Political Regime Change Research Articles

Public History: a New Discovery or a Forgotten Antiquity?

To answer the question of what is public history, let's turn to its origins. The emergence of academic history in the nineteenth century, now called official, was associated with the separation of history from other fields of knowledge. At that time, it was believed that without a professional historical education, it was impossible to be an erudite and intelligent person, and to tell the past objectively and truthfully. Otherwise, these stories would resemble myths and fairy tales.
 Over time, history gradually became a scientific discipline, as well as an ideological science, as its primary task during the rapid kaleidoscope of changes in various political regimes was to educate ideologically savvy professionals for state-building. Thus, historical science was formed during the creation of nation-states and affirmed the national identity of different social and ethnic groups that formed one nation. What prompted recent history to approach man as the object of study? In our opinion, interest in man - a phenomenon of any civilization has existed since Hellenic times, and in the era of authoritarianism and totalitarianism has been replaced by interest in power and strength. Such a change, unfortunately, led to the tragic consequences of the First and Second World Wars.
 The disproportionately heavy burden of the tragedies of the Second World War and the emergence of new threats to world security in the bipolar period forced two opposing ideological camps to understand the need for dialogue, finding common ground and finding consensus in peace building. The Helsinki process began, and cooperation between the United States and the Soviet Union deepened in strategic areas: space and high technology. Security levers have been strengthened, and a regional security structure, the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE / OSCE), has been established in the European dimension.
 Civilizational exchange contributed to the growth of education of the population, the deepening of the intellectual component of society. At the center of the state and history was an intelligent man – Homo Sapiens, who felt his significance for the world, history and the future. World wars have forced historians to rethink the meaning of life, its fragility and vulnerability. And the deep political, economic, and social world crisis of the 1970s drew the attention of historical science to the person. Oral history, new social history, public history, etc. appeared. The philosophical and social sciences began to study individual social groups – women's society, religious communities, working and student youth, etc. With the growth of interest in the person, the interest in history as it is, without ornaments and artificial exaggerations, the history of ordinary people and places, increased.

Extractive capital and multi-scalar environmental politics: interpreting the exit of Rio Tinto from the diamond fields of Central India

Rio Tinto had been developing a diamond mining project in Madhya Pradesh for a decade when in 2017 it hastily abandoned the project. We analyse this counterintuitive exit through an ethnographic approach nested within a qualitative case study framework. We argue that the exit was caused by multi-scalar politics. Local protests over livelihood and labour issues –pre-emptively rearticulated by regional civil society groups through an ecological ‘framing’ – led to litigation. The national forest bureaucracy posed regulatory hurdles, and a change in the national political regime in 2014 brought to power a party that leveraged national capital of a certain variety, which weakened Rio Tinto’s political position. Lastly, a slump in the global diamond market created economic uncertainties, finally leading to its exit. It has not, however, deterred the government from facilitating investment by Indian mega-corporate houses in mining diamonds, once again ignoring local dissent. Under the current regime in India, the space for activism is increasingly restricted, and that restriction, we contend, can lead to the disarray in strategising alliances and goals between ecological and social justice concerns.

Nexus between intellectual capital and profitability with interaction effects: panel data evidence from the Indian healthcare industry

PurposeThis study seeks to understand the nexus between intellectual capital and profitability of healthcare firms in India with interaction effects.Design/methodology/approachRelevant data were extracted from the Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy (CMIE)'s Prowess database for a period of ten years 2009–2018 for a sample of 84 selected firms from the healthcare industry. This study uses value added intellectual coefficient (VAIC) and modified value added intellectual coefficient (MVAIC) as a measure of intellectual capital. Further, the study employs panel regression techniques to explore the relationship between intellectual capital and profitability.FindingsThe empirical findings reveal that the intellectual capital coefficient of healthcare firms in India averages 2.7757. It is also observed that a majority of the healthcare firms' intellectual capital coefficient is below the industry average. From the regression analysis, it is evident that the intellectual capital coefficient is positively related to the profitability of healthcare firms in India. As far as the components of intellectual capital coefficient are concerned, the capital employed coefficient (CEC) is the only component driving the profitability of healthcare firms in India. A further introduction of interaction terms improves model explainability and moderates the impact of the predictor variable on the response variable. Furthermore, it is observed that the intellectual capital coefficient of the healthcare industry is immune to changes in political regimes in India.Practical implicationsThe findings reveal that intellectual capital is an important driver of corporate performance, thus healthcare firms in developing economies like India need to enhance their intellectual potential. Therefore, corporates and governments in developing economies should stimulate investments in developing intellectual capital for enhanced corporate performance and economic growth. Thus, this study might be used as a reference by policymakers while drafting the future policy for the development of intellectual capital in general and healthcare sector specifically.Originality/valueThis is among the first few studies to explore such an empirical relationship for healthcare firms in India and among the few studies of this kind across the globe. It also makes novel contributions in considering interaction variables and seeking the consistency of results across different political regimes. However, the study examines one nation and one industry; thus, the generalisation of findings requires caution.

En anklage om skadelig lære i rettssaken mot Hans Nielsen Hauge

The trial against Hans Nielsen Hauge, which lasted from 1804–1814, contained an accusation about the harmful consequences of Hauge’s teachings. The trial’s parties reached very different conclusions regarding Hauge’s harmful teachings: from claiming that discussions about dogmatic issues had no place in court, to demanding that Hauge be convicted of the practice of an illegal religion. This article discusses the specific role that the accusation played in the trial, and its in$uence on the outcome. I argue that together with the violations against the Conventicle Act, the court’s valuation of Hauge’s teachings determined the punishment Hauge received. The story of the accusation is, therefore, also a study into how the courts in Norway, immediately before and after the independence of 1814, handled the intersection of theology and jurisprudence during changing political regimes.

THE HISTORY OF FRANCE OF THE XIX CENTURY IN THE SCIENTIFIC AND PUBLICISTIC HERITAGE OF S.F. FORTUNATOV

The article is devoted to the study of the scientific and publicistic heritage of the little-studied Russian historian-novist Stepan Fedorovich Fortunatov (1850–1918). According of his political views, the historian was a consistent supporter of liberalism, which largely determined the scope of his scientific interests. History of France in the 19th century. S.F. Fortunatov considered in a special lecture course, which he read at Moscow University, at the Higher Courses for Women and at the University. A.L. Shanyavsky, and also addressed it’s in his articles and numerous reviews. The lithographed edition of his lecture course allows us to identify both the structure of the course itself and to determine the range of issues that the historian considered the most significant for the study of this period. An analysis of the lecture materials shows that, he strove to convey to his students the peculiarities of the political and legal development of France in different periods. At the same time, S.F. Fortunatov skillfully combined the eventful presentation of French history of the 19th century, so rich in political upheavals, a fairly detailed study of the development of political thought and an analysis of constitutional and legal legislation. In the lecture course, the author repeatedly turned to the analysis of the latest domestic and foreign researches on the history of France. In articles and reviews concerning the history of France in the 19th century, the historian also mainly dealt with issues related to the change of political regimes, the peculiarities of the country’s constitutional structure and the struggle for the establishment of fundamental human rights and freedoms. He repeatedly emphasized the importance of highlighting the main forms and methods of resistance to the despotism of power, undoubtedly keeping in mind the relevance of this issue for Russia. Thus, lectures and articles by S.F. Fortunatov on the history of France in the 19th century were aimed primarily at studying the struggle for the triumph of republican ideas and substantiating the inevitability of the country’s development along this path.

Property rights in wartime – sequestration, confiscation and restitution in twentieth-century Europe: Introduction

ABSTRACT Political conflicts, regime change, revolutions and wars make not only people but also their property vulnerable. Plunder and confiscation were common ways of dealing with the enemy – either internal or external – in many conflicts, conquests and occupations during the Old Regime, and resurfaced as crucial political weapons in both the First and the Second World Wars, with disruptive effects. In the two World Wars and the interwar period, sequestration and confiscation grew in scale and scope, reaching an unprecedented magnitude as a result of three driving forces that were frequently intertwined: nationalism, socialism and antisemitism. Confiscation was a political weapon that furthered different aims. It helped to make the expulsion of enemy subjects irreversible. It was an instrument to exclude from the civic body those who did not belong – the ‘internal enemies’ – and to prevent undesirable people from acquiring citizenship. This special issue collects eight essays on property rights and their violation in the two World Wars, centred on three keywords: sequestration, confiscation and restitution. Bringing together new historical research on Serbia, Italy, Belgium, Turkey, Holland, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Germany and Austria, the essays address state violence, law and human rights, as well as the entanglement between citizenship, nationality and property.

Causes and prerequisites of the occupation of Luhansk and Donetsk regions: empirical analysis of territories (on the basis of indicators of the democratization index “Freedom in the World 2020”)

Summary. The article examines the main reasons and preconditions for the occupation of certain regions in eastern Ukraine. The influence and role of Russia in this military conflict are analyzed, and for the first time an empirical (applied) analysis of the democratization index in the temporarily occupied territories is carried out. Russia’s aggressive policy in eastern Ukraine is part of a “hybrid” war against Ukraine that began in early 2014 with the occupation of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea. With the support of Russia, the so-called “Donetsk and Luhansk” people’s republics were created in eastern Ukraine. In essence, these are occupation military administrations that number more than 30,000 people, including regular troops and instructors of the armed forces of the Russian Federation. These are well-armed military formations, the number and combat capabilities of which are not inferior to the armies of individual European countries. In the temporarily occupied territories there is a total political and ideological “Russification”, the purpose of which is the alienation and further isolation of these territories from official Kyiv. It should be noted that the hostilities, which have been going on for the sixth year, pose serious economic, political, legal, and geopolitical problems on Ukraine’s path to consolidating the democratic regime and integrating with the European community. The change of political regime in 2013 in Ukraine opened up prospects for the consolidation of national identity and the restoration of the course of Euro-Atlantic integration, which was usually not accepted by official Moscow and personally by President Putin. It should be clearly understood that the war in Donbass, provoked by Russia, is the result of a systematic and long-term policy of Russia towards Ukraine as a country with a favorable geopolitical location and a kind of bridge between Europe and Russia. The article pays special attention to the theoretical and applied analysis of democratic development in Donbass. It should be noted that from 2020 “Freedom House” will start monitoring the territory and accordingly provide quantitative data on the democratization index with the appropriate analytical base and forecasts.

Количественный анализ политических режимов в странах Арабского Востока: миссия невыполнима?

The article deals with the methodological problems of quantitative studies of political regimes and regime transformations in the Arab Middle East. Special attention is given to the questions of conceptualization, operationalization and typology of political regimes and regime changes since the quantitative research results depend on the datasets used. The article considers two approaches to operationalization, categorization and quantification, which are aimed either at distinguishing of separate unordered categories, or at measuring and linear placement of the observations on the axis. The conceptual problems reviewed include conceptual stretching and operationalization of successful and unsuccessful regime transformations. The article states that structural approach dominates in the quantitative research of regime changes since the conditions and cause-and-effect relationships between contextual factors and the risk of regime change are studied. The article shows how the regime changes can be quantitatively studied at the global, regional and country levels. The article concludes that the structural approach in quantitative studies is methodologically correct since a large number of hypotheses can be tested, but the main disadvantage of such studies is the explanation of different political regime changes by the same set of nonpolitical factors. The quantitative analysis of the Arab spring on the basis of Arab Barometer at the level of individuals revealed the significance of the high education, employment, male gender, religiosity an young age. The article shows that survey provide rich data for quantitative research with large numbers of observations, but the quality of the conclusions will depend on the quality of survey data.

Вторая волна ливийской гражданской войны: факторы и акторы

The first wave of the civil war in Libya, which ended after the assassination of Muammar Qaddafi in the fall of 2011, did not put an end to the civil conflict in the country. It is shown that in many respects the second wave of the civil war in Libya (the beginning of the active phase of which can be dated May 16, 2014) was a direct continuation of the first wave (February–October 2011). By 2014, it became clear that the Libyan crisis could not be resolved solely through a change in political regime. The revolutionary processes in the case of Libya proved to be fatal for the entire political system, marking the almost complete dismantling of state institutions. Thus, the overthrow of the dictator in Libya did not ultimately solve anything, and the military-political forces that fought in the first wave of civil conflict against Muammar Qaddafi launched an open full-scale armed struggle with each other in May 2014, marking the beginning of the second wave of civil war. This article analyzes the logic and course of the second wave of the civil war in Libya, as well as explores the genesis of key military and political forces in Libya after 2011. The authors conclude that at present time a stalemate has developed in the country. And the impossibility of a military victory for either side of the Libyan conflict allows us to hope for a new agreement between all its parties. Acknowledgements. This article is an output of a research project implemented as part of the Basic Research Program at the National Research University Higher School of Economics (HSE) in 2021 with support by the Russian Science Foundation (Project Number 19-18-00155).

TERRITORIAL DISPARITIES IN THE ROMANIAN BANAT: ASSESSMENT, DYNAMICS AND IMPACT ON THE TERRITORIAL SYSTEM

The article aims to evaluate the heterogeneous nature of the regional space of Romanian Banat, perceived as a developed region. The method is based on the complex paradigm of the concept of territorial disparities, which includes other concepts such as development, territory, spatial equity. The elementary disparities are analyzed by studying three categories of variables: social, economic and of life standard. In order to reveal the intraregional behavior the presented methodology used data from two census – 1992 and 2002, which permitted an analysis in two key moments: little after the change of political regime and respectively, after 1o years of transition. Global disparities are studied by calculating a global development index; according to it two types of areas were established: advantaged (above the regional average) and disadvantaged (under this average). The study of the territorial disparities – both elementary and global ones – and of their dynamics 1992-2002 led to the establishment of a territorial model.

Public History: New Discovery or Forgotten Past? (Passing Remarks on Ukrainian History)

To answer the question of what public history is, it is worth turning to its origins. The emergence of academic history in the 19th century was associated with its separation from other fields of knowledge. At that time, it was believed that without a professional historical education, it would be impossible to become a learned and intelligent person and to narrate the past objectively and truthfully. Otherwise, these stories would resemble nothing but myths and fairy tales. During Soviet times, history gradually became a scientific discipline as well as an ideological doctrine, as its primary task during the rapid cascade of changes in various political regimes was to educate ideologically savvy professionals for state-building. Historical science was formed during the creation of nation-states and affirmed the national identity of various social and ethnic groups that formed one nation. World War II forced historians to rethink the meaning of life, its fragility, and vulnerability. At the same time, the deep political, economic, and social world crisis of the 1970s – another global upheaval – drew the attention of historical science to the person. Oral history, new social history, public history, etc. sprang into existence. Attention was also paid to certain social groups – women, religious communities, working and student youth, etc. Gradually, public history has become a factor contributing to the democratisation of historical science. Thus, the article describes the peculiarities of the development of public history and its forward movement in the world. The author concludes that public history will not only provide a modern idea of what historical knowledge is but will also help to find out how it works now in our context, how it is used for the benefit of various individual and collective social actors, and, ultimately, will provide guidance for discerning the basis of Ukrainian disputes over historical issues. Keywords: official history, public history, emergence, development, crisis of the 1970s.

Looking for the Disappeared Comparative Advantages in Public Service

Horváth István* Looking for the Disappeared Comparative Advantages in Public Service DOI: 10.54148/ELTELJ.2021.1.35 Abstract A change in labour law necessarily follows a change of political and economic regime. In 1992, the labour regulation of competition, non-profit and public sector in Hungary became structurally separate. However, due to budgetary problems, the regulation of the civil service […]

Політична трансформація Грузії у постбіполярний період

The article studies the process of political transformation of Georgia since the declaration of its independence. The author`s hypothesis is that Georgia's political transformation should lead to the democratization of its political regime, which in this study is seen as a process of departure from the former Soviet practices of the political system. That is, political transformation is a multidimensional process of gradual departure from socialism. The author analyses a number of factors of the political regime change, from the first democratic government of Zviad Gamsakhurdia, which began the process of political transformation of Georgia, the coming to power of Eduard Shevardnadze, and his resignation in a result of mass protests called “colour revolution”, leading to the election victory of Mikheil Saakashvili, whose political force, the United National Movement, was replaced by the Georgian Dream. Also, the study examines the features of the political regime in Georgia, examines the process of establishment and development of power relations, and identifies the main trends and links that directly influenced the process of development of the political system since 1991. The aim of the study is to identify the main reasons that hindered the process of democratization of Georgia, contributing to the understanding of the patterns of democratic development of the country's political system. The main methods used are empirical, problemchronological, and case study method. The author concludes that Georgia's political transformation can be characterized by a combination of authoritarian and democratic tendencies. The country's transformation process has not been simple and homogeneous, and the on-going process of democratization in Georgia is the result of the collapse of the Soviet system, which can now be described as an incomplete transition to a consolidated democracy. However, given Georgia's aspirations to become a member of NATO and the European Union, resolving the problem of secessionist regions on the path to building a democratic state is extremely important.

Foreign Judges and Communal Authorities in the Legislative and Legal Space of Florence in the Second Half of the 14th Century

The article attempts to consider the actions of two communal systems of power — foreign officials: the Podestà, the Captain of the People and the Executor of the Institutions of Justice, as well as communal structures formed in 1293 — the Signoria as part of the Priory, headed by the Honfalonier of Justice and the colleges of 12 good husbands and 16 gonfaloniers of companies, in a difficult period of changing political regimes in the second half of the 14th century. The main problem of the research is the practice of the application of law and power in the context of a relatively wide communal democracy, multi-power and frequent turnover of the Signoria (every 2 months). Before each composition of the Signoria, there was a temptation at critical moments not to apply legal norms, especially in the sphere of punitive jurisdiction, and not to use powers of authority to punish and suppress their fellow citizens. In this regard, the members of the Signoria especially needed foreign officials, whose importance increase d in crisis situations, which gave rise to dictatorial inclinations and abuse of power by the Podestà and the Captains of the People

Konflikt pamięci czy konflikt władzy? Strategie językowe w dyskusji nad zmianą nazwy ulicy w Poznaniu

The aim of this article is to present the public debate about the renaming of 23rd of February Street to Lt. J. Lewandowska Street in Poznań in 2017. Newspaper articles from the regional press and social media posts have been analysed with the use of Critical Discourse Analytic tools. The focus is on the question of whether the renaming of the street was a conflict of memory or a conflict of power. This case study is inspired by research on the ideologically motivated changes in the linguistic landscape of the city and shows that the change in political regimes is followed by attempts to harmonize the symbolic indicators of values and collective memory. Our results demonstrate that these changes may be contested by both the opposition and the city inhabitants and may lead to a broader political debate.

ЛАТИНОАМЕРИКАНСЬКИЙ ВЕКТОР ЗОВНІШНЬОЇ ПОЛІТИКИ ІЗРАЇЛЮ: ТЕХНОЛОГІЧНИЙ ВИМІР

Аналізуються відносини між Ізраїлем та країнами Латинської Америки за останні десятиліття (2000-2019 роки), і стверджується, що зміцнившийся імідж Ізраїлю як технологічного лідера, грає ключову роль у цьому. Автори приділили особливу увагу з’ясуванню технологій зовнішньої політики Ізраїлю на латиноамериканському напрямку, визначенню особливостей їх реалізації та результатів застосування. Країни Латинської Америки стали розглядати Ізраїль як джерело технологій. Тенденція спостерігається практично повсюдно і незалежно від політичної ситуації на Близькому Сході та триваючого ізраїльсько-палестинського конфлікту. В останні роки, паралельно з політичними кризами та зміною режиму у Латинській Америці, у країнах континенту відбулися значні поліпшення у напрямку Ізраїлю. Перші дипломатичні візити прем’єр-міністра Ізраїлю Бен’яміна Нетан’яху до латиноамериканських країн сприяли підписанню низки двосторонніх угод у різних сферах.

Russian Strategy for Eurasian Integration: Key Elements, Determinants and Prospects for Development

Eurasia is gradually turning into the point of intersection of various longterm political and economic initiatives undertaken by the leading actors of contemporary international relations, including the Russian Federation, the European Union, the United States and the People’s Republic of China. This trend compounded by a complicated dynamics of integration and disintegration processes in the post-Soviet states further exacerbates tensions in the region, already fraught with conflict. It also poses additional obstacles to the projects of Eurasian integration, promoted by the Russian Federation. In order to provide a better understanding of the specificities and prospects of Russia’s initiatives, the paper examines the origins and the evolution of the Russian strategy of Eurasian integration, and identifies its key elements. The author concludes that fundamental principles of the Russian strategy for reshaping the post-Soviet states have been laid down during the presidency of B.N. Yeltsin and were merely adjusted to meet certain political, social and economic changes both in Russia and abroad. These principles include: 1) commitment to the idea of a multipolar world; 2) creation of supranational Eurasian economic institutions to multiply the economic potential of member-states; 3) prevention of a change of political regimes in neighboring countries if they can bring to power anti-Russian groups; 4) establishment of closer links with China, especially on political, economic and security issues; 5) formation of a new center of political gravity in Eurasia through expanding the capacities of regional political and military organizations which would complement integration processes and ensure regional security. The paper shows that amid growing international tensions in the second half of 2010s the Russian integration initiatives have become increasingly focused on geostrategic, political and military issues. In that regard, the author concludes that, although the development of the Eurasian integration projects enables a wide range of horizontal and vertical economic linkages between the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) memberstates, overtly competitive nature of both the Russian and the Western states’ strategies increases the conflict potential of the region. In the absence of alternative approaches, this conflict could not only become a potential source of new tensions between Russia and the West, but also threatens to reverse the current integration processes within the EAEU. The author emphasizes that the abandonment of excessively politicized and ideologized policies both in Russia and in the Western states, which prevents political elites from finding compromises and developing alternative approaches, is the only way to improve the situation in the Eurasian region.

Regime Change and Malaysia – Japan Relations: Explaining Shifts and Continuity In Foreign Policy

The article offers an initial exploration into the causal linkage between domestic political regime change and foreign policy recalibration in Malaysia. While not popular, the notion that foreign policy objectives are more often than not shaped by internal dynamics is rather true in the Malaysian case. The discussion examines Malaysia’s relations with Japan during the Pakatan Harapan government which began in May 2018 but collapsed by February 2020. After being sworn in as the Prime Minister of Malaysia for the second time, Dr. Mahathir Mohamad pledged to re-energize the Look East Policy to facilitate economic growth and investments into the country. Though the move was far from surprising, the consequence of the development needs to be understood within the broader context of Malaysia’s domestic ties with China. Malaysia’s move to expand cooperation with Japan can be explained by a desire to reduce overreliance on Chinese investments. The basic premise is that Malaysia was not tilting towards Japan, rather the move to court Japan through the LEP 2.0 was a function of regime legitimation through which Pakatan Harapan diversified its foreign policy partners for the goal of expanding investment and collaboration opportunities.

The Politics of Impunity and the Shifting Media Landscape in Kenya

This article focuses on state-media relations and the shifts in the overall media landscape in Kenya. Drawing on a political economy approach to media operations in Kenya, it argues that while there are competing meanings over what constitutes "news values", "editorial independence", and "critical media", changes in political regimes and unclear media regulations contribute to political and/or corporate interference on media coverage of corruption and political impunity. This renders media operations problematic at the normative and operational levels. The discussion situates these arguments within the contexts of "policy laundering" and "critical junctures", seeking to establish whether the shifting media landscape is a function of increased information and communication affordability or, instead, an indication that critical media are on the decline. Overall, the article provides an assessment of key temporal periods that have shaped media regulatory frameworks to show how political and/or corporate interests have influenced journalistic practices and editorial independence over time and space. Keywords: Kenyan media, media regulations, editorial independence, political impunity, policy laundering, safety of journalists, critical junctures

Человек во времени: Россия — последнее столетие

The last century is filled with victories and failures, passions, and interests. World wars and revolutions, the change of political regimes, ideologies, and ideological orientations — all this provoked a formation of social and political chaos, which sometimes had to be overcome in a totalitarian way through sole commanding and by one-party dictatorship. At the same time, one can observe the successes of cognition, culture, scientific and technological development, which, however, can hardly be called “progress”. Because the mass destruction weapons of certain “partners” in globalism have also been increased. Ready for self-destruction, “man in time” did not become yet the master of his destiny in the last century, but in many ways remained a mystery to himself. Despite the fact that over the past century man has learned a lot about his own psychology, consciousness and subconscious, he still needs further self-knowledge no less than in those times when the Oracle of Delphi called for it. Today, as ancient times, one needs to know better what motivates his sometimes rational, and sometimes, mildly speaking, very strange behavior. Who is man in time? To understand this, one must go beyond the limits of itself being to other times and spaces. Even to times and spaces of a cosmic scale, to the spaces and to the depths of our Universe, where a man was born and will disappear, perhaps preserved in its cosmic memory. The memory of the Universe is symbolized by world constants that arose as a result of the Big Bang and the birth of the Universe from a singularity point. Memory of man inherits this property of the Cosmos. The memory is a system-forming factor that creates man and its world. This is what rigorous science can offer to explain the cosmic origin of man and his memory. Artistic imagery can continue the efforts of science. Culture, literature, first of all, can create imageries that will tell about man and his time more than abstract theory. The imageries will tell that man has not yet lost his freedom of creativity. He must remember the past, live in the present, look and go to the future.