Political Stance Research Articles

Ukrainian-British diplomatic efforts amidst the ruscist aggression

Abstract. The article explores the strengthening of Ukrainian-British diplomatic relations over the course of the ruscist aggression against Ukraine. The author argues that diplomacy has become an efficient asset that can play a crucial role in assuring Ukraine’s victory in the struggle against the aggressor. The study focuses on the consistent and effective support for Ukraine extended by the United Kingdom and the latter’s unyielding opposition to russia’s aggressive expansionist policy. The article highlights the rapid development of Ukrainian-British relations, referring to the signing of agreements on political cooperation, free trade, and strategic partnership between the two countries in October 2020. The United Kingdom seeks to form alliances with like-minded countries to support Ukraine. Specifically, the author mentions the initiative to establish a trilateral alliance between Ukraine, the UK, and Poland to enhance security and foster economic cooperation. Additionally, he emphasises the importance of intensive diplomatic contacts and visits by Boris Johnson to Kyiv, which bolstered the coordination in providing support and assistance to Ukraine. Moreover, the paper references the notable Ukraine Recovery Conference in London, highlighting the pivotal role of the international community in supporting and rebuilding Ukraine. Overall, the article underscores that the United Kingdom remains one of Ukraine’s closest friends that promotes the expansion and enhancement of support from other Western partners. While the author acknowledges the presence of diverse political stances on the issue within British society, he concludes that Ukraine will undoubtedly continue to play a prominent role in the United Kingdom’s foreign policy, cementing the latter’s role in the fight for European and transatlantic security. Keywords: Ukraine, Great Britain, diplomacy, Ukrainian-British diplomatic relations, ruscist aggression.

The influence of social media on the current political situation in Kazakhstan

The digitalization of communication means and the rapidly development of social media in the world has led to the public being better informed about key political and economic issues of public concern. This study investigated the use of social media as a transformative agent in changing the political behavior of Kazakhstanis. The author examines the interaction of civil society with the political environment of Kazakhstan through popular social networks. More specifically, special emphasis is placed on the quality of the information produced, as social media provide a wide range of opportunities for political manipulation. As a research method, we use a questionnaire of Kazakhstanis aged 18 to 50 for the data collection, where the main age range of respondents was concentrated between 18 and 25 years. It is established that the effects of social media on the political stance of Kazakhstanis increase as the majority of the respondents agreed that they decided to choose political leanings according to the information perceived from social media. The findings highlight how social media influences political views and contribute to the understanding of how social media can involve or distract society in political life of the country.

Visualizing Folk Love Songs: De/politicization of Sinicized Cartoons in North China under Japanese Occupation

During the War of Resistance against Japan (1937–1945), cartoons constituted an important type of cultural production in Japanese-occupied China. Most scholarship focuses on the political stances shown in such cartoons. However, this article explores Chinese cartoons that seldom directly addressed political issues in wartime North China. In 1935, Zhang Guangyu created the first Folk Love Songs cartoon, which has been seen as representative of Sinicized cartoons, emphasizing the national characteristics shown in Chinese folk culture. With changes in formal and ideological matters, Folk Love Songs cartoons continued to appear in Japanese-occupied North China, featuring quotidian topics. This article argues that, by visualizing everyday life, Folk Love Songs cartoons displaced and de/politicized (depoliticized and simultaneously repoliticized) the national characteristics embedded in prewar Sinicized cartoons. The motif showcases the complexity of wartime cultural production that was not totally occupied by political propaganda.

ДЕЯТЕЛЬНОСТЬ А. ДОРЖИЕВА В 1920-Е ГГ. В ИНФОРМАЦИОННЫХ ДОКУМЕНТАХ ОГПУ

The article is about the new sources pertaining to Agvan Dorjiev, the leader of the Buddhist renovationist movement in Russia. Reports, summaries and other declassified OGPU documents allow studying the important aspects of his activities in the 1920s. The paper is focused on the analysis of the documents which contain a lot of valuable information about the political stance of the Buddhist priests, the nature of the relationship between them and the ordinary believers, and the daily life of the Buddhist monasteries (dazans and huruls). The study of the declassified documents makes it possible to bring to light important data about the relations between the Soviet officials and the Buddhist Sangha, and about the clashes inside the Buddhist organizations. A network of secret agents has gathered valuable information about the conflict between the renovationists and the conservatives, about the activities of A. Dorjiev and other Buddhist leaders. Those documents contain the data referring to the disputes and other methods of antireligious agitation and propaganda. Reports on the “counter-revolutionary” statements and activities of the Buddhist clergymen and believers help revealing their attitude towards the Soviet authorities’ religion policy. Also, the documents facilitate for obtaining valuable information dealing with the real meaning of the concepts that are popular in contemporary historiography – the concepts of the “religious NEP” and the “Golden Age of Buddhism” in Soviet Russia.

Павло Григорович Ріттер – редактор харківської газети “Утро” (1906–1909 рр.)

The article addresses a little-known aspect of the public life of Pavlo Ritter, the lecturer at Kharkiv University and the prominent Orientalist-Indologist – namely, his service as editor of the Kharkiv newspaper Utro (Morning). This episode of the scholar’s biography is reconstructed on the basis of publications in local periodicals and documents of the Kharkiv Governor-General Office preserved at the State Archive of Kharkiv Region.Utro was one of the most influential Kharkiv periodicals of the early twentieth century, competing with The Kharkiv Provincial Gazette and Southern Land. From its founding, Utro continued the tradition of the Kharkiv cadet periodicals of 1905–1906, consistently promoting liberal-democratic views and criticizing reactionary policies of the government of the Russian Empire.Pavlo Ritter served as editor-in-chief of Utro from the moment the newspaper was founded in November 1906 and until April 1909, when he resigned due to ill health. 721 issues of newspaper were published under the editorship of P. Ritter (No. 1, November 21, 1906 – No. 721, April 22, 1909). During this time, Ritter performed his duties professionally and responsibly. He carefully fact-checked materials received by the newspaper for publication and was able to name their sources at the request of government officials.Due to the newspaper’s political stance, Ritter found himself under constant pressure from government officials, most notably Kharkiv Governor-General M. M. Peshkov. The publisher and editor were repeatedly fined substantial sums; criminal cases and lawsuits were brought against Ritter under various pretexts.Significantly, only persecution by executive order was successful in Ritter’s case. All attempts to try and convict him in court failed, because prosecution was unable to either find sufficient grounds for criminal charges at all or prove his guilt in open court. This testifies to the high professionalism of Pavlo Ritter as editor of Utro.

경종대 왕실여성들의 정치적 행보와 역할

Examined in this article are the political activities and roles played by Dowager Queen In’weon Kim[仁元王后, b.1687~d.1757], Queen Seon’eui Eo[宣懿王后, b.1705~d.1730], and Royal concubine Yeongbin Kim[寧嬪, b.1669~d.1735], during the reign of King Gyeongjong(景宗, r.1720~1724), which witnessed its share of political incidents.
 During the lifetimes of these females there were several political purges, which broke out in 1721(the Shinchuk/辛丑 year) and 1722(the Im’in/壬寅 year). These two incidents are oftentimes referred to collectively as the Purges of the Shin & Im Years(“Shin’im Oksa, 辛壬獄事”). It was as a whole a political incident of an unforeseen magnitude that involved a controversy regarding the succession line of the Joseon royal family, fueled by a long overdue conflict from the Noron and Soron party members’ years of clashing with each other over potential successors for the Joseon throne.
 Female members of the Joseon royal family during King Gyeongjong’s reign acted differently from each other, and displayed political choices of their own according to their respective interests and situations. For example, in a rather murky political environment, Queens In’weon and Seon’eui, who both had no sons to claim themselves as heirs(後嗣) to Gyeongjong, chose to side with political factions other than their own, and tried to establish a leading position for themselves in the issue of deciding the next one in line for the Joseon throne. Dowager Queen In’weon was from the Soron faction, but she actively supported the Noron faction’s plan to establish the King’s younger brother as successor to the throne and have the Dowager Queen supervise the government’s operations. Her pro-Noron actions at the time seems to have been due to her intentions to uphold her late husband King Sukjong(肅宗, r.1674-1720)’s notion of ‘Samjong Hyeolmaek(三宗血脈).’ Reversely, Queen Seon’eui from the Noron faction did not share the faction’s political stance, and intended to preserve her husband King Gyeongjong’s line, by adopting a male child from within the royal family.
 In the meantime, Royal concubine Yeongbin Kim decided to go with her family’s Noron position, and befriended Dowager Queen In’weon, while volunteering herself as an emissary between Dowager Queen In’weon, Prince Yeon’ing(延礽君, later King Yeongjo, r.1724-1776), and the Noron faction. Her alliance with Queen In’weon and her actions behind the curtain was intended to help ensure the safety of her adopted son Prince Yeon’ing and herself, and ultimately support Yeon’ing on his way to the throne.
 The efforts of these three females all turned out to be relatively successful, at least at some point. Dowager Queen In’weon managed to name Prince Yeon’ing as the Royal brother of the King[王世弟] and Successor of the throne, shielding herself and others from any political retribution of the Soron faction which had been arguing to guard King Gyeongjong. On the other hand, Queen Seon’eui was able to thwart the planned supervision of the government by Prince Yeon’ing, and inflicted a striking blow to the Noron faction, temporarily dismantling its regime. But before long, King Gyeongjong unexpectedly died at a very young age, and as Queen In’weon and Concubine Kim wanted, Prince Yeon’ing was enthroned while the Noron regime was restored.

A traumatic experience and the anthropological leitmotif. Guzel Yakhina

The article takes a close look at the principles behind the work of the contemporary novelist and scriptwriter G. Yakhina, attempting analysis that goes beyond the context of modern literature and exploring the ties with 20th-c. existential philosophy, including the categories of memory, transgressive experience, ethnic identity and the anthropological leitmotif. Yakhina’s latest novel, Train to Samarkand [Eshelon na Samarkand] receives particular attention. According to Sultanov, it is written with reliance on aforementioned concepts, namely, the narration is concentrated around a core that represents the book’s values and semantics, acknowledging that man remains the measure of all things. A suffering human being (a permanent subject in all of Yakhina’s books), regardless of his or her political stance, origins or faith, stays self-sufficient, a quality that allows Yakhina’s characters to preserve their humanity despite oppressive historical circumstances.

Youth of Bangladesh:

At present one-third of Bangladesh's population is under the age of thirty. Additionally, Bangladesh's working-age population (15–59%) is currently bigger than the non-working-age population (>15 and 60+), which has the potential to propel economic growth with a focus on our youth. Although there is a lot of interest in Bangladeshi adolescents, there is relatively little thorough information available about their situation. This research was conducted to offer insightful information about our youngsters. The youth's self-identities and life goals were first observed, together with their level of education and skill readiness, and then their engagement in earning activities. Then, a survey was conducted to determine how free they felt to choose. Their political stance was then examined. From the analysis, it can be said that Bangladeshi youth are still mostly untapped and are not at all prepared to take advantage of the prospects presented by the twenty-first century. This is especially true for young women and those from underprivileged socioeconomic backgrounds.
 Keywords: ; ; Goals of life; Preparedness for future; 4IR.

Community’s Role for Marginalised Children

This article discusses the role of the community in the development of socio-economically marginalised children. There are several government schemes and civil society efforts for their upliftment. There is further need to critically analyse researches done with a distinct political stance which either seek to manage the marginalised or to ‘empower’ them. Such policies are simply management techniques and are not really a quest for the actual empowerment of these communities. Most of the research are carried from the perspective of a ‘deficit model’ perspective and not with an unprejudiced perspective of ‘reaching out’. The article draws from three qualitative field studies, with different settings of marginalised children in Delhi-NCR to argue for an empathy-based model for researching the underprivileged. The empirical argument is further strengthened by insights drawn from Pestalozzi and Savitri Bai Phule’s work with the community. While these action-oriented researches seek to underscore the importance of the work for marginalised sections, we also draw from Dewey’s idea of democratic education that insists upon the schools’ role and responsibility to involve marginalised sections.

Social Media and Neurosurgery: Insights from the Top 100 Neurosurgery Influencers on Twitter

The rise in popularity of social media (SoMe) in medicine has created a powerful tool for theprofessional development and continued education of clinicians. Numerous benefits of SoMe exist; however, significant challenges concerning professionalism, confidentiality, and spread of misinformation may limit its usefulness. To understand the ways the top 100 Twitter influencers interact with SoMe, their views on SoMe, and its future in the medical field. Literature was reviewed to obtain common concerns about SoMe in the medical field. A survey with 30 questions was sent to the top 100 Twitter influencers in the Neurosurgical field identified by Riccio etal. The survey assessed participant demographics, SoMe activity, stance toward SoMe, and views on the future of SoMe. Most participants were in the age group of 35-44years (n= 23, 44.2%), resided in the United States (n=39, 73.6%), have been in practice for 6-10years (n= 14, 26.4%), and ranked Twitter as the mostly used platform (n= 37,72.6%). Per participant Reponses, 35 (66%) participants have taken a political stance on SoMe, 0 (0%) have gotten into any legal issues regarding a post shared on SoMe, 45 (84.9%) agreed/strongly agreed that SoMe is essential for networking and mentorship, and 49 (92.3%) agreed/strongly agreed that that SoMe will continue to play a major role in the medical field. Although SoMe has its advantages, several disadvantages render it a double-edged sword. Maximizing SoMe's benefits and minimizing its misuse will further strengthen its role in the medical field.

Misreading of Political Discourse During Transcultural Communication

AbstractMisreading of political discourse has attracted increasing scholarly attention. However, little research has been conducted to clarify the conceptualization and investigate the mechanisms of political discourse misreading during transcultural communication. To address this gap, the present study analyzed the China–US talks in Alaska and the Belt and Road Initiative discourse based on Hall’s “encoding–decoding” model and using the critical discourse analysis method. The analysis identified three types of misreading in transcultural communication. Cultural misreading refers to interpreting another culture in light of its cultural presuppositions, cultural traditions, and ways of thinking. Oppositional misreading consciously decodes messages by adopting an opposed logic and antagonistic interpretation as a result of differentiated political, economic, and cultural stances. Accidental misreading refers to unconsciously misinterpreting political discourse by accident. This study aims to advance our understanding of political discourse by revealing its misreading mechanisms and providing additional insights for future interdisciplinary research in the fields of political communication, transcultural studies, and applied linguistics.

From sentiment to style: Charles Stewart Parnell’s rhetoric in the first crisis of the UK

Abstract Charles Stewart Parnell was the dominant Irish political figure of the late-nineteenth century. His campaigns for land reform and Home Rule changed Ireland’s relationship with Britain and reshaped north-south relations on the island. Despite his remarkable stature and influence, his legacy continues to be contested among scholars and his political stance is widely described as an ‘enigma’. His speeches were the main instrument through which he mobilized and polarized opinion throughout the Anglo-world, yet they have never been edited or even collected, and their impact—always presumed to be considerable—has not been studied in any systematic way. In this article, we describe the application of a combination of sentiment analysis (SA) and topic modelling to Parnell’s speeches to investigate how, when, and why he used emotive language, and which topics were utilized in the emotional manipulation of his audience. We will discuss the issues which arose in our experiments and how adopting a more nuanced approach to language could provide solutions to these challenges. We will also talk about how our investigation lead us away from ‘pure’ SA (i.e. positive or negative attitudes towards a particular aspect) and towards ‘style’ as a better framework for understanding and comparing the texts of the speeches. Finally, we will outline our plans for further work in this area.

Religious Moderation Attitude: Development Scale

The assessment of religious moderation is still in its early stages of development and is having difficulty accepting the criteria indicated. As a result, religious moderation is sometimes interpreted as being indecisive, only making judgments that favor certain people or groups, and seeming irresponsible by refusing to take a political stance. Furthermore, the concept of religious moderation is frequently misunderstood. Using the CFA validity test approach, this study attempts to create a religious moderation instrument based on a psychological paradigm in which an attitude is understood based on particular ideas (beliefs), emotions, and prior behavior toward religious moderation (Confirmatory Factor Analysis). We define religious moderation as the middle way or not being extreme in one view (tawassuth), upholding balance and justice (i'tidal), appreciation of life's diversity (tasamuh), relying on consensus-based problem-solving (Shura), engaging in constructive good deeds for the common good (ishlah), is active and innovative in leading goodness (qudwah), and can accommodate the state, nation, and culture (muwwathanah). The study's findings reveal three (3) aspects of religious moderation, represented by characteristics such as particular ideas (beliefs), emotions, and prior experiences connected to the principles of religious moderation discussed above.

Tarekat and Politics in Indonesia: Contested Authority between Murshids in the Tarekat Qadiriyah wa Naqsyabandiyah in East Java

This article scrutinizes the dynamics between tarekat and politics in contemporary Indonesia in relation to the contested authority between murshids in the Tarekat Qadiriyah wa Naqsyabandiyah (TQN) in East Java. Using a historical approach, this article analyzes the position, characteristics, and political attitudes of the murshid in Jombang and Surabaya amidst the political currents during the New Order era. This article finds that murshids show adaptation and innovation in responding to challenges in their tarekat hierarchy and political leadership in Indonesia. The political stance of the murshid is considered a rational choice. In East Java, some murshids such as KH. Musta‘in Romli, KH. Adlan Ali, and KH. Usman al-Ishaqi developed different relationships with political organizations. Kiai Musta‘in tried to be adaptive and compromising as he involved in practical politics and joining the ruling party, i.e., Golkar. Kiai Adlan, on the contrary, kept his distance from the ruling regime by joining the Islamic United Development Party (Partai Persatuan Pembangunan/PPP). Kiai Usman, on the other side, remained loyal to the tarekat spirit as he refused to be involved in politics. The difference in political attitudes among the members of TQN has been considered a reflection of the political ijtihād of the murshids. Competition for authority, which resulted in conflict and internal divisions in this tarekat, is a logical consequence of political interests when they meet the tarekat and influence its dynamics.

This is What My Fear Told Me: Fear as Key to Understanding Political Action

An experience of fear and dissonance during my fieldwork in the West Bank led me to explore the epistemological importance of fear as key to understanding political action and imagination. Although fear has been described in the literature as a political emotion and as a primary means of mobilization and control, in this article I suggest that it also unmasks systems of control, thereby spurring resistance and nurturing a counter-hegemonic political imagination. Based on my research of left-wing Jewish women living in Palestinian West Bank localities, and in line with anthropological and feminist scholarship, I demonstrate in this article how the emotional dissonance generated by fear of Palestinians from a left-wing political stance may create reflexivity, resistance, and a desire for change.

Raymond Aron’s War: A ‘History of the Present’ (1940–1944)

Raymond Aron’s exile in Great Britain during the Second World War was a less-known yet formative part of his career, during which he co-founded the journal La France libre. The articles he published between 1940 and 1944 in La France libre from London have previously been studied in a fragmented manner, but they have not yet been analyzed as a whole. This essay examines Aron’s articles compiled in Volume I of the Chroniques de guerre ( ‘From the Armistice to the National Insurrection’). Volumes II and III of Aron’s wartime articles merit their own separate analyses. The first objective of this essay is to present the theoretical contributions made by Aron in Volume I of his La France libre articles, with regard to a ‘history of the present.’ It argues that Aron adopted an ingenious approach to analyzing the history of the war as it unfolded, building upon his own philosophy of history from the Interwar. The second objective of the essay is to show that Aron’s wartime writings also marked his shift from being a scholar to entering “ l’engagement”: committing to political stances. In this regard, his anti-Gaullism in London has been generally overstated relative to his far more elaborate stances on contemporary French history. Revisited, Aron’s wartime articles thus help complete the picture of his career.

Characterizing the Engagement of Syrian Women in the Revolution

Abstract The Syrian 2011 revolution was a moment of unprecedented expression and graphic conquest of the public space. Written and chanted words, sometimes shouted and sang during the demonstrations, have somehow crystallized hopes, disillusionment and indignation of the Syrian people. Harâ’ir ‮حرائر‬‎ (Free Women) is one of them. When it appeared on the revolutionary scene, it quickly raised a fierce debate within opposition groups. If some protesters considered the word to be “poetic” and neutral, others believed that its use was a sign of an Islamist derivation discriminatory against women. Harâ’ir is used in various manners, linked to the context of enunciation and also to the political stance of the individuals using or even, at times, brandishing it as a slogan. The aim of this article is to highlight several usages situated in Syria since 2011 and to analyze the term’s semantic and emotional resonance.

Freiheit, Gleichheit, Gerechtigkeit – Antikolonialismus und Frauenrechte bei Olympe de Gouges

Abstract This article offers an insight into life and work of the French author and politician Olympe de Gouges as well as an analysis of her positions on the French Revolution and on other contemporary issues such as anti-colonialism, class differences and women’s rights. The article argues that the author used literature as a space to develop a political stance that, due to the legal situation, she could not carry out professionally. In her play “L’Esclavage des Noirs, ou l’Heureux naufrage” (1792) and in the essay “Réflexions sur les hommes nègres” (1788), de Gouges openly criticizes the brutality of white plantation owners, invokes the equality of all people, and condemns human trafficking. In “La Nécessité du Divorce” (1790), the author demands the right to divorce, a fair division of property, protection of one’s own property also for women, and a financially secure future for the children born out of wedlock. In her famous “Déclaration des Droits de la Femme et de la Citoyenne” (1791), the author called for truly universal suffrage, as well as for the right to liberty, property, security, and resistance to oppression.

Islamists on Wire: The View of Islamist Journals Towards Government Policies in Turkey During the 1980s

This paper aims to extrapolate the different political stances of Islamist actors with respect to their reciprocal interaction with the ANAP governments in the 1980s in Turkey. Based on a selection of Islamist publications, this article analyzes the views of prominent traditional Islamic groups such as Erenköy and İskenderpaşa orders and Islamist authors about government policies during the period between 1983-1991 in which the ANAP governed as the single party. The analysis will take place on three subjects that shaped the aforementioned period as well as the entirety of Turkish-Ottoman modernization. The subject of economy reveals that Islamists benefitted from neoliberal policies while taking a critical position towards it. In terms of culture, as the second subject, Islamists criticized the ANAP governments for encouraging individualist-hedonistic tendencies and invited them to Islamize the realms of education and culture. The subject of international relations, on the other hand, was dominated by Turkey’s possible accession to the European Community (EC) on which various Islamist groups tried to have an impact by steering the ANAP’s foreign policies.

It's All Relative! A Method to Counter Human Bias in Crowdsourced Stance Detection of News Articles

Using human intelligence to identify news articles' political stances is common in research and practical applications. But human judgement can be biased and prone to errors stemming from the comprehension of tasks and political alignment. This paper proposes a relative rating method based on news articles' stances relative to raters' own stances to avoid comprehension inconsistency and to control for human bias in crowdsourced stance detection of news articles. We also show how to use the relative ratings to construct a measure for raters' stances on a political topic and to identify raters whose ratings are of higher quality than others. We implement our proposed methods in an online experiment that recruits Amazon Mechanical Turk users as raters for news articles on Gun Control. Using the data from the experiment, we find evidence that raters' own stances on Gun Control significantly impact ratings of related news articles, both at the individual levels and at the aggregate levels. We also present evidence that our relative-rating-based stance measure captures more information about raters' actual stances than their self-reported stance does.