Populist Research Articles

Seeking safety, finding fear: Corpus-assisted discourse analysis of electoral immigration detention discourse in three countries

Together, with the rise in populist politics and growing polarisation, immigration detention is a salient topic mobilised during elections to generate political support and votes in Aotearoa New Zealand (NZ), Australia and the United Kingdom (UK). The language used about immigration detention, refugees and asylum seekers has impacts on policy and on lives, including exclusion, criminalisation, detainment, detention and expulsion. Existing scholarship lacks research on the role election periods play in facilitating the transfer of immigration detention discourses and policy across the case countries. We ask: is there evidence that immigration detention discourses transferred between NZ, Australia and the UK during recent elections (2013–2024)? And if so, in what possible ways are these discourses reflected in subsequent policy decision-making? With focus on the examples of ‘stop the boats’ and ‘mass arrivals’ discourses, we argue there is evidence that Australia’s immigration detention rhetoric has developed roots in NZ and UK discourses and policy, echoing similar narratives of deservingness and legality, security and humanitarianism.

Populist attitudes related to science and politics: prevalence and exploratory factors of populist attitudes in Slovakia

Abstract Science-related populism has recently emerged alongside political populism. However, its occurrence, connections with political populist attitudes, and underlying factors have not been explored in the Central-European context. This study seeks to achieve three key objectives: (1) examine the relationships among science-related populist attitudes, their subdimensions, and political populist attitudes; (2) assess the prevalence of populist attitudes; and (3) analyze a set of explanatory and exploratory factors contributing to political and science-related populist attitudes. Drawing from a national sample of 643 Slovaks, our study highlights the importance of addressing science-related populism in parallel with political populism. It elucidates the intricate interplay between these attitudes, with political populism being more prevalent in the Slovak population, albeit intertwined with science-related populism. Several contributing factors, such as education, political orientation, religiosity, trust in science, relative deprivation, faith in intuition, and susceptibility to pseudoscientific beliefs, were identified. These factors offer valuable insights into the emergence of populist attitudes in Slovakia. The findings from this study hold significance for further research aimed at comprehending and addressing the phenomenon of science-related populism within the Central-European context.

Varieties of Populist Attitudes in Brexit Britain: Socio-Political and Psychological Correlates of a New Multi-dimensional Scale

Populism is usually understood as a complex multi-dimensional phenomenon that encompasses different manifestations. However, most studies on the demand-side adopt a parsimonious minimal definition approach that hinders the ability to capture different forms of populism and the variable weight of its components. This article tests a new multi-dimensional strategy to measure and compare populist and pluralist attitudes in the context of Brexit Britain. We explore the relationship between populism and Britons’ socio-political views – on borders, democracy, governance, identity, and the European Union – and psychological traits – such as conspiracy belief, social alienation, justification of political violence, and meaning in life—. Our new Multi-dimensional Populist Attitudes Scale (MPAS) reveals two varieties of populism, ‘aspirational/subversive’ and ‘identitarian/protective’, and a non-populist ‘moderate/pluralist’ archetype. The new items introduced in the MPAS can complement (or become an alternative to) extant scales especially in contexts where populist movements do not fully fit narrow conceptualisations of populism.

Nebulous Populism and the Constellation of Agencies within the Philippine Catholic Church

Many scholars who have studied populism consider it a nebulous concept, given the variety of causes that explain its formation. Some view it as emerging from failed liberal democracies with worsening economic inequalities. Others have viewed political disenfranchisement as a leading factor, while a handful relate it to socio-cultural and psychological yearnings for the kind of leader the populist leader embodies. This article explores how the emergence of Duterte’s brand of populism in the Philippines may be understood, considering its history of attempting to establish a liberal democracy. Given that the Philippines is a predominantly Catholic nation, the author also locates the Catholic Church, its hierarchy, and members as a conglomerate of various agents within the populist movement. Lastly, the author explores how populism in the Philippines challenges the church’s desire to be a church for and of the poor.

Anti-Semitic Language in Public Speeches and Statements by Populist Politicians in the Czech Republic and Slovakia between 2018 and 2023, Based on the Example of Their Use of the Figure of George Soros

Anti-Semitic Language in Public Speeches and Statements by Populist Politicians in the Czech Republic and Slovakia between 2018 and 2023, Based on the Example of Their Use of the Figure of George Soros

Migrants: overcoming the obstacle of difference identity*

ABSTRACT Immigration has become a hotly politicized issue both in Western Europe and the United States. The paper uses Cohen’s seven theses of monster culture to showcase how populist movement in the Global North has created a new cultural monster, i.e. ‘migrants’ or ‘immigrants’ coming from the Global South. Drawing on broader empirical evidence, I will argue that the creation of the immigrant monster is a contextual response to the current situation in the West. Monster is a cultural creation, and they are often the manifestation of legitimate socio-cultural anxieties. At the same time, I explore philosophical justification for being open to migrants. I will specifically focus on the global north, as populism in the global north differs from populism in the global south.

The concept of the strategic state: An assessment after 30 years

AbstractThe strategic state was conceptualised 30 years ago in response to neoliberal reforms of government and the rise of New Public Management that began in Western democracies in the 1980s. The concept was widely used by the Organisation for Economic Co‐operation and Development in assessing the performance of governments through the 2000s. This research note describes how the concept has evolved, lessons learned from the application of the concept over the last 20 years, and some new developments that affirm the continuing relevance of the concept but also make its practical application more challenging.Points for practitioners The strategic state is a well‐established concept of long‐term, outcomes‐based government. It is pertinent to contemporary debates around mission‐driven government and wellbeing approaches to government. The strategic state requires long‐term and sustained investment in strategic capabilities, in part to mitigate against electoral pressures. Secondly, it requires a connection from strategy to action through clear accountability processes for both individuals and organisations including appropriate budgeting and evaluation mechanisms. Thirdly, a successful strategic state requires effective collaboration between different levels of government. This can be supported through a relational approach to public service design and delivery. Challenges to the strategic state include increased turbulence from political events, economic crises, the climate emergency, and the rise of artificial intelligence; the erosion of public trust in government and social cohesion combined with the rise of populist movements; and a decay in the media environment with increasing public alienation and polarisation in political debate.

Pluralising pluralism in the study of populism

Despite the widespread claim that populism and pluralism are incompatible, the latter is rarely defined clearly in the existing literature. This is significant as such purported incompatibility is used to argue that populist politics cannot sit comfortably within liberal democracy. I begin this article by examining the theoretical foundations of research on populism and pluralism, particularly from scholars who adopt the ideational approach. I highlight how this conception of pluralism is limited to protecting minority rights through liberal-democratic institutions, without considering how such institutions are often exclusionary. I then turn to the contributions of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe on populism, pluralism, and hegemony. I suggest that while Mouffe sacrifices the counter-hegemonic potential of populism in pursuit of pluralism, Laclau sacrifices pluralism for counter-hegemony through his insistence that the universal can only be articulated through the particular. Moving beyond Laclau’s part-as-whole formulation, I develop an understanding of pluralism rooted in non-belonging, which grounds plurality in shared constitutive lack. This allows for the advancement of an indeterminate concept of ‘the people’ without the imposition of a universalised particular. Thinking of pluralism in these terms provides critical scholars of populism with a conceptualisation which does not depend solely on a liberal vocabulary.

Borders of belonging: how Chinese nationalism constructs exclusion in the age of populism

This paper investigates how state-led and popular nationalism in China construct borders as tools of exclusion, reinforcing national identity amidst global populist movements. Using the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) as a case study, the analysis examines Global Times articles and corresponding user-generated content to reveal how geopolitical, ideological, and emotional borders are created and maintained through nationalist discourse. State-led nationalism emphasizes cooperation and diplomacy, framing borders to position China as a global leader promoting shared prosperity. In contrast, popular nationalism—expressed through user-generated comments—manifests in a confrontational, exclusionary discourse that delineates China from external adversaries, particularly Western powers. Through a mixed-methods approach—combining word frequency, sentiment, and emotional categorization using the NRC Emotion Lexicon—this study uncovers key differences between the two forms of nationalism. State narratives construct inclusive borders that foster international engagement, aligning with China’s diplomatic ambitions. Meanwhile, popular nationalism reflects heightened emotional intensity, especially through expressions of fear, anger, and opposition, creating rigid borders that emphasize ideological conflict and national pride. The research contributes to the literature on populism and border studies by demonstrating how Chinese nationalism functions as both a state strategy and a grassroots expression, delineating “the people” from “the other.” It highlights the critical role of media—both state-controlled outlets and user-generated platforms—in constructing and reinforcing these boundaries. As populism continues to shape political discourse globally, the study offers valuable insights into how nationalism in non-Western contexts mirrors broader populist strategies of identity formation through the construction of symbolic and emotional borders.

Tracing the path to democratic governance in South Africa and Ethiopia: a comparative policy analysis

PurposeThis study aims to investigate the dynamics of democratic governance in South Africa and Ethiopia within the framework of Africa Agenda 2063 (AA2063), including how political polarisation and populism shape the democratisation process.Design/methodology/approachA mixed-methods approach integrates quantitative analysis using the Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) data set with qualitative case studies from South Africa and Ethiopia. Cohort analysis, comparative analysis and descriptive statistics revealed patterns and trends in democratic transformation, how groups evolve over time and the momentum needed for both countries to achieve the goals of AA2063.FindingsThis study found that the political landscapes of South Africa and Ethiopia are significantly shaped by the emergence of democracy, political polarisation and populist parties. Considering the 10-year expected outcomes outlined in AA2063, the findings show that South Africa achieved 84% of its 10-year democratic governance policy goals, whereas Ethiopia reached only 25%. South Africa, despite demonstrating a strong commitment to clean elections, has experienced significant political polarisation and the rise of populist movements. In Ethiopia, the shift towards one-man governance has significantly diverted the country’s trajectory from liberal democratic aspirations to undemocratic practices.Practical implicationsThe findings provide actionable policy recommendations aimed at building resilient democracy against political polarisation and populism.Social implicationsThis study highlights the vital role of informed citizens in safeguarding democratic practices.Originality/valueThis study makes a significant contribution through a rigorous comparison of democratic practices in South Africa and Ethiopia by elucidating the critical factors that shape their differing levels of democratic maturity. The analysis uncovers the impact of political polarisation and populism on governance by employing a comprehensive array of democratic indicators to provide a nuanced understanding of these dynamics.

Bridging the Divide Between Structural and Actor-Oriented Explanations of Populism: A Research Agenda for the Study of Populist Euroscepticism Through a Territorial Perspective

This article explores the intersection of structural and actor-oriented explanations of populism through a territorial perspective, focusing on populist Euroscepticism. It builds on findings from the ‘Local Mobilisation Against the EU. Territorial Dimensions of Populist Euroscepticism’ (EULOC) project, which examined local drivers and manifestations of populism and Euroscepticism across Europe. The article highlights the importance of analysing both the supply and demand sides of populist Euroscepticism, emphasising the role of geographic inequalities, local socio-economic trajectories and collective identities. By integrating national, regional and local case studies, the article aims to bridge the divide between structural and actor-oriented approaches, offering a more comprehensive understanding of populist Euroscepticism. This approach seeks to prevent reductionist arguments and contributes to broader discussions on political participation, representation and the dynamics of populist movements in Europe. The article underscores the need for nuanced, multi-layered research that considers the unique socio-political dynamics of different regions and the impact of local contexts on the development of Eurosceptic sentiments.

Revisiting Erdoğan’s century of Turkey: unmasking populism’s political strategies through the Lens of the Canal Istanbul

ABSTRACT This study delves into the nuanced dynamics of populism in Turkish politics, focusing on the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) under the leadership of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. Over the past two decades, we contend that the AKP’s policy proposals and projects have transcended mere political promises, instead evolving into meticulously planned physical embodiments of the party’s political dominance. Through an in-depth analysis of one of the AKP’s recent mega undertakings, the Canal Istanbul project, we unveil a strategic shift in the party’s populist tactics aimed at fortifying its political hegemony. Moreover, this paper sheds light on a covert process of polarization within the AKP’s apparent transition from a divisive approach to one centred on persuasion, particularly targeting the opponent political party, the CHP Republican People’s Party, Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi. We posit that the AKP strategically positions itself as a victim of its adversaries, strategically laying the foundation for its persuasive agenda. This research offers critical insights into the multifaceted strategies employed by the AKP and CHP in navigating the complex terrain of populist politics in Turkey and furthers the empirical studies in the populism debate in general.

Islamism and nationalism: how did old enemies become new allies?

AbstractHistorically, religion and nationalism were opposing forces in many countries. Recently, however, they began to converge as part of rising populist movements globally. In the Muslim world, the partnership between Islamists and nationalists has become evident in several important countries such as Turkey, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Iran, and Malaysia. This merging of Islamism and populist nationalism in the last decade signifies a third period in the Muslim world, following the era of secularist domination (1920s–1970s) and the era of Islamization (1970s–2010s). Some Islamic conservatives might regard the unification of religious and nationalist forces as beneficial to their conservative agenda. Nonetheless, this comes at the high cost of discrimination against Muslim minorities in several countries, such as India, Israel, the United States, and France. Beyond Muslim-majority countries and Muslim minorities, the global trend of advancing a religious-nationalist agenda threatens minority rights. This trend poses a major challenge to democracy, equal citizenship, and minority rights worldwide.

Self-Imagining

While Western Europe’s visual cultural resistance to populism is often highlighted in both the media and academic studies, resistance to populism through artistic and cultural production is very seldom addressed in the academic studies dedicated to East-Central Europe. This does not mean that the cultural producers from the former East do not confront the surge of neo-populism in the region. How do artists understand and figure out cultural alternatives and resist right-wing populist politics and its culture in East-Central Europe? What are their strategies to react against ‘culturally popular’ formats and ethnoreligious nationalist culture in an age of generalised anxiety? This article focuses on alternative archives of visual art against populism, within which it addresses self-portraits, double-self-portraits, and multi-self-portraits understood as visual cultural productions that resist the pre-existing depictions of ‘the people’ – employed by the right-wing populist entrepreneurs – to polarise societies into friends versus enemies.

Exploring how to widen the acceptability of public health interventions: a systematic review protocol

IntroductionHealth interventions that require significant change to individual lifestyles or social norms can pose a challenge for widespread public acceptability and uptake. At the same time, over the last two...

Populism and policy capacity: Evidence from an opposition municipality in Istanbul

AbstractDespite achievements in its conceptual rigor, policy capacity still represents a relatively depoliticized concept that fails to sufficiently consider the ways in which politics plays a role in its creation, mobilization, or decay. This article seeks to contribute to this debate by investigating the impact of populism on policy capacity, the type of policy capacity challenges posed and how they are related to populist policy design. Based on a case study of a municipality in Istanbul the article shows how populist politics and national populist policy design erode long‐term municipal policy capacity by enabling the (ab)use of the rule of law, loss of expertise, exhaustion of critical assets such as urban land and financial resources, and erosion of public citizenship due to growing expectations in the form of particularistic benefits. Declining policy capacity in turn leads to a shift in municipal policy priorities.

The Rise of Populism and Its Impact on Democratic Institutions: A Comparative Analysis of Global Trends

This article explores the rise of populism and its impact on democratic institutions through a comparative analysis of global trends, using a qualitative methodology based on literature review and library research. Populism, characterized by its anti-elite rhetoric and appeal to "the people," has gained significant traction across diverse political landscapes in recent years, affecting both mature and emerging democracies. The study examines the ways in which populist leaders and movements challenge key democratic principles, such as the separation of powers, judicial independence, and the integrity of the media. Drawing on case studies from various regions, including Europe, Latin America, and the United States, the research identifies common patterns in the populist approach to governance, particularly in the undermining of checks and balances and the erosion of institutional trust. Furthermore, this paper discusses how populism capitalizes on economic inequality, political disenfranchisement, and cultural tensions to gain popular support. The findings suggest that while populism poses significant risks to democratic institutions, its long-term impact varies depending on the strength and resilience of a country's legal and institutional framework. This study concludes with recommendations for safeguarding democratic governance in the face of rising populist movements, emphasizing the importance of reinforcing democratic norms, enhancing civic education, and ensuring institutional transparency.

Populism and Democracy: Analysis on the Phenomenon of Populism in Indonesia and the Crisis of Democracy

This article first discusses the phenomenon of populism in Indonesia which has the potential to pose a threat to the democratic system in Indonesia. Of course, this article was written as a response to the populist movement which has recently been hotly discussed because populism is growing rapidly in the social and political system in Indonesia. The intention of this article is to provide advice to the Indonesian people, to understand the phenomenon of populism which has transformed into a political weapon and maneuver by political actors, for the benefit of their political groups or parties. This article will use literature study to collect data and information to lead to a discussion and conclusion. The aim of this article is to examine the phenomenon of populism in Indonesia which has the potential to become a serious threat to the democratic system. Then to provide education to the Indonesian people regarding the populist movement which uses all kinds of methods or certain instruments to perpetuate their power as political actors.

‘Sympathy for the devil’: The strategic use of the populist repertoire in Viktor Orbán’s politics

Populist politicians such as Viktor Orbán are masters at harnessing intense and polarizing moral emotions: they stigmatize the enemies of the people, offer their community protection as self-proclaimed heroes, and at the same time, othering and moral transgressing trigger emotional overreactions from opponents. This article draws on a new analytical framework that incorporates theories of social labeling (moral panic and euphoria, moral entrepreneurship) and heroic/charismatic leadership to explore this multifaceted and antagonistic emotional relationship associated with populists. The theoretical reasoning suggests that these emotional dynamics define the moral cornerstones and boundaries of populist identity politics. Based on an analysis of four illustrative Hungarian cases – the migration crisis, anti-gender politics, the Authorisation Act during the coronavirus pandemic, and Fidesz’s expulsion from the European People’s Party – the article shows that populists can follow different paths to become charismatic heroes in the eyes of his supporters, while others still see them as folk devils due to their controversial moral entrepreneurship.

Understanding right-wing populists’ anti-abortion politics in Turkey: The symbolic violence of the state

This study investigates how symbolic violence is shaping anti-abortion stances associated with legitimising right-wing populist policies. The prominent questions are as follows: What are the institutional and politico-administrative mechanisms that are impacting anti-abortion politics in terms of material and symbolic violence? How and to what extent does anti-abortion politics influence the interplay between symbolic and material state violence? The study argues that reproduction-centred policies and material and symbolic violence have intensified through anti-abortion politics in the discursive context of the social reproduction crisis in Turkey. It explores the institutional actions and the legitimation mechanisms of anti-abortion policies in relation to the penetration of right-wing populist politics after the authoritarian turn of 2010. This qualitative case study uses critical discourse analysis. It interprets the public speeches of representatives of the government and documentary data concerning the ruling party’s programmes, development plans and relevant legislation. The research provides a gendered perspective on the anti-abortion policies that anchor right-wing populism in terms of the crisis of social reproduction. It also contributes to critical state theory and pre-existing feminist scholarship on right-wing populism.