Identity Politics Research Articles

Actualization of Social Media Communication Ethics in Democracy in the Digital Age

Internet social media communication ethics are needed by citizens / netizens (internet users), because internet social media users are diverse. Diversity of backgrounds can lead to debate, conflict and even hostility. In a community, for example, when a user creates an account in the facilities provided, such as accounts on social media, email accounts, and blog accounts. Before users can use the account facility, it is necessary to know about communication ethics where there are provisions that should be understood by users regarding what is allowed, what is not, to legal provisions if violated. With the weak quality of communication ethics of the Indonesian people in democracy, it is likely to be a serious threat to national resilience and to threaten the disintegration of the nation, therefore the problem of communication ethics in sausage media in democracy in the digital era is a very important topic of discussion faced with potential problems in the future that have an impact on the nation and state. This research will analyze the condition of Indonesia's socio-political democracy in the Digital Era, of course, a comprehensive study is needed obtained from the results of research, observations and writings of other scientific papers including from figures or writers who discuss democracy, social media communication ethics, the internet, and identity politics. The writing material is combined and analyzed to form a clear presentation and picture. The research method used is descriptive research, which focuses attention on the problems that arise in research, the problem is actual and describes the facts in the field as they are and accompanied by rational interpretation.

A cultural theory of the culture wars

AbstractWe provide the first account of the culture wars in the political psychology and public opinion literature based on a theory of culture. Using innovative measures of grid‐group cultural theory (CT), we identify the cultures associated with ideological and partisan identifications in annual U.S. national surveys from 2011 to 2022, a unique data set of 24,870 respondents. As hypothesized, we find that the culture wars occur not just between ideologues and partisans but among them as they draw support from distinct, relatively stable yet shifting cultural coalitions. Egalitarian and, less often, fatalistic liberals and Democrats battle against individualistic and, less often, hierarchical, conservatives and Republicans. As hypothesized, fatalists are the least reliable coalition partners, and, as expected, they gravitate Republican and conservative in 2017, after Trump's election. However, fatalists who are strong partisan identifiers never defect. Moreover, our hypothesis that fatalist attraction to Trump would drive defections in their political identification is largely invalidated. Instead, fatalists mostly flee Trump in our aggregate analysis as well as in subanalyses of strong and weak ideological and partisan identifiers. In 2016 and 2018–2022, it appears that independent fatalists cause fatalists to gravitate liberal and Democrat. Unexpectedly, hierarchists also go liberal and Democrat in 2022, in apparent reaction to Trump's multifront attacks on the 2020 election that he lost. We identify the basis for cultural coalitions that can end particular culture wars, including the most significant one now occurring between egalitarians and individualists, and conclude with suggestions for further research.

Examining emotional belief expressions of advocacy coalitions in Arkansas' gender identity politics

AbstractMany theories and approaches to policy studies have recently begun to question and research how emotions interact with peoples' understanding and behaviors, especially in policy and politics. This paper builds on and contributes to studying emotions in policy and politics via the advocacy coalition framework (ACF). In applying Emotional‐Belief Analysis, this paper examines the legislative testimony on one of the US' first gender‐affirming care (GAC) bans. It shows that those testifying can be organized in competing advocacy coalitions with distinct emotion‐belief expressions in combination with deep core and policy core beliefs. Moreover, expressions of negative emotions and policy core beliefs display significant and the largest effects in explaining coalition affiliation and shared views of the bill banning GAC. The conclusion summarizes the paper's empirical themes with suggestions for incorporating emotions more into the ACF and the broader policy studies field.

Региональная идентичность как предмет социально-гуманитарных междисциплинарных исследований

The article presents an analysis of socio-humanitarian concepts dedicated to the notion of “identity”, particularly its regional identity. The author defines that currently, interdisciplinarity and a pluralistic methodological approach (methodological flexibility) determine the increased interest of representatives of social-humanitarian knowledge in the theory of identity. The article also analyzes the inherent potential of the phenomenon of identity in historical research. Based on representative source material, the author demonstrates the fruitful scientific potential of the constructivist theory, which allowed him to present a wide range of scientific studies of identity. The emphasis is placed on the fact that the strive for preservation and promotion of regional identities is a topical issue in modern society. It is noted that the state can contribute to the development of regional identity, support the creation of cultural centers, organization of festivals, exhibitions, and other events that contribute to the popularization and attraction of attention to the unique characteristics of each region, in other words, implement an identity politics.

Communicating Europe: a computational analysis of the evolution of the European Commission’s communication on Twitter

Social media is an important means of communication for political agencies, which makes it possible to engage with large sectors of the public. For institutions which are not directly elected by voters, such as the European Commission (EC), social media can be a strategic tool for increasing perceived legitimacy and citizen engagement, especially in contexts of high politicization. In this paper, we use natural language processing techniques to provide a comprehensive overview of how EC communication on Twitter has evolved between 2010 and 2022, with respect to both its topics and its style. Our analyses show that, over time, the focus of EC communication has shifted substantially from economy-, finance- and governance-related topics, towards social policy, digital and environmental policy, and identity. These changes have progressively differentiated the EC’s profile from that of other institutions (especially more technocratic ones) and contributed to better alignment with engagement patterns of its social media audience. In addition, EC communication has become less neutral (in favor of more positive sentiment), simpler, and more readable, all features which are associated with more accessible and engaging messaging. Yet, while the EC currently scores better than most other reference agencies on several descriptors of accessibility, its style is still lexically more complex, less concrete and less action-oriented than that of other institutions. Alongside providing novel insights on how the EC’s online communication and projected political identity have changed over time, this study lays the foundations for future experimental and hypothesis-driven work combining social media data with external data sources.

Branded Social Campaign and the Politics of Representation

Introduction: The low awareness of clean living made a company, through one of its product brands, initiate a social program through a donation campaign to improve sanitation and poor quality of health in the province of East Nusa Tenggara (NTT— Nusa Tenggara Timur ), Indonesia. An advertisement was then aired frequently in national media to support the campaign. However, this advertisement was protested by the people who represent NTT citizens. Methodology: Employing Karatani's (2003) representation theory and Schiappa's (2008) concept of representational correctness with a discourse analysis approach, the research critically analyzes the politics and problems associated with Lifebuoy's social campaigns that sparked protests and denials from various NTT community groups. Results: This study found that the landscaping of the representation problems of the advertisement included the problems of 'speak about' and 'speak for.' Also, the power of prejudice or racial stereotypes of eastern Indonesian people was permanently attached to poverty and underdevelopment. Discussion: The protest(ers) representation was also problematic and political. There were numerous struggles of agenda and identity politics among protesters. Therefore, Lifebuoy's social campaign did not only serve as the object of protest but at the same time also criticized the protesters. Conclusions: This study contributes essential lessons for brands about the urgency of mapping and reading political voices in the field when a social program is launched and implemented so that various obstacles are well anticipated.

Blood is Thicker than Water: A Genealogy of Water in Nation-State Building

This work explores the multifaceted relationship between India and Pakistan, starting with India’s very recent decision to renegotiate the terms of the Indus Waters Treaty of 1960 between the two countries. This treaty, considered to be a time-tested hallmark of peace on the Indian subcontinent, is particularly heralded by mediators like the World Bank. This desire for peace is confronted with the reality of border skirmishes and conflicts over Kashmir, a state through which the Indus River flows. Accordingly, I interrogate the interactions between various political actors over the Indus Waters themselves, specifically focusing on partition and the subsequent period that led up to the signing of the Indus Waters Treaty. This piece seeks to understand the role of nature in cohering international, national and subnational identity. Specifically, I focus on the two countries’ historical conflicts over water as well as sovereign claims to water in Punjab and Jammu and Kashmir, which are regions that must balance domestic priorities with the looming national interests of India and Pakistan. By linking water to the economic, cultural, and social language that comprises political imagination and identity, I hope to reveal new insights about how the relationship between nature and humanity has transformed from mutual cooperation to one of commodification and displacement.

Deconstruction and Integration: The Postmodern Characteristics of Translanguaging Pedagogy

Translanguaging, as a multilingual use strategy, allows individuals to flexibly employ a variety of linguistic resources across different social and educational contexts. This phenomenon aligns with postmodern concepts such as multiplicity, anti-narrativity, decentralization, identity politics, the relationship between language and power, and the relativity of history and culture. The purpose of this paper is to explore the theoretical connections between translanguaging and postmodernism and to analyze how the practice of translanguaging embodies the core ideas of postmodernism.

Bulls on Parade

1 Kgs 12:25-33 is composed of two significant layers – an earlier stratum that may be based on an Israelite royal inscription and a later, likely Judahite redaction. These can be disentangled based on a redaction critical approach rooted in studies of compilational and editorial practices attested in biblical and Cuneiform sources. Though the final text is often analyzed as an idol polemic, the Israelite strata suggest that Jeroboam is not depicted as constructing idols but rather pilgrimage outposts. This is borne out by the use of bovine iconography to direct ritual movement at other Levantine sites, as well as the broader Near Eastern practice of establishing pilgrimage networks in order to project political authority over multiple settlements, knitting them together into a kingdom. Accordingly, this article argues that the Israelite text depicted Jeroboam creating a pilgrimage network to performatively bring his Israel into being. Participating in this pilgrimage was a performance of Israelite identity. The Judahite redaction disavowed this by othering key aspects of the Israelite material culture depicted in the text. The final text is thus an example of identity politics rather than an idol polemic.

Hyperlocal citizen journalism in Hong Kong: Resilience through community newspapers

Despite severe political pressures on journalism and civil society after the implementation of the National Security Law in Hong Kong, over 20 community newspapers have continued their operation. Through content analysis of 60 issues of the papers and in-depth interviews with over 20 individuals involved in their establishment and operation, this study aims to unravel their intriguing resilience. Findings reveal that these papers adopted two non-confrontational content strategies: identity politics and life politics. On the one hand, by publishing “soft” content, they construct local identities and provide counternarratives to official discourse. On the other hand, they foster discussions on everyday life issues, bridging personal experiences with political engagement. Operationally, the voluntary nature and decentralized, collaborative structures cultivate a strong sense of community. We argue that community papers in Hong Kong represent an intersection of citizen journalism and hyperlocal journalism, which creates a unique resilience under political pressure.

Exploring the link between public health compliance and voting patterns in the 2020 U.S. presidential election

IntroductionThe COVID-19 pandemic has significantly impacted society and politics, particularly in the context of the 2020 U.S. presidential election. Public officials' unpreparedness resulted in skepticism regarding government responses. Additionally, health inequities and political polarization profoundly influenced voter attitudes and behaviors.MethodsThis study employs statistical techniques to examine voting patterns, leveraging data from the 2021 African American COVID-19 Vaccine Polls (AACVP) alongside the 2020 Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey (CMPS). Specifically, it utilizes logistic regression and t-tests to dissect and understand the dichotomous electoral decisions made by voters between Donald Trump and Joe Biden in the U.S. presidential election. The research analyzes the nuances of the electorate's behavior by considering many factors that may influence the binary vote decision.ResultsT-tests revealed significant mean differences in voting patterns based on public health compliance, with less compliant individuals more likely to vote for Trump and more compliant individuals favoring Biden. Logistic regression analysis showed a substantial statistical correlation between public health compliance and voting preferences, independent of confounding variables.DiscussionThe study confirmed that public health compliance during the pandemic impacted voting behavior, with a divide based on attitudes toward health measures. This reflected broader societal divisions, suggesting that public health behaviors are linked with political identities. Additionally, media sources and racial identity significantly influenced voting decisions.

Museum Discourse in the Conditions of Information Warfare: problem statement

The article is devoted to the consideration of the position of museum discourse in the communicative system of modern Russia and, more broadly, in the national security system. In the context of geopolitical challenges and the development of political discourse in the semantics of the pervasive cancel culture in the format of applying new ethics as a symbolic act of oblivion, the national museum discourse acquires a particular significance. The “memory war”, the purpose of which is to delegitimize the previous discourse using techniques of rewriting, ignoring, neutralizing, and denying, actualizes the study of museum discourse in the context of national security strategy. Considering museum discourse as an imperative to strengthen national security, the authors identify a separate research area of socio–humanitarian sciences – “memory studies”, and introduce into the scientific categorical apparatus rather interrelated concepts of political discourse: “identity politics”, “memory politics” and “memorial politics”. The authors implement a strategy for analyzing the communicative effects of ensuring cultural sovereignty and overcoming the cancel culture, and conclude that museum discourse and the discourse of memory in the logic of cognitive and structural aspects represent mental constructs with the potential for dialogism and conversion (including the conversion of cultural capital into political capital), and determine the multilevel combinatorics of various communicative effects in the development of national identity. Hence, the authors propose to study the mutual influence of three discursive constructs: museum discourse – discourse of the state policy of memory – discourse of national identity, considered in relation to the modern political realities of Russia in the context of the implementation of the national security strategy.

Racial microaggressions in U.S. and Canadian contexts: Identity, perceptions of severity and the use of mindset signalling to repair harm

AbstractMicroaggressions are behaviours constituting indirect or unintentional discrimination, but little is known about how group identity affects perceptions of their harm. Canada and the United States have similar socio‐cultural backgrounds, but different socio‐political climates, with greater political polarisation and arguably stronger ties between politics and race in the United States (Pew research, 2020). Thus, the interplay between ethnic/racial identity (ERI), political identity, and perceived harm of microaggressions may differ across these countries. In a recent study of Canadians, perceived microaggression harm was associated with leftward political orientation rather than ERI. Here, we extend this work to a U.S. sample. In two experiments (N = 99; N = 210), White participants and Participants of Colour rated the severity of microaggressions and reported their political orientation and the strength of their ERI. Microaggression severity ratings were associated with left‐leaning political orientation, regardless of ERI. In Experiment 2, vignettes in which the perpetrator of a microaggression sought reparation by signalling a “reparatory open‐mindedness” reduced severity ratings compared to instances in which the source doubled down on the microaggression. Interestingly, the size of this reduction in perceived severity was smaller than for Canadian participants. Thus, perceived microaggression harm is governed by similar forces in Canada and the United States, but signalling mindset, while still effective, leads to smaller reductions in perceived harm in the United States. This could indicate differences in intergroup trust and polarization between these nations. This work underscores the role of political orientation in perceptions of microaggressions and highlights the efficacy of mindset signalling in mitigating their harm.

Youth political participation and digital movement in Indonesia: the case of #ReformasiDikorupsi and #TolakOmnibusLaw

The younger generations have always been at the forefront of and contributed significantly to social movements that are critical of state policies or respond to socio-political situations. This is also what happened in large movements involving young people in Indonesia, conventionally in the form of demonstrations and digital movements. This study seeks to explore the relationship between youth political participation, digital media, and the development of youth political identity by analyzing young people’s engagement in some of the most significant political protests in Indonesia during the mass protests of #ReformasiDikorupsi, a movement opposing the amendments of several important bills, and #TolakOmnibusLaw, a movement opposing the establishment of a new single bill related to labor and investment, between 2019 and 2020. By analyzing quantitative data through data mining from Twitter from October 2019 to November 2020 with the social network analysis method, this study discusses online youth participation in social movements and the way they shape their political identity. Our research found that young people play an active and central role in building online and offline movements. In particular, the online movement contributes to the growth of the offline protest movement, and vice versa, because of concerns about the practice of illiberal democracy.

Business as usual like never before! Continuity, rupture and anxiety management in the 2014 Scottish independence referendum campaign

Ontological security-seeking has traditionally been considered to rest upon the stability and continuity of core auto-biographical narratives and everyday routines. ‘Critical situations’ which fundamentally destabilise these foundations of ontological security have thus hitherto carried a negative valence. Constitutional referenda proposing a radical re-organisation of collective political identities and daily life, therefore, are intriguing. A source of severe consternation for some, for others, potential change is positive, even thrilling. This article investigates this puzzling contrast, drawing on Ontological Security Studies’ (OSS) recent recentring of Existentialist thought and debates exploring the heterogenous potential of anxiety, and utilising the 2014 referendum on Scottish independence and the strategies for anxiety management embedded in the pro-independence ‘Yes’ campaign. Through analysis of dominant discourses grounding the argument for independence, findings demonstrate the simultaneous deployment of contradictory anxiety management strategies: independence was framed as a pathway to escape the instability and uncertainty of the status quo; as a pathway to continuity; and as a chance to embrace anxiety, to relish the opportunity and excitement of change. This article thus contributes to the prevailing critique of OSS’ over-privileging of stability and continuity in ontological security-seeking, yet problematises ‘either/or’ approaches to understanding anxiety management in critical situations and beyond.

The Role of Political Parties and Volunteer Organizations in the Process of Shaping Political Identity and Human Rights Protection during Military Aggression

The study examines the role of political entities and volunteer organisations in shaping political identity amidst the Russian military aggression towards Ukraine. The purpose of the study is to determine the influence of political parties and volunteer organisations on the processes of political identity formation and human rights protection during martial law. Sociological, graphical, and comparative methods were used during the study. The findings indicate the increasing significance of Ukrainian citizenship, the strengthening of national identity and the consolidation of civil society in Ukraine amidst Russian military aggression. It was established that there are certain disagreements regarding the support of existing and new political parties. At the same time, a significant number of citizens has an uncertain position on the support of specific political parties or the involvement of volunteer organisations in the activities. The substantial consolidation and expansion of volunteer organisations, coupled with increased confidence in their operations, indicates the culmination of the civil nation-building process in Ukraine.

The Death and New Life of Law and Religion

Abstract The year 2023 was an end and a beginning. It saw the passing or retirement of many giants in the field of law and religion—scholars who brought their formidable erudition and insight to bear on questions that transcended legal doctrine, venturing upward into the heady realms of political theory, philosophy, history, sociology, and theology. These and other recent departures from the active world of law and religion are an occasion to reflect on the state of the field. This article begins with a brief history of the field, highlighting the questions that motivated it to emerge in the 1970s and 1980s and the intellectual currents and legal developments against which it was reacting. It then argues that some of the central concerns and inquiries that occupied law and religion as a discrete field of academic study in what it calls the first wave heyday are now at an end. These include the nature of religion and the secular in the law, the division between these concepts, and the implications for law and religion as an independent academic discipline; the concept of state neutrality as to religion and the connected public–private divide as respects what is religious and what is non-religiously political; and the regime of religious exemption for everyone with a sincere objection to a law as the central feature of religious free exercise, in constitutional and statutory law. This article argues that these are now, or will soon become, dead issues. Of course, they may well continue to be important for lawyers making and opposing claims in litigation, and for judges deciding among them, since the operative textual and doctrinal categories relevant to such claims will continue to depend on clever argumentation concerning some or all of them. And scholars will, no doubt, continue to wrangle over them. But to the extent that they continue to define the field or remain its signature issues, their growing irrelevance signals its death. Intellectual enterprises that survive over generations learn to adapt, and law and religion will need to do so as well. And, in fact, different issues, based on different premises and cultural circumstances, are beginning to emerge that may come to dominate the field and give it new life: the nature of political establishments and how they change; the use of ‘religion’ as a term for a category of political or ideological identity either to re-entrench or subvert political establishment; and the limits of what the so-called religious dissenters (who are now, and in large measure thanks to the first wave, indistinguishable from political or ideological dissenters) from the political establishment may reasonably expect in the way of accommodation from it. If the field is to survive, it will need to reorient itself towards new problems that afflict a very different world from the one in which it came into being.

Analisis Strategi Partai Gerindra dalam Meningkatkan Elektabilitas Prabowo Subianto pada Pemilihan Presiden 2019 di Provinsi Aceh

This research aims to analyze the strategies employed by the Gerindra Party to enhance the electability of Prabowo Subianto in the 2019 presidential election in the Aceh Province, utilizing Organizational Theory, Social Exchange Theory, and Political Marketing Theory. The qualitative research method incorporated data collection techniques such as observation, interviews, and documentation. The findings indicate the success of Gerindra Party's organizational strategy in Aceh, leveraging organizational structure and the committed performance of party cadres, motivating them to collectively support Prabowo Subianto. The effectiveness of the political promise strategy is evident through the signing of a political contract between Prabowo Subianto and 26 Aceh religious figures, aimed at developing Aceh Province and realizing the Free Port of Sabang to boost the economy of Aceh's communities. Furthermore, the identity politics strategy was implemented due to the majority of Aceh's population being Muslim. The Gerindra Party crafted an image of Prabowo as a devout Muslim leader who is consistent, pro-people, and engaged religious Islamic authorities in garnering support through Islamic boarding schools, mosques, and associations in the Aceh Province. This approach strengthens the relationship between Prabowo Subianto, the Gerindra Party, and the Acehnese community.

Politik Identitas Gender dalam Pemilihan Kepala Daerah Tahun 2020 di Kota Makassar

Identity politics in democracy continues to be a topic of discussion, particularly regarding issues related to gender, religion, language, race, and ethnicity. These factors are often studied in the context of political identity during election periods, such as during the 2020 election in the city of Makassar. , Fatmawati Rusdi is the only female contestant in the Makassar City Election and makes history for women in the government seat for the next five years. The purpose is to describe how gender identity politics became a strategy for winning the 2020 regional elections in Makassar City. The research method used is a qualitative descriptive research method with a literature study and observation approach. The research results explain the gender identity politics in the Makassar City election, where Fatmawati Rusdi became the first female deputy mayor in Makassar City, the only woman to compete in the Makassar City election, Fatmawati Rusdi applied direct communication (door-to-door) with the community instead of image building in the media. Conclusion from this research, the involvement of women in local elections happened almost throughout Indonesia, especially in the city of Makassar, starting with the 2020 local elections where a woman was elected as the Deputy Mayor of Makassar. To win, Fatmawati Rusdi used the right strategy to gain the support of the mothers of the taklim councils in the alleys, one of the female sports communities often cycling, which greatly helped in the approach of campaigning and delivering the programs to be done when in office

Uniform as Assertion: The Politics of Caste Reservation in Colonial and Post-colonial Armed Forces of India (1930–2020)

Recruitment of lower and middle castes remained a much-debated topic in Indian electoral politics till now. On the one hand, there was intense political debate between various castes, and on the other, there was judicial and administrative debate about social justice. Even though Ambedkar tried to use it as a method of social justice and state-sponsored social alleviation, because of its connection to identity politics, it quickly became a matter of electoral mobilization. Various parties that were attempting to win over various communities with their call for military recruitment eventually strayed from the real motivation behind that Ambedkarian demand. Lastly, since the turn of the twentieth century, the new political rhetoric of Hindutva has intriguingly transformed this call for military recruitment into a different cause. This article discusses how the demand for the Chamar Regiment and the Ahir Regiment in particular became the focal point of this debate for nearly a century.