Politics Of Recognition Research Articles

Individualism and governance of the commons

Individualistic cultures are associated with economic growth and development. Do they also improve governance of the commons? According to the property rights literature, conservation is more likely when the institutions of property arise from a spontaneous process in response to local problems. We argue that individualistic cultures contribute to conservation by encouraging property rights entrepreneurship: efforts by individuals and communities to resolve commons dilemmas, including their investment of resources in securing political recognition of spontaneously arising property rights. We use the theory to explain cross-country rates of change in forest cover. Using both subjective measures of individualistic values and the historical prevalence of disease as instruments for individualism, we find that individualistic societies have higher reforestation rates than collectivist ones, consistent with our theory.

Por uma outra escola: provocações à didática e ao conceito de inovação pedagógica

Identifying elements pointing basic education and innovative pedagogical perspectives from undergraduates and teachers perspective is the aim of this study, resulting in teaching staff reflections by UFF Center for Teaching and Training of Teachers and qualitative evaluations carried out with students of Didactic Discipline. It promoted a (re)approximation with the school, generating individual records and interviews with basic school teachers, considered innovative by the graduates. In contrast to linking the concept of pedagogical innovation to technological apparatuses insertion, the fellow students expressed preoccupations with a more fair society construction, based on aspects such as teaching autonomy, dialogue, commitment and creativity. The political and social school recognition is the main locus of human formation and community, reflecting urgency on other scholar thinking and conducting ways are perspectives of the present discussion

Still Unmarried: Black Women and Relationship Advice Literature

AbstractThis article examines the ways in which racial patriarchal tropes from E. Franklin Frazier’s The Negro Family in the United States (1939) and Daniel Patrick Moynihan’s public-policy report The Negro Family: The Case for National Action (1965) have been reconstructed for the present via relationship-advice literature marketed to heterosexual black women under the guise of love and increasing the rate of black marriage. A close analysis of the connection between historic pathological narratives of the black family and the current self-help genre exposes racial and gendered politics, concessions, and negotiations within the black community. Utilizing popular relationship-advice literature that achieved New York Times bestseller list status—Steve Harvey’s Act Like a Lady, Think Like a Man (2009), Tyrese Gibson and Rev. Run’s Manology: Secrets of Your Man’s Mind Revealed (2013)—this article focuses on the culturally embedded linkages among the concepts of worthiness for respect, sexual propriety (chiefly in heterosexist terms), and behavioral decorum—especially when directed at women. It also looks at the gate-keeping function these norms serve in regulating and limiting black women’s right to full political and social recognition. In so doing, this article reveals the ways in which relationship-advice literature maintains black women’s subordinate position within the black community, as well as within the dominant white society.

A Cry for Care But not Justice: Embodied Vulnerabilities and the Moral Economy of Child Welfare

This study explores the pivotal role of the body for political recognition and rights claims in child welfare “moral” interventions. I examine how the bodily figures in child welfare assessments, linking these manifestations to the concept of the moral economy of care. A sample of assessment reports from a Swedish municipality, all addressing violations of children’s bodies or integrity, are used as empirical material. I show how the psychosomatically suffering child is being best “heard” as vulnerable. I also argue that such a moral economy of care silences children’s accounts of gendered and racial injustices. Furthermore, racialized moral divides are indicated when assessments of different child bodies are considered. A concluding remark points to a need for a child welfare moral economy of social justice that responds to structural intersecting injustices in childhoods, including to those of a racialized child welfare and its individualized and symptom-oriented services.

Prospects for the future role of ex-combatants in the Zimbabwean nationalist politics or is it the end of the era?

In October 1975 a group of radical and young military guerrillas of Zimbabwe People’s Army (ZIPA) stationed at the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army’s (ZANLA) training camp at Mgagao, in Tanzania convened and issued a communique. The communique that is now commonly referred to as the ‘Mgagao Declaration’ not only elevated the rise of Robert Mugabe to the echelons of power but also helped in the construction of a symbiotic relationship between the former and ex-combatants of the struggle for Zimbabwe. In postindependence Zimbabwe, this relationship took on various forms-the unwillingness of the government to provide the necessary human security mechanisms to ex-combatants and the instrumental use of these former military guerillas in the promulgation of exclusive and patriotic political trajectories. It was not until the 1990s and 2000s that these ex-combatants became actively involved in politics in defending the Mugabe led regime. Their involvement in politics has evolved around what scholars term ‘politics of belonging’ whose tenets speak to the need to seek political, economic and ideological recognition from the government and society. In the process, these ex-combatants secured ZANU-PF lifeline only to end in a post2013 era where the future of these vanguards of the struggle hangs in the balance as the ruling ZANU-PF focuses on the youth to carry the Third Chimurenga forward.Keywords: ZANU-PF, Ex-combatants, Mgagao Declaration, Third Chimurenga, Political capital, politics of belonging, nationalist politics.

Nuestras luchas de ayer: voces militantes y narrativas generacionales sobre la derrota y los desafí­os actuales de la izquierda chilena (1990-2018)

Este artí­culo presenta parte de los resultados de una investigación en curso que indaga las transformaciones identitarias de los militantes de izquierda en la postdictadura chilena (1990-2019). Mediante el análisis de entrevistas biográficas (26 casos), el trabajo explora una interpretación generacional de la experiencia militante. A partir de una revisión crí­tica de su participación en la lucha antidictadura, los entrevistados abordan las razones de la desmovilización de la década de los 90, los temas pendientes de la democracia y los desafí­os actuales de la izquierda chilena. La discusión de resultados afirma que los militantes y exmilitantes se definen como actores secundarios de la transición y de los debates actuales de la nueva izquierda chilena. Esta narrativa generacional es explicada por la falta de reconocimiento social y polí­tico de las experiencias colectivas de lucha.

Perforating Kinship: Syriac Christianity, Ethnicity, and Secular Legibility

This article examines the rhetorical invocation of “secular ethnicity” among diasporic Syriac Orthodox Christian activists living in the Netherlands as they seek political recognition as an endange...

МОВА І КУЛЬТУРА В ЄВРОІНТЕГРАЦІЙНІЙ СТРАТЕГІЇ УКРАЇНИ

The article analyzes the main problems of the Ukrainian language and culture development in the European integration strategy of our country. To outline the ways of overcoming those in a conceptual dimension the author addressed to the achievements of the foreign and Ukrainian researchers. The research proves that, despite the strengthening of globalization trends, the language and culture in the European integration strategy of Ukraine remain its main priorities. At the same time, there is an urgent need for the institutionalization of Ukraine's cultural diplomacy. Unfortunately, the slow development of cultural diplomacy is caused by the lack of financial and administrative resources, as well as systematic in the cultural initiatives and competent cultural policy formation in general. It is necessary to deepen the most professional vision of its development problems. In order to do this, it will be useful to address to the more successful European states institutionalization experience, to be interpreted in the light of the Ukrainian realities. Most of them have developed entire networks of cultural diplomacy institutions, aimed at cultural values development in a variety of social and cultural contexts. There are bright examples of such institutions as the British Council, the French Institute, the Czech Centre, the Polish Institute, the Goethe-Institute in Ukraine, with their activities contributing to the intercultural cooperation strengthening. A special attention is paid to the concept of multiculturalism in Western Europe. It is found that it required a political recognition of the minorities’ special “life model” as an equitable model for the majority of the host party. The problem is that the “majority – minority” pair remained in the same positions as in the assimilation concept, with the difference only the minority been supported in its otherness, rather than assimilated to the majority. In reality, in spite of good intentions, multiculturalism, emphasizing the distinctive features of different communities, can lead to segregation, the creation of national and / or confessional districts, in which and in relation to which the same stereotypes and mutual prejudice will be maintained. The article shows that tolerance is not only a desirable state of social and interstate communication, but also an indispensable condition for the preservation of peace on the planet.

Secularism and guided democracy

Secularism is the recognition of religion and politics as distinct and autonomous domains. As a doctrine of the state, it has in practice been taken to mean indifference to or rejection of religion, laicization, neutrality, disestablishment and recognition of cultural diversity. Rejection of secularism as antithetical to a nation’s cultural traditions calls for special concern in a guided democratic system. The paper addresses the problem of disunity arising from rejection of secularism as diverse groups fan the politics of identity in Nigeria. The objective of the paper is to show that secularism as principle for structuring the organization of the state is a solid base for the unity of the state and a safeguard against drift into anarchy or theocracy. Adopting analytic and historical approaches, the paper argues that secularism is needed to stem the tide of reactionary and fanatical religious ideologies that threaten contemporary society. The paper concludes by noting that secularity of the state is to be upheld in Nigeria to ensure a viable and peaceful polity. Keywords: Laicism, Laicity, Disestablishment, Secularity, Neutrality

La construcción de subjetividad política en la escuela. Una experiencia en tres centros de secundaria.

El artículo es el resultado de la lectura comprensiva de los discursos y prácticas en los que se evidencia expresiones de construcción de subjetividad política en los jóvenes estudiantes de tres instituciones educativas en Colombia. Se evidenciaron dos grupos de expresiones: las narraciones de construcción de sí y la interpelación al orden establecido; además de su incidencia sobre el sistema de relaciones entre los actores escolares, se pudo determinar que dichas expresiones permiten comprender las reivindicaciones de los jóvenes estudiantes que pugnan por el reconocimiento político y por la inclusión de sus expectativas dentro de una relectura de la ciudadanía.

The need for a ‘migration turn’ in aged care policy: a comparative study of Australian and German migration policies and their impact on migrant aged care

ABSTRACT Despite their sociodemographic importance, investigations of the intersections of ageing and migration remain infrequent. We address this gap by analysing the policy approach to migrant aged care in two countries: Australia and Germany. Our comparative analysis highlights how national histories of migration and associated welfare regimes have given rise to different approaches to meeting the needs of older migrants. Germany has a prevalence of mainstream aged care services, which do not sufficiently address the needs of an increasingly culturally diverse older population. In this respect, Australian multicultural policy, supporting ethnic organisations as aged care providers, facilitating ethno-specific and multicultural services, offers an instructive model. Nevertheless, Australia’s strict parent migration regulations reflect an assumption that older migrants are an economic burden. Neither country provides an innovative transnational social policy. We argue for a ‘migration turn’ in aged care policies to address three critical needs: (1) to increase awareness of the growing proportion of older migrants in countries of immigration; (2) to ensure that policy frameworks better acknowledge and meet the needs of a diverse ageing population; and (3) to highlight the need for political recognition of the role of transnational informal care networks and bi-lateral and transnational policies to support them.

Examining the relationship between energy poverty and measures of deprivation

Energy poverty is defined as the inability to afford to heat the home to an adequate temperature at reasonable cost. Such a concept has gained political recognition in an increasing number of countries; however, in the United Kingdom, related policies tend to rely upon measures of general deprivation as a practical proxy. This has often resulted in the design of sub-optimal schemes for eradicating this issue.After engaging with the debate about the independence of the energy poverty concept, this paper evaluates the relationship between energy poverty and multi-dimensional measures of deprivation through a statistical analysis. Findings demonstrate that energy poverty constitutes an additional and independent form of deprivation, which is not captured by the current English Index of Deprivation. Also, results are utilised to develop a classification matrix that identifies areas by their level of deprivation and energy poverty that can be mapped through a Geographic Information System at a Lower Super Output Area. The resultant maps can be utilised to develop effective local area interventions focused on the factors that are most likely to reduce energy poverty in that geography.

Redes de defensa transnacionales frente a estructuras políticas federales. El caso afromexicano

This article is aimed at making two main contributions: first, to provide theoretical elements to the study of transnational activism, and, second, to introduce empirical elements to the study of the recognition process of the Afro-descendant population in the Mexico. According to information from Inegi's Intercensal Survey 2015, around 1.4% of Mexican population of Mexico is of African descent, showing how these population has been organizing over the years to claim constitutional recognition. Through the creation of a defense network that has been strengthening both in the domestic and the international contexts during recent years, the Afro-Mexican movement has achieved political recognition thanks to an open international policy structure of opportunities that at the federal level is mainly closed; showing greater openness at State level. The impact of the actions described in this work is achieved with the support of international actors or the influence of international events such as the year and the decade of the Afro-descendants, as well as the Durban Conference.

Literacy, Advocacy and Agency: The Campaign for Political Recognition of Dyslexia in Britain (1962-1997).

SummaryThis article charts the campaign for political recognition of dyslexia in Britain, focusing on the period from 1962 when concerted interest in the topic began. Through the Word Blind Centre for Dyslexic Children (1963–72), and the organisations that followed, it shows how dyslexia gradually came to be institutionalised, often in the face of government intransigence. The article shows how this process is best conceived as a complex interplay of groups, including advocates, researchers, civil servants and politicians of varying political stripes. Necessarily, the campaign was mediated through broader political, economic and social changes, including the increasing requirement for literacy in the productive worker, but it is not reducible to these factors. In this way, the article reflects on the conceptualisation of power and agency in accounts of the history of dyslexia to date and its broader relevance to the history of learning difficulties and disabilities.

Contributions of Organizational Levels in Community Management Models of Water Supply in Rural Communities: Cases from Brazil and Ecuador

The community management model of water supply systems has reached a great number of rural settlements worldwide, especially in developing countries. Its functionality, however, has proven to be a major challenge once the stakeholders responsible for maintaining the service fail to provide the technical, financial, and social resources necessary to secure its sustainability. A number of fragilities are associated with a lack of political recognition of community organizations. In some cases, community organizations have been able to maintain strong recognition in decision-making processes through the establishment of associations involving several community organizations, representing a second organizational level. A third organizational level is achieved once these associations reach an extensive area of a territory. This article conducted four case-studies in Latin America. The study revealed that the emblematic examples according to scientific literature presented the second and, in one case, the third organizational level, while the others, where several weaknesses are noticed, only presented the first level. Although difficulties still exist in every scenario analyzed, our study supports that the presence of the second and third organizational levels are factors that positively contribute to better outcomes from the community management model.

Seeking the recognition of voice disorder as work-related disease: historical-political movement.

The high prevalence of voice disorders among professionals who use their voice as a working tool, signals the existence of a collective illness caused by voice wear through poor working conditions and lack of social protection. This article describes the construction of a political movement seeking recognition of voice disorder as a work-related disease in Brazil. This is a narrative review on the historical processes, including social subjects, production of knowledge and the proposals for a strategic agenda, in view of the urgency of including voice disorder in the Brazilian Ministry of Health's list of work-related diseases. The analysis comprises three strands: a) technical and scientific, on advances in characterization of voice disorder and establishment of its connection with work; b) juridical and institutional, on legal recognition of this linkage; c) political and professional, on mobilization of social actors to advocate recognition of work-related voice disorders (WRVDs). The key role of the Pontifical Catholic University of São Paulo in fomenting discussions about WRVDs over the course of this movement lasting nearly two decades is highlighted, along with the main difficulties in achieving formal recognition of WRVDs .

Patrimônio-territorial e saber local

A história de luta pela criação do Projeto de Assentamento (PA) de Reforma Agrária Cafundão está vinculada à historicidade da concentração fundiária brasileira, que dá sentido de existência aos movimentos sociais pelo acesso à terra. Como também, descreve particularmente uma luta pela efetivação de uma política brasileira específica, de forma a reconhecer a posse desta mesma terra – que já era lugar de vida há gerações -, no âmbito de pressões imobiliárias e minerárias que a circundam. Singularmente, a luta do Cafundão retrata o reconhecimento político do saber local (torneamento do esteatito em produção artesanal) como principal vínculo (re)produtivo (n)às terras do Cafundão, o que garante a sobrevivência destas famílias e nutre a validação de suas narrativas de pertencimento. Neste artigo, se dialoga sobre a ativação do patrimônio-territorial por meio do saber local.

From Hill tribes to Indigenous Peoples: The localisation of a global movement in Thailand

This article presents a chronology of the growth of the concept of Indigeneity in Thailand, analysing the particular ways in which the global Indigenous movement has taken root in the country. In Thailand, transnational support networks and the opening of political associational space played key roles in facilitating the growth of, first, a regional, and later a national Indigenous movement during the 1980s and early 2000s, respectively. Indigenous Peoples in Thailand are asserting their identity by drawing on a new concept of Indigeneity being promoted by the United Nations and other international advocacy organisations that identifies them not only as first peoples, but crucially as colonised or oppressed peoples. Indigenous Peoples in Thailand are further asserting both their cultural distinctiveness and their compatibility with the Thai nation. The Indigenous movement in Thailand differs from movements in Australia, Canada, and the United States where Indigenous Peoples must perform their cultural distinctiveness to maintain political recognition, and in turn are accused of being not different enough when exercising their rights. In Thailand, rather, Indigenous Peoples are accused of being not Thai enough in their efforts to push for any political recognition. While the Thai government denies the relevance of the concept of Indigeneity to Thailand, it is clear that the Indigenous movement in Thailand has grown since the early 2000s. In fact, state policies between the 1950s and early 2000s contributed toward the scaling-up of a pan-Hill tribe identity among the core groups associated with the movement.

Cartes-de-visite: el inconsciente óptico del siglo XIX

This essay explores the role of nineteenth-century studio photography, in particular the popular genre of cartes-de-visites, as a repository of the unconscious desires and apprehensions of modern Latin American societies in formation. Reflecting on the methodological challenges and new possibilities that access to digitized Latin American visual archives present, the article re-evaluates a common assumption in nineteenth-century photography scholarship: that a tension exists between the impulse in democratization of mass-image production and the force of market and consumption homogenization. Arguing for an analysis not at the level of the individual portrait but in those previously unrecognized or neglected visual documents of the work carried out in photographic studios, the essay highlights the critical potential of these new archives as an expression of the material expansion of the visual field, where new forms of subjectivity sought social and political recognition.

"Allophone" : trajectoire d'une catégorie aux prises avec la notion d'expertise

The objective of this text is to question the category "allophone", which refers since 2012, in the circulars of the Ministery of National Education in France, to the children newly arrived in France. This category reveals the tensions, continuities and breaks that exist between different discursive worlds: that of research, that of the institution (teachers' discourses and practices) and that of politics. Methodologically, this work uses an approach of discourses where the phenomena of dialogism (Bres 2005, 2017) between these different spheres are involved. However, it is extremely complex to draw (Moirand 2007) the various forms used to rework and update the category in an exhaustive manner. In the context of an organic approach (see Verdier in this volume), we will advocate the praxeological analysis of the category in order to take into account its possible configuration with regard to the different types of "organizations of the activity" of the different discursive spheres around this notion since the 1970s. This analysis will shed light on the tensions that exist between the various discourse universes and on the relation between allophony and the learner's expertise (see the text of Cummins in this volume), which are especially due to a lack of political recognition of the plurilingual category, with regard to the learner and the school context.