Political Program Research Articles

Модели противодействия сегрегации этноконфессиональных иммигрантских районов в Дании и Швеции

The article explores the immigration and integration strategies of Denmark and Sweden while assessing their efficacy. The two countries, sharing historical, cultural, social and economic similarities, face a common challenge: the formation of ethnoreligious enclaves primarily inhabited by individuals with a Muslim background. Due to the recent European migrant crises, there has been a notable increase in the number of migrants, leading to stricter integration policies in the Scandinavian countries. Yet, governmental approaches to address the segregation of immigrant areas vary between Denmark and Sweden. Denmark has adopted a stringent immigration policy promoting cultural assimilation of immigrants from non-Western countries, whilst Sweden follows a liberal approach advocating cultural and ethnic diversity within society. The evolution of immigration and integration initiatives in Denmark and Sweden has been reconstructed through the analysis of official documents and critical examination of political discourses. It is noted that Swedish authorities are increasingly incorporating Denmark’s more radical approaches to address migration issues within their political programmes. Despite the results of Denmark’s anti-immigration policies and the reduction in the number of segregated immigrant areas, a myriad of issues persist due to EU immigration policies. The problem of forging a new civic identity rooted in the linguistic, religious and cultural homogeneity of Danish society amidst its multiculturalism remains relevant. Thus, Sweden is formulating its own anti-segregation programme, taking into account both the successes and shortcomings of Danish immigration and integration policies. Another important conclusion is that these nations have started to pay special attention to ethnic and religious criteria when identifying ‘parallel societies’.

Kobiety a wybory parlamentarne w Polsce w 2023 r.

The article is an attempt to define the most important factors that decided about record participation of women in the 2023 parliamentary elections in Poland (73.7 percent of eligible women voters). The authors concluded that the main reasons for women’s record turnout in elections were: opposition to the anti-women policies of the Law and Justice (PIS), the political party that had been in power since 2015; political mobilization of women by non-governmental organizations, and above all, proturnout initiatives and campaigns, as well as addressing the issue of women’s rights by political parties, both in election programs and during the election campaign. The main research method was the analysis of various sources (reports, political programs, articles, opinions) available through the internet.

The effects of person-centred active rehabilitation on symptoms of suspected Chronic Traumatic Encephalopathy: A mixed-methods single case design.

The objective was to investigate the effectiveness of a person-centred active rehabilitation programme on symptoms associated with suspected Chronic Traumatic Encephalopathy (CTE). This was accomplished by (1) assessing the effect that a person-centred active rehabilitation programme had on participant symptoms, and (2) exploring how temporal contextual factors affected the participants' experience with, and perceived effectiveness of, the active rehabilitation programme. A twelve-month mixed-methods single case experimental research design was used with six cases (participants). Individual cases were involved in a 51-week study period including an initial interview and three-week baseline phase. Cases were then randomly allocated to one of two n-of-1 study designs (i.e., A-B, B-A, B-A, A-B or B-A, A-B, A-B, B-A) where A and B represent a non-intervention and intervention phase, respectively. Interviews were conducted regularly throughout the study whilst outcome measures were assessed at each follow-up. Analysis of the data included visual, statistical, and qualitative analysis. Visual and statistical analysis of cognitive and executive function, and mindful attention, demonstrated trivial-to-large effects with the summary reflecting positive or unclear results. A mixed picture was observed for mood and behaviour with effects considered trivial-to-large, and the summary demonstrating positive, unclear and negative effects. Qualitative analysis indicated a perceived improvement in outcome measures such as memory, attention, anxiety, and emotional control despite mixed quantitative findings whilst a clear impact of contextual factors, such as COVID-19, the political atmosphere, exercise tolerance, programme progression, and motivation were evident during the intervention. This study has provided primary-level evidence to suggest active rehabilitation as a potential intervention for the management of suspected CTE symptoms. This study has also demonstrated the benefit of a person-centred approach to both clinical research and practice, particularly by considering contextual factors for a better understanding of an intervention effect.

Электоральные циклы в Грузии: опыт пространственного анализа

The article discusses three electoral cycles in Georgia: 2012, 2016, and 2020. Among the main issues in the political party programs that make the parties different are the territorial integrity of the country, relations with Russia and the collective West, as well as issues of economic stability that has become even more sensitive in the context of the coronavirus pandemic. Given these facts, the author seeks to understand how electoral support for the parties changed during the last three electoral cycles in Georgia municipalities. Besides, the author tries to uncover some possible patterns of electoral behavior that are closely connected with the present cleavages in Georgian society and economic situation. In order to answer the questions, the author used non-spatial models of spatial analysis. Firstly, the transformation of electoral preferences in Georgian municipalities is characterized with the use of cartograms of box blots of voting for Georgian Dream, United National Movement, and Alliance of Patriots of Georgia. Secondly, the author used multi-variable analysis on the basis of parallel coordinate plot (PCP) in order to analyze the voting patterns. When conducting the analysis, such indicators were included as the unemployment rate in municipalities, Georgian, Armenian, Azerbaijani, Russian, and Ossetia population, as well as Orthodox, Armenian Orthodox, and Muslim population. Electoral choice in Georgia is determined, among others, by the spatial factor, the ethnic and religious composition of Georgian municipalities, their economic indicators, as well as their position on the map, i.e., which country borders a particular Georgian municipality. Little support for United National Movement is shown by municipalities that border the Russian Federation excluding Kakheti. Besides, municipalities with a big proportion of Armenian population also show low electoral support for the party. At the same time, municipalities bordering Turkey actively vote for United National Movement. As for Georgian Dream, Georgians in municipalities bordering Abkhazia and South Ossetia, as well as along the Russian border, highly support the party since one of its core issues on the agenda is recreating the territorial integrity of the state. However, Kakheti and Mtskheta-Mtianeti show low electoral support for the party. In addition, this party promotes the idea of expanding economic and political ties with Turkey, albeit the bordering municipalities are not enthusiastic about the idea and grant lower support for the party as a result. Municipalities on the Russian, Turkish, and Armenian border at the same time show high support for Alliance of Patriots of Georgia, which is connected with religious, ethnic, political, and economic cleavages.

"Independence" and "statehood" narratives in the modern Catalan-Spanish memorial confrontation

The author in this article analyses the features of the development of historical policy in modern Catalonia through the prism of the representation of the concepts of “independence” and “statehood” in the memorial culture of the regional society. The purpose of the study is to analyze the perception of the concepts of “statehood” and “independence” in modern Catalan memorial culture and historical memory. The author analyses the role and place of regional intellectual communities and political elites as the main participants in historical politics, defined as forms of development of Catalan nationalist imagination. The novelty of the study lies in the study of the current (modern) stage in the development of the historical politics of the regional Catalan society through the prism of development of of the concepts of “statehood” and “independence” in memorial culture, which stimulates a negative response from Castilian (Spanish) nationalists as opponents of the Catalan political project. It is shown that 1) the intellectual community in Catalonia is a systemic segment of modern nationalist political memorial culture, 2) the spectrum of memorial practices of regional intellectuals in Catalonia is limited mainly by their involvement in the development of civic identity through the prism of updating and visualizing the concepts of "statehood" and "independence" in public and political discourses, 3) "statehood" and "independence"concepts in historical imagination and memorial culture of modern Catalan nationalism are used to legitimize the political program of independence. It is assumed that the participation of regional intellectuals in memory wars actualizes the political, ideological and ethnic heterogeneity of society.

Odredbe Mažuranićevog zakona o osnivanju narodnih škola i priprema za narodne učitelje u Kraljevinama Hrvatskoj I Slavoniji i zakonodavni okviri za podsticanje stvaralaštva u obrazovanju

Ivan Mažuranić, a Croatian Ban who reigned from 1873 to 1880, implemented significant reforms in education, administration, and judiciary as part of his political program aimed at providing a modern legal framework for Croatian autonomy. During the second year of his reign, on August 19, 1874, Ban Mažuranić proposed the draft Act on the organisation of public schools and teacher training schools, which was adopted and confirmed by the Austrian Emperor and Hungarian-Croatian King Francis Joseph I on October 14, 1874. This Act is considered to be the first Croatian autonomous school law and one of the most liberal school laws in Europe, establishing schools as secular institutions. While many provisions of that Act remain applicable in today's Croatian educational system, they sparked some serious debates and protests across social classes at the time. A qualitative comparative analysis of this Act and the current Act on education in primary and secondary schools will compare the legislative frameworks for encouraging creativity in education and enabling the autonomous work of teachers. By enacting this law, Ban Mažuranić demonstrated his commitment to fulfilling his election promises. Along with other laws enforced in judiciary and administration, this Act paved the way for the modernization of the former Croatian state, aligning it with European standards of a modern civil state.

Общественно-политические идеи Н. Н. Козьмина в журнале «Сибирские записки»: областнические нарративы

Within the framework of the presented work, an attempt is made to reconstruct the complex and basic narratives of socio-political ideas of the representative of the movement of “late” regionalists, scientist-historian and ethnographer – N. N. Kozmin on the material of his current political journalism in the framework of cooperation with the magazine “Siberian Notes” (1916–1919). Guided by the political and textual analysis of published sources, the authors emphasized the main directions of the scientist’s political thought. These include a deep reflection on the national policy of the autocracy towards the indigenous peoples of Siberia, as well as an ideological array about the essence and nature of the cultural and political program of the Siberian democratic regionalists (regionalists). In general, the study established that N. N. Kozmin proceeded from the indisputable thesis that the creation of regionalist political thought was the merit of representatives of a group of Siberian political figures who laid the foundation for the socio-political organization of the local community. In contemporary journalism, the educator emphasized political realism and the practical activity-oriented nature of the regionalists’ program. It is also shown that the ethnographer considered the ideal of state national policy to be the soft incorporation of the peoples of the Asian part of Russia into a single national, but diverse space of our gigantic Fatherland.

Kościół pw. Zmartwychwstania Pańskiego w Rzymie jako świątynia Rzeczypospolitej Obojga Narodów

The paper examines the primary iconography of the interior design of the Church of the Resurrection in Rome, located in via San Sebastianello 11, reconstructed thanks to the archival materials. The interior of the church of the Resurrectionists in Rome was consecrated on November 5th, 1889, during the time of partitions and the lack of representation of the temple of the Polish nation in the Eternal City. The church until the 1979 renovation had a homogeneous decoration in the historicizing trend, which was bound together by polychromy in the type of “carpet polychromy” (Tapisseriemalerei), capturing the most semantically significant elements of decoration – stained glass windows and historical paintings. Iconography in the chancel referred to the Resurrection and the role of the Church in delivering this message. On the axis of the apse there was a stained-glass window with an image of the Risen Christ, flanked by two stained glass windows with representations of Immaculata and St. Joseph, whose cults were promoted in the Church by Pope Pius IX. The stained-glass windows also included the coats of arms of Pope Leo XIII and the founders. The main altar: a mensa from 1775, from the former church of St. Paul the First Hermit of the Pauline Fathers (formerly the Polish temple), over a wall-mounted canopy whose founder was Father Władysław Czartoryski, with an image of Our Lady of Częstochowa. The triumphal arch on the pillars framing the altar featured painted figures of St. Stanislaus and St. Sebastian, and on top of the chancel arch was an image of the Vernicle. Above the stalls there were figural paintings relating to the handing down the mission in the Church during various historical moments: The Ascension by Henryk Siemiradzki (on the south side) and The First Vows of the Resurrectionists and the Approval of the Congregation by Pius IX by Józef Unierzyski, enframed in a wooden frame with the coats of arms of Popes Gregory XVI and Pius IX. In the window area above it, there was the coat of arms of the Kingdom of Poland, while in the successive spans of the nave there were the coats of arms of Cardinal Mieczysław Ledóchowski and the Lithuanian Pogoń. Across the nave, there were two figural paintings by Franciszek Krudowski, depicting encounters with the Risen Christ on earth: Infidel Thomas and Noli me tangere. Therefore, the southern wall of the presbytery and nave depicted the presence of the Risen Christ on earth, while the northern wall pointed to the Church of Poland, from the formation of the Resurrectionists to the symbols of the state and the primate-interrex. The symbolism of the connection between the Universal Church and the Polish Church was developed on the choir wall, divided by the organ emporium into two tiers, in which stained glass windows were placed, in the lower one were the figures of the three Archangels and the Blessed Virgin Mary in the Annunciation scene, in the upper one were Saints Casimir and Josaphat, all stained glass windows were accompanied by coats of arms, whether of the Polish State or the founders. The Church of the Resurrection thus merged the iconography of the cult of the Resurrection of Christ with national representation, which was expressed both by the depicted saints and the extensive heraldic program. The emphasis on the cult of Christ and the saints of the Polish church has a reference to the first temple of the Polish nation of St. Stanislaus, whose main patron was the Blessed Savior; the image of St. Stanislaus also referred to the name of this temple. The presence of St. Josaphat, on the other hand, refers to the tradition of the Uniate hospice of Sts. Sergius and Bacchus, representing the Ruthenian nation. The iconography with images of St. Casimir, St. Josaphat, the Eagle and Pogoń coats of arms indicated that this was the temple of the First Republic, a buried state, which was represented in Rome by the Resurrectionists, the informal Polish ambassadors to the apostolic capital, who also protected and spread the Uniate rite. The saints present in the temple’s iconography and the emphasis on the relationship between the Polish Church and the Universal Church were also reflected in the Resurrectionists’ apostolic mission. The union of Church and state – altar and throne in the iconographic program of the Resurrection temple emphatically indicated that there would be no resurrection of the homeland without the Church, which was also confirmed in the political and social program of the Resurrectionist congregation.

Integrated Disaster Management Awareness in Turkish Political Party Statutes and Programs

Türkiye Cumhuriyeti, toplumu oluşturan kitlelerin ideolojisini temsil eden siyasi partilerin, yasama ve yürütme erklerine aracılık ettiği, temsili demokrasi ile yürütülmektedir. Siyasi partilerin kuruluş amaç ve hedefleri, yönetim stratejileri, parti tüzük ve programları ile belirlenmektedir. Çalışmada, Türkiye’de aktif siyasi partilerin tüzük ve programları, afet yönetimi bağlamında tartışılmaktadır. Böylece, ülke yönetiminde karar vericilerin afet yönetimine yaklaşımları irdelenerek, afet politikasındaki eksiklerin saptanması amaçlanmaktadır. Çalışma kapsamında, 2022 yılı itibariyle vilayetlerin salt çoğunluğunda örgütlenmesini tamamlayarak bir sonraki genel seçime girme hakkı kazanan, ülke siyasetinde etki ve etkinlik gösteren siyasi partilerin tüzük ve programları incelenmektedir. Çalışma yöntemini nitel içerik analizi oluşturmaktadır. Bu yönteme göre siyasi parti tüzük ve programlarında vurgulanan politika ve stratejiler arasından bütünleşik afet yönetiminin kapsamını oluşturan kavram ve temalar, bütünleşik afet yönetimin beş görev alanı; önleme-zarar azaltma-hazırlık-müdahale-iyileştirme ile ilgilerine göre sınıflandırılmaktadır. Çalışma kapsamında, afete dirençli toplumun oluşturulması için politika geliştirmekle sorumlu olan siyasi partilerin afet olgusuna yönelik yaklaşımları incelenmektedir. Ayrıca, siyasi partilerin sorumluluklarını hangi ölçüde yerine getirmeyi planladıkları ve bütünleşik afet yönetimi üzerine politika geliştirdikleri görev alanları saptanmaktadır. Çalışma sonucunda, medya ve iletişim aygıtlarını güçlü biçimde kullanan yeni nesil siyasi partiler ile birlikte, çağdaş toplumsal ve teknolojik dinamiklere uyum sağlayarak kendini yenileyen köklü siyasi partilerin, afet yönetiminin konuları üzerine politika geliştirdiği görülmektedir. Ancak bu politikalar, bütünleşik afet yönetiminin tüm görev alanlarını kapsayan bilinçli stratejilere dönüşmemekte, dirençli toplumun oluşturulmasına yeterli düzeyde katkı sağlamamaktadır. Bu bağlamda siyasi partilerin, afet yönetimi konusunda toplumsal tabana yayılan, tüm afet türlerini ve afetlerin döngüsel süreçlerini kapsayan, bütünleşik politikalar geliştirmesine ihtiyaç duyulmaktadır.

Pengaruh Kualitas Pelayanan Akademik Terhadap Kepuasan Mahasiswa Program Studi Ilmu Pemerintahan Universitas Jambi

The current phenomenon is that higher education has become a commodity that is needed by society in an effort to improve people's living standards. Where quality tertiary institutions are seen literally by the community from the facilities and infrastructure they have as well as the satisfaction of students within the tertiary institution itself. So the aim of this research is to see the influence of service quality on student satisfaction in the political science study program at Jambi University, both simultaneously and partially. The data used are primary and secondary data. Where primary data was obtained from distributing questionnaires to 85 students who were the research samples. The research method used is a quantitative method, while the research tool used is path analysis. The research results show that there is a significant influence of service quality on student satisfaction, both simultaneously amounting to 75%.

Can TV Politics Improve the Trust Pattern of “Intimate Central Government and Alienate Local Government”?

The hierarchical and descending trust pattern among Chinese citizens toward governments at all levels, characterized by a stronger trust in the central government and a weaker trust in local governments, often leads to the “Tacitus trap” in local government governance. As a new platform for public participation and local government supervision, can TV political programs improve the trust pattern of “intimate central government and alienate local government,” and achieve a balance of trust between the central and local governments? Using data from the Social Consciousness Survey Data of Netizens 2018, we conducted an empirical analysis of the impact of TV political programs on residents’ trust patterns toward different levels of government. The results of this study show that: first, the opening of TV political programs can significantly narrow the trust gap between the central and local governments. This primarily achieved by significantly increasing the level of trust that residents have in the provincial government. Second, influence mechanism reveals that the introduction of of TV political programs can reduce the residents’ trust gap between central and local governments mainly by bolstering government transparency, fortifying government responsiveness, and boosting residents’ political efficacy. Third, the heterogeneity analysis indicates that TV political programs can significantly improve the trust gap between central and local governments among various groups, including women, youth, democratic party members and the public, high digitalization ability, residents in the east and provincial capital cities. Fourth, during the COVID-19 pandemic, the opening of TV political programs significantly increase residents’ trust in the central government but do not significantly raise residents’ trust in local governments. This may, to some extent, reinforce the trend of “intimate central government and alienate local government” among the public .

Developing Political Literacy of Social Studies Teacher Candidates for Citizenship Education

In the rapidly developing and advancing world, citizens are expected to be involved in politics and help to their administrators/politicians. Although the concept of political literacy has an old history, it has become popular today. It has been included as a skill in 2018 and 2023 social studies curriculums in Türkiye. Considering the relevant national literature and the results of the needs analysis conducted within the scope of this research, it is seen that social studies teachers and teacher candidates don’t know political literacy and don’t have political literacy knowledge, skills and values as necessary. They, expected to raise politically literate individuals, have to be politically literate citizens/teachers in order to be successful. In this research, produced from a doctoral thesis, it was aimed to improve the political literacy of social studies teacher candidates. So, a political literacy education program was prepared within the scope of action research, one of the qualitative research designs, and political literacy education was given to improve the political literacy of teacher candidates. After the training, lasting about three and a half months, the effectiveness of the program in developing political literacy and the views of teacher candidates on it were tried to be revealed.
 
 Keywords: Citizenship education, Political literacy, Social studies, Teacher candidates

Implementing The Role of NGOs In Curricular and Societal Civic Education Through Political Literacy

The importance of political literacy in this context NGOs have the potential to contribute to developing political literacy that is more effective and has a wider impact. Although Civic Education is an integral part of the curriculum, the challenge of teaching democratic values and effective political participation can still be implemented by NGOs as a form of curricular and societal Civic Education. The research in this paper aims to find out the role of NGOs related to political literacy in society through education and advocacy strategies. The research method used is qualitative, with data collection techniques of observation, documentation, and structured, open, and in-depth interviews with representative civic education teachers and representative staff of local NGOs as informants selected by purposive sampling. The findings were based on research conducted for six months with limitations in regional coverage. The political literacy program was declared successful in demonstrating the role of NGOs with the strategy of conducting political literacy training, providing easy-to-understand political information, holding public discussions, inviting people to get involved in the political process, and establishing partnerships with government institutions and civil society. Political literacy activities have a positive impact on participants, although it is not seen and felt directly by the entire community. In conclusion, through political literacy, NGOs can help people become politically literate, less susceptible to political issues, and more open in their political thoughts and actions.

ALEVİ SİYASALLAŞMASI VE DIŞ POLİTİKA: ALEVİ SİYASİ PARTİLERİNDE KİMLİK-ULUSLARARASI POLİTİKA BAĞLANTISI

The foreign policy and international relations perceptions of sub-state groups have recently begun to be discussed in the literature. The central role of the state is eroding and non- and sub-state actors are emerging as influential factors in international politics. Identity is the most dominant factor in the foreign policy perspectives of these actors. This study examines Alevi politicization in Turkey in relation to foreign policy and identity. The politicization of Alevism in Turkey has accelerated since the 1950s with the urbanization of Alevis and their rapprochement with leftist ideologies. The tension between Alevism and the state since the Ottoman period has also fed this process. As a result of this politicization, the Unity Party (1966-1980) and the Peace Party (1996-1999) were established as Alevi parties. The relationship that both parties established with their Alevi base, their perception of domestic politics and their interpretation of international developments influenced their identities. This study examines the relationship between Alevi identity and foreign policy based on the parties' programs. The study aims to contribute to the literature by making three claims. The first is that sub-state entities can also make foreign policy. Sub-state identities formulate their own foreign policy concepts independently of governments and successfully integrate domestic and international developments into their political programs. Second, domestic and international developments have a transformative impact on the politicization of Alevis. The birth of the Alevi political movement following urbanization and its subsequent ideological transformation with leftist politics illustrates this. As a result, there has been a rupture between the Alevi political movement and its traditions and institutions. Third, Alevi politicization in the 1960s and 1990s followed different paths. The first was the process of individual Alevi politicization in the bipolar order of the Cold War conditions, which shrouded micro debates, while the second was the emergence of an Alevi political movement as a result of the increased emphasis on identity after the end of the Cold War.

The End of History

This article proposes a revision of the idea of the End of History as pictured by Francis Fukuyama regarding its categorization as both a utopia and a dystopia. After revisiting Fukuyama’s original proposal and its amendments by the author in the following years, we use François Hartog’s regimes of historicity as a theoretical tool for understanding the End of History as part of a larger phenomenon. To argue Fukuyama essentially proposes the re-spatialization of utopia, we use Reinhard Koselleck’s “Temporalization of Utopia” and Fredric Jameson’s “End of Temporality” as guidelines. Finally, mobilizing debates on the utopian as a background, we reflect on the political nature of ruptures of temporality to claim that the End of History, though originally a utopian text, has been temporalized as a dystopia following its implementation as a political program.

The Impact of the Big Thinking Program on Students’ Mental Health in the Context of Three-Way Parenting

Abstract This paper combines the stepwise regression algorithm as well as the decision tree algorithm to design a decision tree stepwise regression algorithm model of the impact of the big Civics program on students’ mental health. This paper focuses on the use of a stepwise regression algorithm to eliminate the independent variables that do not have a significant impact on the dependent variable, and through the decision tree, ID3 method to test all the features, in-depth exploration of the degree of influence of the large courses of ideology and politics on students’ mental health. In order to be able to more deeply solve the degree of influence of the large course of thought and politics on students’ mental health, a oneway linear regression analysis is carried out on the basis of the relevant analysis data of students’ mental health. The results show that the histogram of the independent variable of the large course of ideology and the dependent variable of the total mean score is distributed in a normal curve, with a mean of 2.82E-16, a standard deviation of 0.999, and a correlation coefficient squared of 0.057, which indicates that the large course of ideology has a predictive effect on the mental health of students and that the students’ anorexia mental health is influenced by the large course of ideology by 0.057. This study shows that the large course of ideology is able to promote the physical and mental health development of students and contribute to the mental health of the students. This study shows that the large ideology and politics program can promote the healthy development of student’s physical and mental health, provide a direction for mental health education to become an effective carrier of “moral education”, and also provide a breakthrough point for the reform and innovation of students’ mental health education.

Realistic Challenges and Optimization Approaches of Civic Education in Colleges and Universities in the Context of Big Data

Abstract Civic and political education with big data should not just be a one-way knowledge inculcation. It is more of a guideline and direction that can guide everyone’s life. This paper gives a detailed description of the realistic challenges facing Civic and Political Education in the context of big data and gives the optimization path of Civic and Political Education in combination with big data technology. The essence of ideological education is to help students establish correct concepts and values of life. This paper uses the PSO algorithm to improve the K-means algorithm, builds a student portrait based on student data, and fully analyzes the behavior related to student life consumption. Then, through the FOA algorithm to optimize the parameters of the SVM algorithm, the student learning data for deep mining in order to achieve the student academic early warning, to help college administrators understand the student learning situation. The purpose of Civic Education is to aid students in establishing correct concepts of life and learning, and this paper conducts corresponding empirical analysis. The results show that the PSOK-means algorithm achieves absolute convergence after 45 iterations, and its MSE value is 2.208, the FOA-SVM algorithm has 0.0979s more computing time than the RF-SVM algorithm after 2000 iterations, and the clustering of students’ portraits results in 4 classes, and the accuracy of academic warning is more than 80%. Reasonable big data technology and the deep integration of the application of political education in colleges and universities can help college administrators understand the development of students so as to formulate a political education program that is more in line with the development of students and to improve the quality of talent cultivation in colleges and universities.

Tsar Samuel in the Ideological Concept of the Ohrid Archbishopric

The paper treats the issue on the reconstruction of the image of Tsar Samuel from the perspective of the Ohrid Archbishopric. The snapshots from the sources starting from Basil II’s sigillia and other official acts, reveals that the representation of Samuel was largely shaped in accordance with the ideological concept of the Ohrid Archbishopric. Depending on the political constellation and the momentary aims of the ideological propaganda, Samuel was either recognized as the fundamental ruler and inseparable part of the traditions of the Ohrid Archbishopric, or was completely excluded within the constructed theories about the origin оf the Archbishopric. The leading people in the Ohrid Archbishopric constantly modified and constructed the ecclesiastical traditions for the purpose of reinforcing the position and the status of the Archbishopric, in which the Christian saints were also exploited. This tendency also found reflection in the alteration of the original legend about Vladimir and Kosara, that served Archbishopric’s pretensions for obtaining the leading role among the Orthodox Christians in the Balkans. Hence, from the reading of the official works composed for or from the Ohrid Archbishopric we can notice the tendency for adapting, constructing and manipulating the traditions emerging from Samuel’s political and ideological program, that involved the cults and legends originating in Prespa and Ohrid, wherefrom we receive opposed and distorted images of Samuel. Their deconstruction is the main goal of this paper.

Institutionalization of Hate Speech as a Daily Media Practice: The Case of “Wiadomości” TVP1

ABSTRACT In the article, I discuss how hate speech becomes institutionalized in the media discourse thanks to the news media and how it is included in the media practice by public television in Poland. Hate speech is based on expressive, conflict-prone, and black-and-white schemes, employing language characterized by emotions, negative stigmatization, and simplifications. As a case study, I analyze the “Wiadomości” (“News”) daily program on Polish public TV. Over eight years “Wiadomości” has become a broadcast presenting ideological political positions, favoring the party in power, being the primary means for propaganda, as hate speech aimed at opposition parties and their leaders has become customary content in broadcasts. It takes various forms, including the biased selection of content in programs, the structure of information, information strips, and comments of speakers and reporters presenting content. According to the media law in Poland, a public broadcaster has to be an impartial informant while performing its mission. However, TVP became a “hate speech factory” aimed towards political opposition. Using democratic principles, the ruling party made public media publish the content following the political program of the rulers, thus institutionalizing the undemocratic practices.

Działalność kulturotwórcza konserwatystów wschodniogalicyjskich na przykładzie fundacji Leona Pinińskiego i Dawida Abrahamowicza

CULTURAL ACTIVITIES OF EASTERN GALICIAN CONSERVATIVES ON THE EXAMPLE OF THE FOUNDATIONS OF LEON PINIŃSKI AND DAWID ABRAHAMOWICZThe activity of eastern Galician conservatives is generally assessed only negatively and on the political field. Their perception in historiography has been influenced by the work of Wilhelm Feldman entitled Parties and Political Programs in Galicia. Indeed, Podolacy sought to maintain the status quo in matters of large land ownership. However, some of them undertook numerous pro-social initiatives. Among the most spectacular were the foundations of Dawid Abrahamowicz and Leon Piniński, whose aim was to rebuild the Wawel Royal Castle during the interwar period. The first was founded by the Abrahamowicz couple who donated almost all of their wealth to charity (mainly benefitting children of landowners who can’t afford education) and to cultural purposes. The funds received by Wawel Castle were used to purchase paintings by the best masters from Poland and abroad. By 1937 they had gathered 91 objects for its reconstruction. The second foundation was established in 1927 by art historian and former governor of Galicia Leon Piniński, who donated over 300 objects by artists such as Juliusz Kossak, Jacek Malczewski, Artur Grottger and Józef Chełmoński. As an outstanding collector, Piniński took an active part in the foundation’s work until the end of his life. In the 1930s, as a result of economic crisis, he was forced to sell almost 50 paintings from the Wawel Castle. The article presents the cultural activity of Eastern Galician conservatives, which should not be limited only to political aspects, especially the Polish-Ukrainian conflict.