Populist Success Research Articles

Polityczna imitacja jako źródło współczesnej kontrrewolucji w postkomunistycznej Europie – próba ujęcia teoriopolitycznego

The main goal of this article is analysis of the influence of the policy of imitation on the phenomenon of counterrevolution. The aim of the article was to answer the research question whether the politics of imitation and counterrevolution at the level of theoretical considerations can constitute elements of one theory concerning the crisis of liberal democracy in post-communist European countries? The detailed question was whether political imitation is a category by which it is possible to explain the causes of the process of counterrevolution in post-communist Europe? The considerations are based on the concepts of Jan Zielonka, as well as the ideas of Ivan Krasett and Stephen Holmes. In accordance with the principles postulated by Ivan Krastew and Stephan Holmes, the politics of imitation is an important reason for the success of populist, which Jan Zielonka equates with counterrevolution. Negative opinions about the course of the systemic transformation mainly focus on its lack of alternatives, on the problem of imposing liberal values, and on the problem of economic stratification. These premises also constitute the basis for the contemporary problems of the crisis of liberal democracy.

The Price of Populism: Financial Market Outcomes of Populist Electoral Success

Following financial research on the importance of public policy for asset prices, we hypothesize that the success of populist movements impacts risk assessments in financial markets. Building a novel dataset, findings show for a sample of Western democracies that the success of populist parties has a direct impact on volatility in major domestic market indexes, measured from option prices spanning national elections. Despite its anti-capitalist rhetoric, the political insecurity generated by populist movements on the far left only partially translates into financial insecurity in the context of institutionalized democracies. In turn, we find the electoral success of right-wing populists to reduce risk assessments, which could be driven by its frequent association with rent-seeking and big business.

The personality of populists: provocateurs, charismatic leaders, or drunken dinner guests?

The ‘populist phenomenon’ has received a lot of attention in recent years. Yet little is known about the populists themselves: who are they? They are often described as bad-mannered provocateurs disrupting the political game, but also as charismatic leaders able to persuade and motivate. Can a populist ‘style’ or ‘personality’ be identified? This article assesses to what extent populists score differently from ‘mainstream’ politicians on established personality inventories. Using a new dataset based on expert ratings for 152 candidates (including 33 populists) having competed in 73 elections worldwide, it is found that populists score lower on agreeableness, emotional stability and conscientiousness. At the same time, populists score higher on extraversion, narcissism, psychopathy and Machiavellianism. These results have important implications for the study of the success of populists in contemporary democracies and beyond.

Populism, democracy, political style and post-truth: issues for communication research

ABSTRACTThis article critically reviews key interdisciplinary research on populism, focusing specifically on its various conceptualisations and the debates occurring within scholarship on its complex relationship with communication, democracy, and truth. These issues have been prone to haphazard analysis, with calls for a more nuanced treatment of the democratic implications of populism. The burgeoning interest in populism, inspired by recent populist success in Europe and North America, has increased focus on the communicative dimensions of populism. Despite this, the paradoxical fact remains that although central to the rise and success of populist actors, research on populist communication has been relatively scarce. It is argued here that populism must be studied from an interdisciplinary perspective and research must privilege its affective, communicative, and performative dimensions. Communication research as a result should not be treated as peripheral, but rather core to understanding populism.

ФЕНОМЕН «СУЧАСНИЙ ПОПУЛІЗМ» У КОНТЕКСТІ РИЗИКІВ І ВИКЛИКІВ ЛІБЕРАЛЬНИХ ДЕМОКРАТІЙ ХХІ СТОЛІТТЯ

In the article attempts of description and analyze of research studies are undertaken, which are recognized in the modern scientific world as «strong points» in the study of the phenomenon of populism, in particular - G. Ionesk, E. Gellner, D. Bell, M. Kenovan, P. Tagart, E. Laclau, I. Me, I. Sorel et other, and the latest Western and domestic theoretical constructs, which lead to the knowledge and the nature and essence of the phenomenon of «modern populism», namely - Z. Bauman, W. Beck, F. Venturi, A. Grimimal-Buss, K. Davyst, J. Judis, R. Itwell, J.-V. Muller, T. Snyder, etc.; T. Andrushchenko, V. Bebyk, S. Datsyuk, I. Kiananka, G. Kuts, O. Lisnichuk, L. Matlai, I. Pobochi, T. Pryadko, T. Rad, O. Yarosha and others. It is determined that the overwhelming majority of modern researchers express a consolidated position on the complexity of definition («populism is the phenomenon dispersed, i.e. it is a component of many political phenomena, embodied in various ideological forms and political strategies») and a huge variety of manifestation of modern populism D. Trump (USA), Brexit (UK), Yellow Vest Movement (France), Five Star Movement (Italy), Podemos (Spain), G. Wilders (Netherlands), V. Orban (Hungary), R. Erdogan (Turkey), etc. Attention is drawn to the fact that the «global success of populists» in the 21st century creates a real threat to liberal-democratic values - individual freedom, pluralism, free speech, free elections, etc. The key factors that provoked «the outburst of populism» are characterized, in particular, the dominance of the contemporary voter in the socio-political moods of feelings of «disappointment», «confusion», «uncertainty» and others. The author attempts to find effective strategies for counteracting «aggressive populism» in the context of the mediation of contemporary political processes, in particular, the formation of critical thinking and media literacy of the modern voter. It is stated that the «wave» of populism also seized the political space of modern Ukraine, in which the mediation of political processes created a new format of communication between voters and politicians, which, in fact, attested to the results of recent presidential and parliamentary election campaigns.

Constructing ‘the people’

AbstractThis article analyses right-wing populist constructions of ‘the people’ emerging at the intersections of ethnicized ‘othering’ and gendered differences within groups. We argue that these constructions are in stark contrast to the liberal notion of citizenship, which we understand to be the basis for thedemos. Right-wing populism constructs its politics of belonging beyond rights, i.e. ‘the people’ is defined as a community through identity with the political leader, rather than as a political entity marked by different interests and endowed with rights, which could be represented politically. We argue that it is important to not only analyse practices of ‘othering’ and exclusion, but also the appeal to the ‘we’-group in order to understand right-wing populist success. Empirically our Critical Frame Analysis focuses on the Austrian context and on the FPÖ, which has been a forerunner in the ‘modernization’ of right-wing extremism and the development of right-wing populism in Europe.

Populist Success in a Hung Parliament: The 2018 General Election in Italy

ABSTRACTThe 2018 Italian general elections were a crucial test to assess the resilience of mainstream parties vis-à-vis the challenge provided by populist forces and the stabilisation of the tripolar party system emerged in 2013. The article analyses the outcome of the election, whose most remarkable result was the unprecedented success of two populist parties, the M5S and the Lega, by focusing on key aspects such as the new electoral system, the coalition-building process, the electoral campaign, the evolution of the Italian party system, and the analysis of vote shifts between parties.

Mainstream Parties’ Issue Engagement and its Implications for the Performance of Populist Parties

In addition to other factors, the success of populist parties seems to be influenced by the strategic behavior of their competing opponents. Yet, it has not been clearly determined which form of behavior leads to populist success or failure. In order to gain insight into the effectiveness of strategic engagement with populist issues the present study compares an election campaign resulting in populist success with an election campaign resulting in populist failure. For this purpose, the elections in Great Britain in 2010 (low populist vote result) and 2015 (high populist vote result) were chosen. A content analysis of party statements in press releases (N = 734) and newspaper articles (N = 379) covering eight weeks prior to each Election Day was undertaken. The results suggest that the lack of engagement with a salient issue seems to open up opportunities for a populist party. Additionally, divergence and therefore the presence of conflict turns out to have a positive influence on populist success.

Results of Parliamentary Elections in Check Republic: Success of Populists and Defeat of Social Democrats

Results of Parliamentary Elections in Check Republic: Success of Populists and Defeat of Social Democrats

Populism and Liberal Democracy: Populists in Government in Austria, Italy, Poland and Switzerland

The enduring electoral success of populist parties across Europe and the increasing opportunities they have gained to access government in recent years bring once more into relief the question of whether populism and democracy are fully compatible. In this article we show how, despite playing different roles in government within very different political systems, and despite the numerous constraints placed upon them (for instance, EU membership, international law and domestic checks and balances), populist parties consistently pursued policies that clashed with fundamental tenets of liberal democracy. In particular, the idea that the power of the majority must be limited and restrained, the sanctity of individual rights and the principle of the division of powers have all come under threat in contemporary Europe. This has contributed to the continuing erosion of the liberal consensus, which has provided one of the fundamental foundations of the European project from its start.

Populism in the South Revisited: New Interpretations and New Departures

Some of the nine essays in this volume recast previously published material and others foreshadow future monographs. The editor James M. Beeby describes the essays as “case studies that analyze local politics in the South” pertaining to various facets of the Populist movement, and he arranges them chronologically from the end of Reconstruction to the 1920s (p. ix). In the first essay, Joel Sipress focuses on Grant Parish, Louisiana, revealing that the area's main obstacle to Populist success was its difficulty achieving biracial cooperation. While local whites were willing to make a political alliance with blacks that would benefit both races, they were outnumbered in the state by those who were not. Thus by the turn of the twentieth century, racism had defeated Populism in Louisiana. Next, Matthew Hild examines the role of the Knights of Labor in Georgia's Populist movement. He concludes that while the Knights of Labor was no more successful than the farmers at creating a viable political alternative to the Democratic party in the state, the organization left an impressive legacy as Progressives later passed part of its reform agenda into law.

The Success and Contradictions of New Deal Democratic Populism:

The Success and Contradictions of New Deal Democratic Populism: