Popular Movements Research Articles

Dismantling old or forging new clientelistic ties? Sudan’s civil service reform after uprising

Civil service reform is often a top priority for popular movements that unseat autocracy, and during democratization campaigns more broadly: when a deposed regime had relied upon a clientelistic state to stay in power, in which bureaucrats were rewarded for using their authority to further the interests of the regime and its top elites, new political elites have strong incentives to undertake changes to the state and its personnel upon taking over. Yet despite initially-aligned politician incentives for civil service reform in post-uprising contexts, we highlight how bureaucratic actions can serve as a causal antecedent to new politicians’ subsequent stymieing of reform. Bureaucrats can leverage their embedded knowledge of state processes to forge clientelistic ties with new political elites. This in turn prompts politicians to use their power to block attempts to create more rational-legal agencies. We trace these dynamics through in-depth qualitative and ethnographic data of (failed) efforts to reform Sudan’s civil service after the 2018–19 popular uprising which unseated a 30-year autocracy. Overall, this paper helps explain why so many recent popular uprisings that have come to power have been unable to deliver the large-scale transformative reform upon which they were launched by focusing attention on the elements of the former autocracy that survived the transition.

Understanding the Immortal Regiment: Memory Dualism in a Social Movement

The Immortal Regiment is the most popular phenomenon and yet the most understudied institution to have emerged in Russia in the last decade, having been described variously as state propaganda, a popular movement hijacked by the state, a cult of the dead, a religious procession and a manifestation of genuine patriotism. The article suggests seeing the Immortal Regiment as a memory-based social movement distinct from the NGOs and GONGOs that struggle to represent it, thus challenging dominant visions of the institution. The organisational structure of the Immortal Regiment reflects the inherent dualism of Russian war memory, combining and counterposing statist militarism and popular anti-war sentiments. This view provides a basis for understanding the most significant popular movement in contemporary Russia while revealing its political implications.

Rites of Resistance: Urban Liturgy and the Crowd in the Patarine Revolt of Milan, c.1057–75

This essay uses an unexploited liturgical source, a twelfth-century order book by the Milanese cleric Beroldo, to illuminate how processions shaped the practice of the largest and most radical popular movement of the central Middle Ages, the Pataria of Milan, during a pivotal moment of urban change. Religious processions had the power to project episcopal authority across a rapidly expanding urban population. They also sanctioned the redistribution of wealth and resources to city churches. At the same time, they provided a possible grammar of resistance to those who rose up against urban elites. The Pataria struggled at the pulpit and on the streets for the sexual and economic purity of the clergy. It first erupted in the city on 10 May 1057—during a liturgical parade. The conflict between supporters of religious reform on the one hand, and the archbishop’s aristocratic court and clergy on the other, persisted until the movement’s defeat in 1075. Until then, Patarine violence continually disrupted liturgical time, tearing priests from their altars and overturning solemn processions. The article introduces Beroldo and other Milanese liturgical sources in context, and their value as witnesses to later eleventh-century history. It surveys how episcopal processions responded to urban expansion and developed a growing but unstable social and political importance. With a picture of the urban and liturgical landscape in place, it then investigates how Patarine violence contested the ways that processions, on days such as Easter baptism or the Three Day Litanies, created civic community and communicated relations of power.

Review: In Pursuit of Utopia: Los Angeles in the Great Depression, by Errol Wayne Stevens

Book Review| May 01 2023 Review: In Pursuit of Utopia: Los Angeles in the Great Depression, by Errol Wayne Stevens Errol Wayne Stevens. In Pursuit of Utopia: Los Angeles in the Great Depression. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2021. 236 pp. Illustrations. Hardcover $39.95. Nicolas G. Rosenthal Nicolas G. Rosenthal NICOLAS G. ROSENTHAL is a professor of history at Loyola Marymount University, where his teaching and research focus on Indigenous, California, and U.S. history. He is the author of Reimagining Indian Country: Native American Migration and Identity in Twentieth-Century Los Angeles (2012) and is at work on a history of Indigenous artists in the twentieth century. Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar California History (2023) 100 (2): 120–122. https://doi.org/10.1525/ch.2023.100.2.120 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn Email Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Nicolas G. Rosenthal; Review: In Pursuit of Utopia: Los Angeles in the Great Depression, by Errol Wayne Stevens. California History 1 May 2023; 100 (2): 120–122. doi: https://doi.org/10.1525/ch.2023.100.2.120 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentCalifornia History Search Many of us who teach college courses on California history focus a portion of the class on the Great Depression. Often framed as both preludes to and influences on the Franklin D. Roosevelt administration’s New Deal, popular movements such as guaranteed income to the state’s senior citizens through the Townsend Plan and Upton Sinclair’s ill-fated run for governor on the End Poverty in California (EPIC) platform make the case for studying California to understand the state’s influence on national trends and broader patterns. Yet there is surprisingly little scholarship contextualizing these and other “utopian schemes” for which Los Angeles, especially, became an ideal environment in the 1930s. Thus, explanations for why Southern California was at the center of such movements often revert to those used by cultural commentators of the period. Author Nathanael West, for instance, in his classic 1939 novel Day of the Locust, depicted the thousands of... You do not currently have access to this content.

A relatedness-based model of transformational leadership: a case study of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and 1960s East Bengal

PurposeRecent academic work on leadership has focused largely on organizational leadership. This study takes a close look at political leadership, especially that given to popular movements, and delineates a new model of transformational leadership.Design/methodology/approachThe current study borrows models from organizational leadership research and applies them to a specific case study to reveal critical concepts underlying transformational leadership. Application of these models to Bangladesh's founding father, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, during the two decades of the 1950 and 1960s, shows potential for a new flexible framework for transformational leadership with added significance on leader–follower relatedness, socio-historical context and charisma.FindingsThis study presents clear evidence on the nature of leadership in popular movements and using a specific case study elucidates that movements pick leaders who meet distinct criteria specific to the movement, including a vision that resounds with key follower-groups and prototypicality.Research limitations/implicationsThis study presents a new lens under which political and popular leadership can be studied, focusing away from person, political party or rational choice and voting behavior-based ideas of political leadership.Originality/valueThe findings reveal the importance of seeking new ways to fit leadership theory with burgeoning social phenomenon.

Producing leadership legitimacy in civil society – A study of online presentations of leaders in Sweden

ABSTRACT This article investigates how Swedish civil society organizations (CSOs) legitimize their leaders through online press releases presenting newly elected or recruited leaders, and which leadership ideals that are reproduced. The aim is to analyze how leaders are socially legitimized through leadership ideals in a time of increased demands on CSOs. The study moves away from the dominant perspective on leaders as actors contributing to the organizations, in favour of studying leaders as organizational assets whose image needs to be handled by the organizations. The article is based on a qualitative analysis of 54 online statements from Swedish peak CSOs, focusing on how the leaders are presented concerning personal characteristics, qualifications and missions. The results of the study indicate that Swedish CSO leaders are mainly legitimized with reference to traditional popular movement leadership ideals. Such ideals seem to serve as legitimators regardless of the type of organization. However, there are also legitimacy claims linked to managerial and administrative skills in line with third sector leadership ideals, suggesting potentially conflicting expectations on CSO leaders. These findings can be related to trends such as New Public Management, which push civil society actors to develop new skills and networks and to become more business-like.

Co-ordinated chemical attacks on women and children in Iran

Thousands of women and children in Iran have been poisoned in recent months, in a campaign that appears well planned and highly co-ordinated. The attacks come as authorities struggle to suppress a popular movement led by Iranian women calling for fundamental change to the Islamic Republic.

Weapons of the vulnerable? A review of popular resistance to climate adaptation

Climate adaptation is not a neutral or apolitical process, but one that ignites social resistance. Government responses to risks of floods, droughts, or hurricanes – even those using a language of participation – might follow historical development pathways, strive to maintain the status quo, and directly or indirectly serve elite interests. Little attention has been paid to how people defy or resist top-down adaptation processes, overtly or covertly, in particular cultural, historical, and legal contexts. Drawing on sociological thought on popular resistance, this paper systematises research on people’s resistance to climate adaptation by scrutinising the sites, repertoires, and consequences of such resistance. We identified overt and covert resistance in 56 scientific adaptation articles, which concentrated on 5 ‘sites’ of resistance: Rural livelihoods, Urban informal settlements, Islands, First Nations, and Institutional landscapes. The findings imply that resistance to adaptation occurs globally, and not least in the context of relocation processes and participatory adaptation. We show how a resistance lens can help understand contemporary political behaviours, shed light on dynamic and compound vulnerability, and’unlock’ more context-sensitive and even transformative adaptation. Meanwhile, resistance and popular movements are not only progressive, and there might be conceptual barriers to moving from resistance to transformation or reconciling resistance with actions by or with the state.

권오설의 민족혁명운동론 수용과정과 민족해방운동 전술

Kwon Oh-seol, who participated in the national liberation movement led by the communist group in Colonial Joseon in the 1920s, participated in the enlightenment movement before accepting socialism. Previous studies have identified his activities as influenced by the national independence movement in the 1910s, but did not to elaborate on his acceptance of socialism and the development of the national liberation movement centered on the popular movement. this paper tried to clarify the relationship between his activities and the national liberation movement by specifically reviewing his growth background and acceptance of socialism, and the theory of national revolutionary movement. Kwon Oh-seol was able to forming an enlightened consciousness of life improvement and a revolutionary class consciousness and possible to participate in the national liberation movement based on the national revolutionary movement. he planned The 6·10 National Movement in 1926 and tried to embrace the Old faction of Cheondogyo and the student class while attempting to raise the public’s consciousness of national liberation. Kwon Oh-seol’s national liberation movement were formed based on the consciousness of life improvement and Comintern’s theory of the National Revolutionary Movement.

Populism in Taiwan: Rethinking the Neo-liberalism–Populism Nexus

Contemporary scholarship on populism, albeit involving divergent approaches and polarised diagnoses of populism’s political impacts, commonly attributes the recent populist surge to the peril of neo-liberal encroachment. However, such a neo-liberal–populist proposition encounters discrepant experiences when applied in non-Western contexts, including in East Asia. To recalibrate the conceptual framework, this article employs Gramsci-inspired scholarship on hegemony and populism – the notion of “the integral state” and non-reductionist class politics in particular – and utilises Taiwan as a case to expound upon the entanglement of democratisation, neo-liberalisation, and various forms of populist politics. Situating the post-2000 surge of multiple popular movements in Taiwan’s hegemonic restructuring since the 1980s, this article identifies a course of bifurcated development between “liberal populism of the bourgeois hegemony” and the “neo-liberal populism of the multitude” that embodies various ways in which neo-liberalism intersects with populist politics. Highlighting the constant boundary-redrawing of the integral state and its associated class politics along the hegemonic restructuring processes, Taiwan’s case exemplifies a critical approach to rethinking the over-determined relations between populism and neo-liberalism for other East Asian states and beyond.

Professionalization in welfare-oriented civil society organizations: Comparison of board chairs and executive directors concerning motives for engagement and leadership ideals

ABSTRACT The implications of professionalization of civil society organizations have seldom been explored in relation to the governance structure of organizations’ and leaders’ different terms of engagement. This study draws on a survey targeting leaders of Swedish welfare-oriented civil society organizations (N. 140) and compares the motives for engagement and leadership ideals of two groups of leaders: board chairs, whose engagement in civil society organizations is largely on a voluntary basis, and executive directors, who are mostly employed full time as leaders. Sweden, characterized by a strong tradition of leadership ideals emphasizing voluntary commitment within advocacy-orientated civil society organizations, serves as a relevant empirical context for exploring the implications of professionalization. In fact, the shift in recent decades from advocacy to service, in the orientation of Swedish CSOs, and especially within the social welfare policy area, has placed greater emphasis on the need for professional employed staff. The results show that the motives and leadership ideals of the executive directors reflect ideals of professionalized civil society organizations compared to the board chairs, confirming the contrast between the traditional ideals of voluntary civic engagement and the career-oriented and employment-mediated managerial leadership role. The presence of two leadership positions entailing different grounds for engagement (voluntary vs. paid) and different motives and ideals, could be traced back to the combination of a still-strong popular movement tradition and increasing demand of professional skills.

The rustic turn during late socialism and the popular movement against Soviet rule

ABSTRACT The success of mass mobilization in Lithuania against Soviet rule in the late 1980s can be attributed in part to the spread of the ethnocultural movement in the post-Stalin era. Characterized in this paper as the “rustic turn,” it began in the late 1950s with the Soviet-wide rehabilitation of kraevedenie (local area studies), part of Khrushchev’s effort to rejuvenate grassroots political participation across the USSR. In Soviet Lithuania, the rehabilitation of kraštotyra had the unintended consequence of restoring nation-building practices from the interwar period and reintegrating individuals repressed under Stalin into public life. Rather than shaping Soviet subjects, the ethnocultural movement developed rituals of transformation that imbued the rustic ethnic past, not the Soviet future, with the aura of sacrality. Ostensibly apolitical, the movement nevertheless cultivated strong associative ties among citizens from various walks of life. With the outbreak of free discussion under glasnost, mass gatherings built upon the rituals of the ethnocultural movement to generate a community of affect grounded in nostalgia for a lost, mythical past and the trauma of displacement under the Soviet regime.

Mulheres camponesas e a quebra das cercas do latifúndio educacional: do campo ao ensino superior

O presente artigo tem como objetivo identificar os percalços no ingresso e permanência das mulheres camponesas no curso de Licenciatura em Educação do Campo, do Campus Senador Helvídio Nunes de Barros, da Universidade Federal do Piauí. Nesta pesquisa qualitativa foram realizadas entrevistas, conduzidas através de questionário semiestruturado, com cinco mulheres camponesas estudantes do curso supracitado. Foram relatados pelas entrevistadas como fatores limitantes tanto para ingresso como para permanência na universidade a não permissão dos maridos, maternidade, trabalho formal, dificuldades financeiras, distância das localidades onde moram ao campus universitário, ausência de alojamento e local para deixar filhos em idade não escolar, reduzida oferta de bolsas de auxílio, e preconceito de estudantes de outros cursos. Mesmo a Licenciatura em Educação do Campo sendo fruto da luta dos movimentos sociais e populares, ela ainda é excludente e limitadora quando tratamos do ingresso e permanência das mulheres camponesas, tanto devido ao espaço e gestão universitários como pelo sistema patriarcal, que impõe a essas mulheres a constituição de família e o cuidado dos filhos ao invés da formação acadêmica. Para essas mulheres camponesas a tão sonhada formação em um curso superior é algo possível e transformador, mesmo que para isso seja necessário quebrar as cercas do latifúndio educacional. Palavras-chave: educação do campo, camponesas, movimentos rurais, mulheres na universidade. Peasant women and the breaking of educational latifundium fences: from the countryside to higher education ABSTRACT. This article aims to identify the obstacles to the entry and permanence of peasant women in the Licentiate Degree in Countryside Education, at the Senador Helvídio Nunes de Barros Campus, at the Federal University of Piauí. In this qualitative research, interviews were carried out, conducted through a semi-structured questionnaire, with five peasant women students of the course. The interviewees reported as limiting factors for both admission and permanence at the university: the non-permission of their husbands, maternity, formal work, financial difficulties, distance from the places where they live to the university campus, lack of accommodation and place to leave their children of non-school age, reduced supply of scholarships, and prejudice from students from other courses. Even though the Licentiate Degree in Countryside Education is the result of the struggle of social and popular movements, it is still excluding and limiting when it comes to the entry and permanence of peasant women, both due to university space and management and the patriarchal system, which imposes on these women the constitution of a family and the care of the children instead of the academic formation. For these peasant women, the long-awaited training in a higher education course is something possible and transformative, even if it is necessary to break the fences of the educational latifundium. Keywords: countryside education, peasants, rural movements, women at the university. Las mujeres campesinas y la ruptura de los cercos del latifundio educativo: del campo a la educación superior RESUMEN. Este artículo tiene como objetivo identificar los obstáculos en el ingreso y permanencia de mujeres campesinas en la Licenciatura en Educación del Campo, en el Campus Senador Helvídio Nunes de Barros, de la Universidad Federal de Piauí. En esta investigación cualitativa se realizaron entrevistas, mediante un cuestionario semiestructurado, a cinco mujeres campesinas estudiantes del mencionado curso. Las entrevistadas reportaron como limitantes tanto para el ingreso como para la permanencia en la universidad: la falta de permiso de sus maridos, la maternidad, el trabajo formal, las dificultades económicas, la distancia de los lugares donde viven al campus universitario, la falta de alojamiento y lugar para dejar hijos mayores de edad escolar, oferta reducida de becas y perjuicio de alumnos de otros cursos. Si bien la Licenciatura en Educación del Campo es el resultado de la lucha de los movimientos sociales y populares, sigue siendo excluyente y limitante en cuanto al ingreso y permanencia de las mujeres campesinas, tanto por el espacio y la gestión universitaria como por el patriarcado, que impone a estas mujeres la formación de una familia y el cuidado de los hijos en lugar de la formación académica. Para estas mujeres campesinas, la anhelada formación en un curso de educación superior es algo posible y transformador, aunque sea necesario para romper los cercos del latifundio educativo. Palabras clave: educación del campo, mujeres campesinas, movimientos rurales, mujeres en la universidad.

Современная историография антифранцузского народного движения в Испании 1808–1814 гг.

Современная историография антифранцузского народного движения в Испании 1808–1814 гг.

FREEZE! The Grassroots Movement to Halt the Arms Race and End the Cold War by Henry Richard Maar III

Henry Richard Maar III gives the reader the most definitive study yet of the nuclear weapons freeze movement and its impact on the arms race in the 1980s. (Full disclosure: As the chief foreign policy adviser to Senator Edward M. Kennedy from 1977 to 1984, I wrote the U.S. Senate resolution favoring a nuclear freeze, which Senator Kennedy introduced jointly with Senator Mark O. Hatfield, a Republican from Oregon.) The book provides broad discussion of the U.S. and European peace movements, covering the policies of the Reagan administration, the role of Congress, debates within the Catholic Church, broader cultural and political trends, and the outcomes in national politics and U.S.-Soviet diplomacy.Maar traces the freeze movement's evolution from a grassroots movement to a national vehicle countering the Reagan administration. He is especially persuasive in his discussion of policy and politics. He convincingly highlights the freeze movement's catalytic role in helping to transform President Ronald Reagan's rhetoric, at least, from nuclear weapons to disarmament advocacy. Maar also tells a compelling story of how congressional leaders, including Senators Kennedy and Hatfield and Representatives Edward Markey (D-MA) and Silvio Conte (R-MA), were able to harness a more diffuse national movement behind a more focused congressional initiative. The book also captures well the irony, even the hypocrisy, of congressional support for the freeze while simultaneously voting in favor of new weapons systems such as the B-1 bomber and the Strategic Defense Initiative.Maar acknowledges the tactical compromises the freeze movement found itself having to make with its political supporters, but he underestimates the contribution of the latter to elite support for the freeze. He gives little attention, for example, to how widely Senators Kennedy and Hatfield were able to garner academic, labor, professional, religious, think tank, and business support, which played a large role in transforming U.S. arms control policies in the 1980s.Maar also overstates his argument that the freeze movement played a major role in ending the Cold War. Although the movement did affect U.S. policies, far more decisive were such factors as the Soviet war in Afghanistan, anti-Communism in Eastern Europe, and the bankruptcy of the Communist system in the Soviet Union itself, not to mention the emergence of Mikhail Gorbachev.In one of the book's best chapters, Maar examines the impact of nuclear weapons fears on political and popular culture in the 1980s. From Jonathan Schell's book The Fate of the Earth (1982) to the seminal made-for-TV film The Day After (1983), with references to comics, cartoon strips, Hollywood films, rock performances, and television shows, Maar vividly re-creates the spirit of the age and the freeze's place in it.The book is most effective, and moving, in its description of the rise and fall of the nuclear freeze movement itself. Maar achieves his goal of “decentering the narrative away from a top-down focus on the personalities of statesmen.” In the great tradition of U.S. popular movements, the freeze was perhaps most impressive as an expression of the grassroots, and Maar tells that story exceedingly well.

Mongrel Firebugs and Men of Property: Capitalism and Class Conflict in American History

Mongrel Firebugs and Men of Property: Capitalism and Class Conflict in American History

Saving Indian Villages: British Empire, the Great Depression and Gandhi’s Civil Disobedience Movement

This article traces an intricate relationship between Mahatma Gandhi’s call for Civil Disobedience (1930–1933) and the global economic slump of the 1920s experienced by Britain and colonial India. I argue that the economic hardships faced by Indians (particularly the peasant classes) forced Gandhi to revisit his sociopolitical approach to India’s nationalist movement. Despite the chronological overlap of the Great Depression (1929–1931) with Gandhi’s Civil Disobedience Movement (1930–1933), the relation between these two major events has not been adequately explored in recent scholarship. I propose to contextualize the changes in Gandhi’s economic ideas and political strategy (often against contending ideological trends) leading to his defence of Indian peasant interests during the Gandhi–Irwin Pact and the Second Round Table Conference. Gandhi’s increasing awareness of the economic crises and Britain’s severe opposition to granting financial autonomy to India pushed Gandhi in the direction of charting a new path for economic self-reliance. This, I suggest, resulted in his nation-wide popular movement for reviving the Indian village economy in the form of the ‘Constructive Programme’ (1934–1948) in subsequent years.

THE ROLE OF PARADIPLOMACY AND THE POTENTIAL PROTO-DIPLOMACY IN THE UNITARY STATE

This article aims to explain the study of paradiplomacy in the unitary state. With the case study of Indonesia, the author explains the role of paradiplomacy and the potential of proto-diplomacy in a unitary state like Indonesia. This article uses a qualitative method with a case study method with research data sources, journal articles, books, reports and other relevant sources. The results found that the role of paradiplomacy in Indonesia is still conservative because it still follows the boundaries that have been set. Post-reform the role of paradiplomacy is very stretched, especially in big cities such as Jakarta, Bandung, Surabaya, which already have strategic partners abroad. This role opens up opportunities for cooperation in economic, social, cultural, educational and other fields that are needed by para-diplomacy. The role of paradiplomacy has been stated in various regulations as the basic foundation for moving in search of strategic partners abroad. Although it has a positive impact, it turns out that there is potential for proto-diplomacy in Indonesia. This is especially the case for areas that have a history of popular movement for regional independence. This movement has the potential to lead to disintegration. However, it can be muted if each party can reduce ego and commitment to build together.

Resisting agrarian neoliberalism and authoritarianism: Struggles towards a progressive rural future in Mozambique

AbstractAfter nearly two and a half decades with a Land Law widely considered progressive, Mozambique is preparing to revise its legal framework for land. Land activists accuse the government of pursuing an authoritarian approach, excluding civil society participation, and falsifying public consultations. The revision would mark a major shift in Mozambique's land policy towards an even more neoliberal framework to allow the transfer of individual land titles. This turning point is a crucial moment for popular movements to mobilize against the consolidation of agrarian neoliberalism and fight for pro‐poor land policy that benefits small‐scale food producers and rural communities at large. While recognizing different rural and agrarian class formations and interests in Mozambique, I argue that embryonic forms of a cross‐class alliance are becoming apparent. As deagrarianization proceeds, the National Union of Peasants (UNAC) plays a key role in mobilizing the rural poor — petty commodity producers, farm workers, fishermen, small agrarian capitalists, and agrarian civil society at large — using left‐wing populism to oppose agrarian neoliberalism, which takes authoritarian forms.

Onto-Epistemic Paradigm of the Countryside and Social Theory: What Do Popular Movements of Latin America and the Caribbean Teach Us?

The historical process of consolidation of a Latin American and Caribbean critical social theory is framed, to a great extent, in interpreting our socio-historical formation, identifying the axes that structure the great regional and national problems, with the intention of constructing analytical categories destined to contribute to social transformation. The emergence of popular education and participatory action research strengthened this process, shedding light on education's political dimensions and liberatory implications. Popular movements incorporate the philosophical foundations of social theory and Latin American and Caribbean pedagogical thought into their political struggles and in the formation of a historical subject. Likewise, they advance a social theory rooted in an onto-epistemic paradigm for and by the countryside, which includes a set of knowledges, ways of knowing, and being born in struggle. The objective of this article is to analyze this process and highlight what the popular movements of the region have taught us in terms of a social conceptualization and interpretation that must also be recognized as part of a social theory of the oppressed complemented by a pedagogy of the oppressed.