibility” . Political parties are positioned based on party self-positioning and an analysis of the party manifestos . Around 500,000 citizens used Wahl-Kompass, and around 15,000 participated in an additional voluntary survey . The analysis showed that in the policy areas of income taxation, housing regulations, and stricter climate change regulation, which were polarizing among the parties, party responsiveness (consensus between voters and party position) was relatively high among all parties . Reforms for a unitary pension system and unitary health insurance are supported by a majority of voters of all parties . CDU/CSU and FDP party leaders, however, reject these proposals .

The role of sex and gender in search behavior for political information on the internet

Abstract Previous studies have emphasized a person’s biological sex as a factor which influences online search behavior. This study aims to investigate how people (N = 44 students) search online for political information (N = 220 search tasks) and if gendered online search exists. We examined online search behavior via eye tracking while the participants searched for information about political party positions on the Internet. A content analysis of the eye tracking data followed and was evaluated with a special focus on the role of biological sex and social gender, and the relationship of both factors with other variables, such as self-reported prior political knowledge, political interest, and Internet skills (via an online survey). The results accord with previous studies in that the sex influences the online search process. However, this relationship was partially mediated by self-reported political interest and prior knowledge. This outcome calls for a more critical use of the sex variable in reference to political online search behavior, and the inclusion of sex and gender related variables.

Eye tracking data (Frequently Applied Designs)

Eye tracking data (Frequently Applied Designs)

Discourse on Contemporary Nepali Politics based on Class and Identity Politics

The class and identity, these two factors have become major driving forces of contemporary Nepali politics. Class politics related to left political spectrum is defined as broader than identity politics. Broadly, it is believed that the left politics can support many identity question; so, identity politics can be packaged within the class politics as well. However, the contemporary Nepali politics is not in this frame where the long history of left politics is. Now, the communist party is ruling party and parallel to it the identity politics is raising in a new speed positioning as third largest political power.It has made the discourse of identity politics as an attractive agenda of discourse in Nepal. The article is completely about this new discourse of identity politics in Nepal with comparative analysis with class-based politics, its outlook and action upon identity in burning politics of Nepal. The discussion of the article isbased on the position of political parties secured in federal parliament through election, raise of the identity politics and its political agendas with some contents of class.

The functions and positions of political parties in consociational democracies: theoretical and empirical contexts

An article is devoted to the analysis of the functions and formats of political parties in consociational democracies. In particular, it is defined that parties that represent the interests of certain subcultures in society and that reach a consensus among themselves at the level of political agreements are called segmental. At the same time, parties that encapsulate different subgroups of the society that cooperate inside the party within main features of the consociational theory (grand coalition, mutual veto, proportionality in representations, and independence of segments or society subcultures) are called consociational.
 The theory of consociationalism has received a wide range of theoretical additions and criticism from political scientists over the past fifty years. And while political parties should have been, by definition, one of the key aspects of research within such democratic regimes (parties are part of large coalitions and agents of representation of certain subcultures), there is very scarce number of literature that focuses on this aspect. Therefore, the presented article provides a description of the functions of political parties that could be observed as inside their subcultures as well as in interaction with other segmental parties.
 Based on the experience of two European countries in the period of “classical” consociationalism (Belgium and the Netherlands), we explain the functions of the parties we have defined in such societies with examples of relevant consociational practices in them. Simultaneously with the analysis of segmental parties, the article also offers the characteristics of consociational parties. The emergence of such parties has its own institutional and historical features. The way of further development of the party system and the level of preservation of consociational practices makes it possible to understand the nature of changes in the societies. Similarly, the analysis of the forms of party competition and interaction between segmental parties makes it possible to outline the forms of those consociational changes that are taking place in the research countries.

Do party positions affect the public's policy preferences? Experimental evidence on support for family policies

Abstract The standard assumption of exogenous policy preferences implies that parties set their positions according to their voters’ preferences. Focusing on family policies, we investigate the reverse effect: Are the electorates’ policy preferences responsive to party positions? In a representative German survey, we inform randomized treatment groups about the positions of political parties on two disputed family policies, child care subsidy and universal student aid. In both experiments, the information treatment aligns policy preferences of specific partisan groups with their preferred party's position, implying endogenous policy preferences. The treatment also affects non-partisan swing voters, suggesting that party positioning can affect the public's preferences beyond their partisans.

Peran Vicarious Liability Dalam Pertanggungjawaban Korporasi (Studi Terhadap Kejahatan Korupsi Yang Dilakukan Oleh Kader Partai Politik)

This study aims to identify and analyze: first , the position of political parties as private law subjects; second , the role of vicarious liability in the effort to convict legal entities of political parties. The research method used is normative juridical with a statutory approach. This study concludes that first , political parties as legal entities which are also legal subjects can be held accountable for acts of human rights violations, based on the theories and formulations of the laws and regulations that have been regulated in the Republic of Indonesia. Second , vicarious liability plays a role in efforts to punish legal entities such as political parties in the form of fines or additional penalties, which in practice experience difficulties or weaknesses .

The Party Politics of Foreign and Security Policy

AbstractThe positions of political parties in various foreign policy questions and how such ideological stances matter in foreign and security policy decision-making remain largely unexplored beyond the specific case of the United States. Reviewing the “state of the art” in foreign policy analysis and comparative politics, this introductory article discusses the changing nature of both international politics and party systems and cleavages in Europe and beyond. It puts forward reasons why we should see different patterns of coalitions and party behavior in security policy, on the one hand, and in international trade and foreign aid, on the other hand. The articles in this Special Issue have been deliberately chosen to capture different elements of “partyness,” from analyzing party positions to actual behavior by legislatures and governments to transnational party networks. Our main argument is that there are genuine ideological differences between political parties and that the impact of these competing ideologies is also discernible in foreign policy decision-making.

Promoting Constitutional Democracy: Regulating Political Parties in the Central African Republic and Senegal

Constitutions and other legal frameworks are expected to ensure the protection of the fundamental and collective rights of citizens. In this respect, the regulation of political parties is a global phenomenon, which symbolises multi-party democracy, the rule of law and good governance. This article examines the phenomenon of the constitutional and legal regulation of political parties in the Central African Republic (hereafter CAR) and Senegal, two francophone countries with different trajectories and experiences of multi-party democracy. It identifies possible challenges and shortcomings of the regulation of political parties in the two countries, especially in relation to the actual implementation of the existing national frameworks. The article attempts to suggest possible frameworks for an effective implementation of the constitutional and legal rights of political parties, including the constitutionalisation of the enforcement mechanisms, which would undeniably protect the position of political parties in constitutional democracies. In conclusion, the article highlights the role of an independent judiciary in the promotion and protection of the constitutional and legal status of all political parties in the CAR and Senegal.

Edukacja jako przedmiot zainteresowań polskich partii politycznych w drugim dziesięcioleciu XXI w. Analiza wybranych programów wyborczych

The aim of this article is to reflect on the pluralism of plans and projects of the school education system in Poland at the end of the second decade of the 21st century and the positions of political parties regarding reforms of children’s and youth education. The hypothesis of the research in the article is the assumption that the electoral programmes of Polish political parties are characterized by a plurality of educational visions. They often are proposals for reforms adapting education to the tasks of the modern economy, market and social changes. The research method used in the article is the analysis of source documents, i.e. political party programmes, as well as their comparative analysis. The programmes of 14 political parties, valid in the second decade of the 21st century, were analyzed. These were in the order: Democratic Left Alliance (SLD), Labor Union (UP), Polish Labor Party – August 80 (PPP-S’80), Party Together, Spring, Green Party, Polish People’s Party (PSL), Democratic Party (SD), Civic Platform (PO), Modern Party, Law and Justice (PiS), Coalition of the Restoration of the Republic Freedom and Hope (KORWiN), Right Wing of the Republic, National Movement (RN).

Salient to Whom? The Positioning of German Political Parties on Agricultural Pollutants in Water Bodies

Scholars have increasingly argued for an integration of policies on agriculture and water due to their strong interlinkage. The entry of agricultural pollutants into water represents one of the main pressures on Europe’s ground and surface waters. This not only poses a risk to the environment and human health but also jeopardizes meeting the targets set by the EU Water Framework Directive. Research on the political agenda setting has shown that issue salience is key for triggering policy change. Nevertheless, Germany has repeatedly failed to adopt adequate policy measures despite the salience of the issue among the German public and increasing pressure by the EU. In this study, I shed light on the positioning of political parties in Germany on agricultural pollutants to explain the absence of policy change. More specifically, I ask whether there is an ideological division between political parties that hampers the adoption of effective, integrated policy measures. A qualitative content analysis of election manifestos published between 1998 and 2018 finds that political parties’ policy positions are predominantly influenced by their placement on an environmental and an economic ideological dimension. As a result, political parties in Germany advocate conflictive policy approaches, which is detrimental to the adoption of effective policy measures.

POLITICAL PARTY’S CRIMINAL LIABILITY IN INDONESIA

In Indonesia, according to civil law, a political party can be a separate legal personality from its members vested with the same legal rights and duties as a legal citizen. They can participate in the economic, politic, legal, and social relationships. If they violate the law, they can also be held responsible. However, it is still very doubtful whether they can be liable in criminal law since they have critical function in the democratic political process as acknowledge by the constitution. This paper examines the position of a political party in their criminal liability, whether they can be prosecuted, and sanctioned. In order to do that the scientific methodology used for this research is doctrinal legal research, scrutinizing some theories, regulations, and legal cases, and analyzing some legal theories on corporate legal personalities. It examines regulations and cases that describe the conditions when a political party can or cannot be prosecuted as political parties. It is concluded that political parties do have some peculiarities that ordinary private corporations do not, such as the important roles they play in constitutional life as they can contest election results and hold power in the government. Some countries treat political parties differently when it comes to criminal law. This research will provide valuable information for judges, other law enforcement officers, and academia in understanding the position of political parties in criminal liability.