Identity Politics Research Articles

Permissive prejudice in localized authoritarian consolidation: evidence from Turkey's municipalities

ABSTRACT What strategies do competitive authoritarian regimes use to target local-level opposition gains? How and why can these strategies vary subnationally? We analyse how national-level identity politics shapes regimes’ repression calculus at the local level. We suggest permissive prejudice leads regimes to choose harsher strategies in localities governed by stigmatized minority groups than in majority-led localities. To study this phenomenon, we identify three strategies varying in degrees of severity and visibility, and present an original dataset of repressive events in Turkey’s municipalities from 2016–2022. We argue anti-Kurdish prejudice explains the ruling AKP’s use of a harsh strategy of leader replacement in 149 cases of Kurdish-led municipalities yet only one Turkish-led municipality. Supporting our claim, the AKP used behind-the-scenes hamstringing to obstruct opposition mayors in Turkish-led municipalities. Our findings highlight the permissive and restrictive roles that identity politics plays in shaping local-level repression and wider patterns of authoritarian consolidation.

Can Small States Reshape Their Regional Identities? Examining Georgia’s Cognitive Dissonance between South Caucasus and Eastern Europe

Abstract Georgia represents an interesting case to study the agency of small states in reshaping their regional identity and external environment. Although much of the world has considered Georgia as politically part of the South Caucasus region, the country’s political elites themselves have long attempted to escape the geographic boundaries of the South Caucasus region and relocate their country into Eastern Europe. We argue that Georgian elites were partially successful in their quest for foreign political identity change. Although they did not manage to entirely change the international perception about Georgia’s geographic belonging, the country has politically moved closer to Eastern Europe and is considered to be part of “Associated Trio” together with Ukraine and Moldova—and recently became an EU candidate. From a theoretical perspective, we argue that Georgia’s quest for foreign policy identity recalibration fits the constructivist paradigm of international relations well. It can be argued that Georgia’s political elites were partially driven by ideational factors and were ignorant of the balance of power in their external environment, which cost the country the lost wars and compromised territorial sovereignty.

Issues, Interactions, and Group Images as Mechanisms of Affective Polarization in Two Environmental Conflicts in Argentina

Affective polarization happens when groups develop mutual negative perceptions and feelings. This phenomenon has raised concern among journalists, opinion leaders, and academics, many of whom have related polarization to partisan politics. Previous research has relied mainly on quantitative data focused on the national-level political polarization of Western societies. In this article, we show that polarization and its negative consequences—the damage to relationships and the rise of violence—may arise after divergence with relevant issues unrelated to political positions or identities. We process trace two communities in Argentina with local environmental conflicts to show the interaction mechanisms that start with an issue difference, continue with affective polarization, and may end with escalation or depolarization. By showing the mechanisms of interaction that lead to polarization, we offer a precise and clear explanation of the process that can be tested in further research.

Following western conceptions of masculinity: homohysteria and transgressive bodies in a masculine Turkish environment

ABSTRACT This article uses qualitative interview data derived from 18 Turkish gay males who exist within in a traditionally masculine space in order to examine for a social movement pattern based in relation to the Western context. In examining the entanglement of homophobia with cisgender masculine social hierarchies it suggests similarity between current Turkish culture and historical American culture: that the antecedent of homophobia facilitates an approximate social process of hierarchy-making that privileges heterosexuality and cisgender bodies while stigmatising femininity and queer bodies. Results also show limited signs of resistance, with a differing embodiment of hypertrophic bodies, and cautious optimism with aspirations of liberation through adopted western identity politics.

Identity Politics as Lingua Franca?

Abstract Although identity politics dates back to the 1960 s, it has acquired a new urgency since the ascendance of Black Lives Matter in the late 2010 s. And while identity politics, as a critical framework, was developed in the United States, its rhetoric has since been taken up in much of the rest of the world. This article argues that the terminology of US-style identity politics is especially ill-suited to Germany, a country in which race does not exist as a legal category, and discrimination and inequality do not revolve around a Black/white axis. It points out, moreover, that the German appropriation of certain words and concepts – such as diversity, political correctness, cancel culture, woke, intersectionality, and others – clashes both with their usage and meaning in the US and with the demographic changes that have transformed post-Second World War German culture. In order to illustrate this clash, this article compares Michael R. Jackson’s Pulitzer Prize and Tony Award-winning musical A Strange Loop (2019) with Yael Ronen’s Slippery Slope (2021), a critically acclaimed musical performed in English at Berlin’s Maxim Gorki Theater. It critiques Slippery Slope’s appropriation of the buzzwords of identity politics and notes with regret that German theatres are ill-equipped to perform the plays of the most important playwrights working in the US today, a new generation of African American writers, including Jackson, whose work is steeped in the performance traditions of Black American cultures.

Moral foundations in autistic people and people with systemizing minds

BackgroundDo autistic people share the same moral foundations as typical people? Here we built on two prominent theories in psychology, moral foundations theory and the empathizing–systemizing (E–S) theory, to observe the nature of morality in autistic people and systemizers.MethodsIn dataset 1, we measured five foundations of moral judgements (Care, Fairness, Loyalty, Authority, and Sanctity) measured by the Moral Foundations Questionnaire (MFQ) in autistic (n = 307) and typical people (n = 415) along with their scores on the Empathy Quotient (EQ) and Systemizing Quotient (SQ). In dataset 2, we measured these same five foundations along with E–S cognitive types (previously referred to as “brain types”) in a large sample of typical people (N = 7595).ResultsAutistic people scored the same on Care (i.e., concern for others) as typical people (h1). Their affective empathy (but not their cognitive empathy) scores were positively correlated with Care. Autistic people were more likely to endorse Fairness (i.e., giving people what they are owed, and treating them with justice) over Care (h2). Their systemizing scores were positively correlated with Fairness. Autistic people or those with a systemizing cognitive profile had lower scores on binding foundations: Loyalty, Authority, and Sanctity (h3). Systemizing in typical people was positively correlated with Liberty (i.e., hypervigilance against oppression), which is a sixth moral foundation (h4). Although the majority of people in all five E–S cognitive types self-identified as liberal, with a skew towards empathizing (h5), the percentage of libertarians was highest in systemizing cognitive types (h6). E–S cognitive types accounted for 2 to 3 times more variance for Care than did sex.LimitationsOur study is limited by its reliance on self-report measures and a focus on moral judgements rather than behavior or decision-making. Further, only dataset 2 measured political identification, therefore we were unable to assess politics in autistic people.ConclusionsWe conclude that some moral foundations in autistic people are similar to those in typical people (despite the difficulties in social interaction that are part of autism), and some are subtly different. These subtle differences vary depending on empathizing and systemizing cognitive types.

Youth's political identity and fertility desires

AbstractObjectiveThis study examines the association between political identity and young adults' fertility desires from 1989 to 2019.BackgroundUnderstanding the factors that shape fertility preferences is important because these preferences are the critical bridge between social forces and fertility. Identity is a theorized, but understudied, predictor of fertility desires. The increasing salience of political identity suggests that the association between political identity and fertility desires has strengthened over time.MethodData come from the 1989–2019 waves of Monitoring the Future, a nationally representative study of 12th graders (N = 67,557). Regression models examined how political identity (measured by Republican or Democrat preference) predicts the desired number of children, measured both continuously and categorically.ResultsRegardless of the period, Republicans desired more children than Democrats—a difference that grew over time, from 0.07 in 1989–1993 to 0.29 in 2014–2019. Differences in religiosity and attitudes toward gender and childbearing explained pre‐2004 partisan gaps. From 2004 and onward, these factors attenuated, but did not fully explain, Republican–Democrat gaps. In later periods, relative to Democrats, Republicans still wanted more children on average, had a higher probability of wanting four or more children in 2004–2013 and a lower probability of eschewing parenthood in 2014–2019.ConclusionPolitical identity has become increasingly salient for fertility desires, suggesting that identity might shape fertility intentions and future fertility behavior.

Cosmopolitan Ethics and the Politics of Religious Identity in Leila Aboulela's Novels: an Interdisciplinary Perspective

Leila Aboulela is a prolific Anglophone Muslim writer whose narratives inscribe in the postmodernist tradition of literary production. She engages with Muslim religious identity renegotiations in a transnational imaginary space. Literary critics consider her writings as an arduous write back to the underpinning discourses of Islamophobia, which gained momentum in the metropolitan cities of the West in the aftermath of 9/11. In doing so, Leila Aboulela overstresses the religious identity at the expense of other forms of affiliation and identity. In my thesis, I will invite philosophers of cosmopolitanism across disciplines to account for the inverse relationship between constructing religious identity and cosmopolitan ethics.

Researching Emotional Experiences as Discursive Elements – A Suggested Qualitative Method

As scholars in the fields of political science, media research, and social psychology endeavor to understand crucial aspects of emotionality in the media, there is a growing need to methodologically address the communicative and discursive aspects of affective constructions in media texts. This article argues that by breaking down mediated emotional experiences represented through language in a set of identifiable elements, such as subject, emotion type, valence, intensity, proposed action, and object, those experiences could be used as workable and potent units of analysis when studying discursive and ideological media constructs of emotionality. By connecting insights from emotion science, the sociology of emotions, and media sociology, the qualitative method outlined, Emotional Experience Profiling (EEP), provides a flexible research tool conducive to an understanding of how emotional experiences represented through language in media texts are constructed and how they shape political discourse, identity, and emotional cultures. To demonstrate and illustrate the application of the method, the article provides examples from a pilot study which explores the research question: How do emotional experiences featured in Swedish far-right alternative news media construct and articulate political discourse?

Divided by the jab: affective polarisation based on COVID vaccination status

ABSTRACT Group-based affective polarisation can emerge around new issues that divide citizens. The public response to vaccines against COVID-19 provided a clear example of a new basis for group divides. Despite scientific consensus regarding the dangers of SARS-CoV-2 as well as the safety and effectiveness of available vaccinations, the public response to the COVID-19 pandemic was strongly politicised during the height of the health crisis. Positive social identities and negative out-group stereotyping developed around support or opposition to the vaccines. Panel survey data from Austria shows that vaccination identities are clearly identifiable and are related to extensive trait-based stereotyping of in- and out-group members. Moreover, we show that vaccination identities are linked to political identities and orientations that pre-date the politicisation of COVID-19 vaccines. Indeed, vaccination identities are more strongly related to political orientations than the decision to get vaccinated itself. Importantly, vaccination identities help us understand downstream attitudes, preferences, and behaviours related to the pandemic, even when controlling for other important predictors such as vaccination status and partisanship for anti-vaccine parties. We discuss the implications and generalizability of our findings beyond the context of the pandemic.

Exploring the factors affecting political education in Iran

The transmission of political values and norms through education is crucial for global political systems. It enhances citizens' engagement in politics and society. This paper explores influential factors in the political education of Iranian citizens within an Islamic community society. Focusing on Islamic political education values and objectives, it elaborates on principles impacting Iranian citizens' education. It examines the conceptual framework, nature, goals, applications, and dimensions, while scrutinizing components' role in educating committed citizens. This article employs the qualitative document analysis method. The findings highlight the crucial role of Iranian political culture in developing political education. The political culture of Iranians is a combination of participant and subject political cultures. Iranian political culture significantly influences political education, driven by factors like family, media, education institutions, government, political and religious rituals, and religion. These factors play a critical role in shaping the perspectives, values, and political identities of individuals.

Forging Frontline Russians

This article considers efforts by the de facto authorities of non-governmental-controlled areas (NGCAs) of eastern Ukraine to shape regional identity from 2014 through 2021. It focuses on the paradoxes of top-down identity construction in an environment of mixed popular sentiments, fluid borders, and an uncertain political future. It argues that nascent identity construction projects in the NGCAs were often inconsistent and unclear, emphasizing different layers of “candidate Fatherlands,” be it the individual self-declared republics, the Donbas, Novorossiia, the Russian Federation, or a broader Russian civilization. While internally inconsistent and contradictive, however, the various initiatives often took antemurale political myths as a point of departure. These myths spin around the idea that regional inhabitants constitute a particular brand of “frontline Russians”—hardened warriors protecting a western outpost of the Russian civilization. Even as “candidate Fatherlands” came and went, this ideational core manifested not only in policy and aloof declarations, but also in a persistent growth of so-called military-patriotic education in the region. Militarized ideas of political identity became mainstream within the occupied areas—reflecting both influences from Russia and the ongoing war.

Competitive Words: Identity Counts in Large Amounts

This essay argues that central assumptions underlying identity politics in literary writing—inclusion, visibility, diversity—are progressive in character. Yet in conditions of social precarity, literary writing and especially literary discussions that derive progressive potential from identity claims involuntarily and inevitably act under the aegis of neoliberal progressivism (as critiqued by Nancy Fraser and many others). Caution about identity politics (rather than its outright rejection) is a necessary minimum in response to the corruption inherent in the systemic placement of literature. When literary discussions, and this does not just mean scholarly research but also literary critique, book presentations and discussions in different reading groups and book clubs, fall short of this critical minimum, they risk missing that common and universal feature of the general intellect upon which revolutionary ideas of emancipation and solidarity once rested. Following Ulrich Brand and Markus Wissen's study of the imperial mode of living, this essay examines the phenomenon of what I call 'literary identity politics'—namely the implementation of identity politics in and through literary writing—in terms of the interval between literature's efforts to right the wrongs of exclusion and its simultaneous entanglement in the system of global injustice.

Dolimandro’s ‘Turkish Knife’: Geopolitics and Narrative Style in Mary Wroth’s Urania

Abstract This essay examines Lady Mary Wroth’s engagement with early seventeenth-century Anglo-Ottoman relations in The Countess of Montgomery’s Urania. The Urania follows a group of rulers who create an international Christian coalition in what was historically part of the Ottoman Empire. Besides Bernadette Andrea, no other critic has seriously considered the Urania’s allusions to Ottoman peoples, places, and objects. I propose that Wroth’s prose, filled with interpretive cruxes resulting from syntactical and pronominal ambiguities, resonates with England’s ambiguously identificatory relationship with the Ottoman Empire to create a geopolitically inflected narrative style. Following critical work on early modern race as a measure of ‘proximity’, I identify English desires both to identify with and differentiate themselves from the Ottoman Empire within literary and diplomatic discourses. I demonstrate how members of the Sidney-Herbert circle negotiated overlaps in English and Ottoman political, legal, religious, and racial identity markers. I then argue that these overlaps synergize with Wroth’s use of what I term syntactical and pronominal ‘severalty’ of character voices, particularly those of her narrator and characters identified with Ottoman regions. I conclude by demonstrating how Wroth experiments with her narrative style to imagine a Christian empire that surpasses Ottoman authority. In identifying a dialectic between contemporary Anglo-Ottoman relations and Wroth’s narrative style, this essay expands critical approaches to the politics of the Urania beyond more global narratological analysis.

Communication Strategies to Promote COVID-19 Vaccination Intention: How Effective are Source, Appeal, Framing, and Evidence Type Approaches?

ABSTRACT This systematic review analyzed the effectiveness of key persuasive strategies – source, appeal, framing, and evidence (SAFE) – on COVID-19 vaccination intention. Quantitative studies were searched in Web of Science, Scopus, and PubMed following the PRISMA guidelines. From the 61 studies that met inclusion criteria, source and framing are the most commonly applied SAFE strategies. However, source characteristics are a more consistent influence on vaccine intentions than message framing strategies, with expert sources and general practitioners emerging as the key sources contributing to greater vaccine intentions. In addition, a range of mediators and moderators influence the process through which SAFE message strategies impact vaccine intentions. Framing effects, in particular, are moderated by political identity, source characteristics, and vaccine perceptions. Tests of mediating processes highlight how health behavior judgments (e.g. perceived vaccine benefits, risks, trust in vaccination, perceived severity) and message response/perceptions (e.g. counterarguing, perceived similarity/empathy) operate as key intervening factors between SAFE message strategies and vaccine intentions. Overall, when practitioners apply various structural approaches (narrative elements, fear appeals, framing cues) to vaccine promotion campaigns, they should be cognizant of who is providing that appeal. Targeted populations may benefit most from different structural elements if they are integrated with sources that resonate with the audience.

Mapping the stars: Celebrity, metonymy, and the networked politics of identity By Claire SiscoKing, Athens, OH: Ohio State University Press. 2023. pp. 264. $32.95 (paperback)

Mapping the stars: Celebrity, metonymy, and the networked politics of identity By Claire SiscoKing, Athens, OH: Ohio State University Press. 2023. pp. 264. $32.95 (paperback)

Syncretic Narratives: Ethnic Diversity and Identity Politics in Post-Colonial Malaysia

The account of post-colonial Malaysia is indeed an intricate one, the relationship between the ethnic bunch and identity politics is both dynamic and complicated, creating a syncretic narrative with nuanced understanding of human culture. Delving into the many layers of Malaysia's socio-political landscape to examine the subtle linkages between ethnicity, culture, and power relations. A mosaic of nationalities, each adding to the rich fabric of the country's cultural past. Malaysia is an amalgamation of many customs, dialects, and beliefs, ranging from the Indigenous Orang Asli to the Malay majority, as well as the Chinese diaspora and India. However, underneath the facade of diversity is a crucible of identity politics, where historical grudges and power imbalances collide with current socio-economic realities. The legacy of British Colonialism with its divide and rule strategy, may still be felt in Malaysia's socio-political environment, impacting notions of race and identity today. While attempts to construct a national identity have been made, they frequently collide with notions of ethnic dominance and marginalization, exacerbating tensions and divides within Malaysian society. The quest for a unified national identity is loaded with difficulties, as Malaysia grapples with the complexity of its heterogeneous background while under the constraints of globalization and modernity. Despite the obstructions, there are moments of optimism and resilience as Malaysians traverse the contours of their hybrid identity, gaining strength from the variety that distinguishes their country. Through debate, openness, and a commitment to social justice, Malaysia has the opportunity to break free from identity politics and embrace a more inclusive and equitable future.

Trapped between religion and ethnicity: identity politics against the Baloch in Iran and Pakistan

ABSTRACT This article delves into the intricate connection between societal identity markers and the politico-socio-economic conditions of the Baloch people in Pakistan and Iran. It explores the structural conditions of identity that contribute to oppressive dichotomies in centre–periphery relations, ultimately fuelling internal conflicts. Balochistan, historically marginalized and overlooked, endured a complex geopolitical history as it shifted between empires, notably the Persian and British Empires. In the nineteenth century, agreements between the Persian and British Empires outlined the modern-day borders, fragmenting the Baloch nation into regions now administered by Iran, Pakistan, and Afghanistan. The aftermath of this partition led to permanent societal tension, impacting the internal security of these states. The article highlights the struggle of the divided Baloch people for equal politico-socio-economic rights, emphasizing the states’ challenges in legitimizing their authority. The Baloch, residing in divided borders, express their grievances against Iran and Pakistan, each grappling with identity-based conflicts rooted in sectarianism (Iran) and ethnicity (Pakistan). The narrative explores the complex relationship between the Baloch people and the respective states, shedding light on diverse perspectives regarding marginalization and discrimination.

A reflection on Hong Kong’s yellow economic circle

ABSTRACT Emerged from the anti-extradition law amendment bill movement in 2019, the yellow economic circle (YEC) is the first ever widely adopted political consumerism in post-handover Hong Kong, where people buycott yellow (pro-movement) and boycott blue (anti-movement/ pro-Beijing/ pro-HKSAR-government) businesses. The reflection’s prominence lies in the popular engagement in YEC, and the political consumerism still lingers in the city even after the abrupt end of the 2019 movement. Existing research lacks the exploration of the meanings YEC entailed in relation to the context of Hong Kong and the lessons YEC can impart to the city’s civil society development. By classifying YEC into “sign” and “process,” the article first examines the particular juncture at which YEC emerged to show how Beijing has tried to govern Hong Kong through the market. It subsequently delves into a discourse analysis, scrutinizing how Beijing has constructed a civility for the market, which is later reshaped by YEC. Drawing on Chantal Mouffe’s theorization of “politics” as well as Hardt and Negri’s discussion of “identitarian love,” the article continues by shedding light on the identity politics and oxymoron of liberal democracy inherent in the political consumerism. It also addresses the narrow democratic imagination reflected in different incidents arising from YEC, which may be symptomatic of Hong Kong’s current political struggle. The exploration concludes with suggestions on how the YEC can strengthen Hong Kong’s civil society after Beijing’s crackdown.

Do in-group biases lead to overconfidence in performance? Experimental evidence

Is the phenomenon of people overestimating their skill relative to their peers (overplacement) exacerbated by group affiliation? Social identity theory predicts people evaluate in-group members more positively than out-group members, and we hypothesized that this differential treatment may result in greater overplacement when interacting with an out-group member. We tested this hypothesis with 301 US voters affiliated with either the Republican or Democratic party in the run-up to the 2020 Presidential election, a time when political identities were salient and highly polarized. We found there is a higher tendency for overplacement when faced with an out-group opponent than with an in-group opponent. Decomposition analysis suggests this difference is due to underestimating the opponent, as opposed to overestimating one’s own performance to a higher degree. Moreover, any tendency to incur in overplacement is mitigated when faced with an opponent with the same political identity relative to one with a neutral one. Group affiliation biases initial priors, but not how they are updated.