Political Program Research Articles

Prefiguration of the Nation: The Soteriology and Ecclesiology of the Iglesia Filipina Independiente in the Early 20th Century

Abstract The Iglesia Filipina Independiente was established in 1902, in the context of the US occupation of the Philippines. The church has become known for its outspoken emancipatory political stance in the course of the 20th century. Yet, in its early days, the church wrestled with the question how to negotiate the restrictions that had been imposed regarding explicit political agitation. This paper argues that the church found a way forward regarding this by developing a prefigurative self-understanding, according to which the church, in its self-organization, theology and liturgy, foreshadowed the future of the nation of the Philippines as a whole. The ecclesiology of the church became its political program. Using insights from the study of prefigurative politics, it is shown how this course of action becomes evident in the Iglesia Filipina Independiente’s publications, such as journals and liturgical books.

Beyond scalable impacts: Roles of mobility experiments in local transition governance

The impact of short-term, localized real-world experiments on sustainable change is debated. Our analysis of three mobility experiments shows that even in the absence of quantifiable results, these experiments are still perceived as successful. By highlighting the underlying collective discursive strategies, we emphasize the different roles of experimentation in local mobility transitions and the importance of social learning and collective understanding in urban experimentation.In this article, we explore the role of real-world experiments in local transition governance, focusing on the negotiation between measurable impacts and the evaluation of localized, tangible outcomes. In our qualitative comparative analysis, we examine three distinct mobility experiments aimed at advancing sustainable transformation in mobility and urban planning, namely the co-creative research project City2Share in Munich, the political program of the Superblocks in Barcelona, and the real-world test bed for automated shuttles Digibus Austria in Koppl near Salzburg. Despite the structural limitations of the temporal, spatial, and legal framework and the uncertainties in measuring the impact, all experiments were presented as successful. This success was negotiated and re-framed via five discursive strategies: mobilizing citizen engagement, highlighting small achievements, manifesting institutional embedding, generating political momentum, and delegating responsibility. As we argue, success and scaling are not just the result of scientific proof, but also a matter of negotiating the political issues raised by the experiment.

From party politics to governing instruments: an analysis of letters of allocation to the Norwegian and Swedish heritage agencies

ABSTRACT Over the last decade, heritage researchers have investigated the relationship between heritage and politics from various theoretical, methodological, and disciplinary angles. While much of this research has focused on international heritage governance, the results have highlighted that we need to reexamine the relationship between heritage organizations and politics at national level. Yet few studies have looked at the instruments used to transact authority between the political level of government and the state agencies that coordinate national heritage sectors. This article examines this relationship in Sweden and Norway. By intertextually analysing governing parties’ political programs and ‘letters of allocation’ issued from the government to heritage agencies, combined with a survey on the perceptions of civil servants, we show how these letters can serve as policy space where transactional authority can be practiced. The genre and political signals in the letters indicate that heritage governance in Norway is more politically responsive than in Sweden, and that governance reform is more successfully transacted through this governing instrument than heritage polices.

L’udovít Štúr’s Plebeian Ethos of Resistance in the 1840s

Abstract The author examines Ľudovít Štúr (1815–1856), the main representative of the Slovak national movement in the 1840s, and his personal ethos in the struggle for the rights and freedom of the Slovak ethnic group. Štúr paid great attention to the development of the ethnic, social, and political awareness of Slovaks. In this effort, the Slovenskje národňje novini (Slovak National Newspaper) played an important role, through which Štúr and the representatives of the Slovak national movement shaped and spread its social and political program, the aim of which was both the fight against the national oppression of the Slovaks, but also the achievement of equal rights for the Slovak ethnic group in Hungary and the Habsburg Monarchy.

Problematic issues of gender equality in the European Union: administrative and legal aspect

The article is devoted to gender equality, one of the most relevant topics today, not only in Ukraine, but also in the European Union. Strategic planning of gender policy is an important aspect in achieving the values of equality between women and men. Building a quality strategy requires experience and expert work, in particular, data collection and processing, setting priorities and evaluating the effectiveness of already developed strategies.
 The aim of the work is a thorough study of gender equality policy in Ukraine and EU countries in law enforcement agencies.
 The methodological basis of the study. In the process of working on the scientific article, such scientific methods as the terminological, systemic-structural, formal-logical, comparative-legal method were used.
 Results. The European Union, in particular, the Commission on Gender Equality and Monitoring its Progress, already has some experience in strategic planning to achieve the goals of gender equality, which is implemented in all spheres of life. A review and analysis of this experience can help Ukraine improve approaches and practices for developing strategies in this area.
 In Ukraine, scientific research on gender aspects of state policy began in the 90s of the last century. The issue of gender equality should be central in the analysis, planning and adoption of political decisions, budgets, programs, and institutional structures.
 The article analyzes actions and trends in the field of gender equality in the EU and Ukraine with the aim of bringing the law enforcement sphere of Ukraine closer to European gender standards.
 Conclusions. It was determined that the observance of gender equality or parity democracy is a system of rights, freedoms and duties of a person and a citizen regulated by regulations and provided for by political and legal principles, ensuring the possibility of their equal implementation and observance in all spheres of state and public activity with the help of an appropriate implementation mechanism. Summarizing the European practice, new principles of gender policy are defined, which form the modern ideology of equality.

THE EFFORTS OF JORDANIAN POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE FIELD OF SOCIAL SERVICE IN LIGHT OF THE CORONA PANDEMIC

Purpose: This research examines Jordanian political parties' social service programs during COVID-19, identifying challenges and proposing recommendations for improvement, including youth empowerment, geographical expansion, and legislative advocacy.
 
 Theoretical framework: This research examines the social service efforts of Jordanian political parties during the COVID-19 pandemic using various theoretical frameworks. It examines political party functionality, resource dependency, youth engagement, geopolitical analysis, and policy advocacy. The study aims to provide a comprehensive analysis of these parties' efforts, identify challenges, and offer strategic recommendations for strengthening their social roles and impact.
 
 Design/Methodology/Approach: This research explores the social service efforts of Jordanian political parties during the COVID-19 pandemic using a qualitative, descriptive, and exploratory design. Data is collected through semi-structured interviews with key informants, documentary analysis, and thematic analysis. Ethical considerations are upheld, and the research is validated and reliable through strategies like triangulation of data sources and member checking. The findings aim to enhance the effectiveness of political parties in addressing societal needs.
 
 Findings: The research on Jordanian political parties' social service efforts during the COVID-19 pandemic revealed challenges such as limited financial resources, limited youth engagement, and geographic disparities. Recommendations for improvement include empowering youth, expanding beyond urban centers, and advocating for legislative reforms. These strategies can enhance the effectiveness of political parties as agents of social change and catalysts for positive transformation in Jordanian communities.
 
 Research, Practical & Social Implications: The study on Jordanian political parties' social service efforts during the COVID-19 pandemic offers academic insights and practical applications. It provides insights into the evolving roles of political organizations in addressing societal needs, empowering youth, and expanding party outreach. The findings can inform strategic decision-making, promoting social cohesion, and advocating for legislative reform.
 
 Originality/Value: This research provides a contextualized analysis of Jordanian political parties' social service efforts during the COVID-19 pandemic. It examines the intersection of politics and social welfare, identifying challenges like limited resources and geographic disparities. The study offers practical recommendations for improvement and policy implications, emphasizing the importance of fostering an enabling environment for political parties to engage in social service provision.

Precarious Multiculturalism: The Racialized Experience of Asian In/Exclusion in Australia

Within Australia’s reputation as a successful multicultural nation, we explore what it means to be Asian in Australia. We trace how this racialized group has been socially excluded under the White Australia Policy that existed for much of the 20th Century, included in the Asian Century adopted as government policy in 2012, re-excluded during the COVID-19 pandemic, and tentatively re-included in its aftermath. We examine the cursory and contingent nature of racial inclusion in Australia in light of the contention that surrounds the concept and practice of multiculturalism as a political program. The racialized experience of Asians in Australia demonstrates the pernicious nature of white supremacy, even while this settler-nation seeks to consolidate a glowing image of diversity to redeem its racist past. We conclude by proposing that Australia go beyond multiculturalism to adopt systemic inclusion as a basis for a more equitable and sustainable future.

Staff Rides as Pedagogical Practice

ABSTRACTPolitical science instructors have started to make use of the “staff ride”—that is, the combined study of a military campaign, structured visits to related sites, and after-action analysis. Our study is the first examination of the potential utility of this pedagogical tool in civilian political science programs. Although the specific knowledge and skills that any given staff ride promotes depend on its content and structure, the potential benefits include four student learning outcomes: (1) staff rides show students how we might draw lessons from the past and apply them to present or future problems; (2) students may derive an enhanced ability to empathize with military and civilian decision makers; (3) staff rides can highlight the normative stakes in politics; and (4) they can foster connections among the participants. This article describes potential benefits of a staff ride, provides detailed instructional models based on the Battle of Gettysburg and the Tet Offensive, and considers ways to replicate these experiences in more accessible formats.

Gendered Power Struggles: A Critical Discourse Analysis of Restrictive Practice in Contemporary Journalism Under Taliban Regime

This study investigates the complex relationship between power dynamics, gender inequalities, and ideological influence in the field of journalism during the Taliban regime's rule. Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) is used in this study to investigate the various constraints faced by female journalists and media workers. This research paper investigates the consequences of limited information access, as well as widespread arrests and intimidation by both government officials and fighters. The study also looks into the Taliban's strict limitations on media activities, such as the division of workspaces, the requirement for women to cover their faces while on screen, and the regulation of analyst involvement in political programming. The intricate power dynamics that underpin their narratives are revealed through this analysis. The de facto government and combatants are portrayed as entities attempting to maintain their authority, whereas the Taliban attempts to impose regressive ideologies to women who work in news media.

Radical Left Culture and Heritage, the Politics of Preservation and Memorialisation, and the Promise of the Metaverse

Radical left culture and heritage—understood as incarnations of leftist artefacts and praxis both past and present—have taken risks in challenging hegemonic machinations often when it is unpopular to do so. To the ire of hegemons, leftist projects across the globe have marshalled places, spaces, and technologies into sites of empowerment and struggle utilising ‘small’ and ‘big’ acts of resistance and critical interventions to champion social justice—sometimes successfully, and at other times, less so. However, the preservation of projects’ artefacts, praxis, and memory work has been anything but straightforward, owing primarily to institutional politics and infrastructural and resourcing issues. Taking The Freedom Archives (FA) as a case study, this article explores how FA is preserving the distinctive political education programme that underpinned the iconic liberation struggle in Guinea-Bissau that kickstarted the seismic, global decolonisation project in the late 1950s. The article argues that FA could substantially enhance the preservation and memorialisation of that programme in the Metaverse—if this materialises as a fully open, interoperable, and highly immersive space (1) unfettered by hegemonic regulation, and (2) characterised by ‘strategic witnessing’, ‘radical recordkeeping’, and user agency. In doing so, FA would serve as an exemplar for leftist projects globally.

Comparative Analysis of the Undergraduate Political Science Research Methodology Course Syllabi among Hong Kong Universities

Although research methodology is a staple and essential requirement of many undergraduate political science programmes worldwide, there are still many intense and ongoing debates among teachers and students on the series of effective learning and teaching approaches and strategies for this subject matter that involve theoretical understanding, procedural knowledge, practical skills, and reflective mindsets. By undergoing a thematic analysis of the course syllabi of the undergraduate political science research methodology courses offered by seven publicly funded universities in Hong Kong, this study aims to first illustrate how individual teachers structure and sequence their courses, followed by highlighting the underlying educational implications. This qualitative study primarily focuses on seven distinct yet interrelated aspects of course design, namely course title, course description, intended learning outcomes, course topics and content, readings and references, assessment tasks, and course format. All these empirical findings can contribute to scholarship by offering greater clarity and consistency in understanding the learning and teaching of research methodology in the context of undergraduate political science education. These findings can also inform future practices in terms of course design, pedagogical best practices, lesson preparation, and assessment development among educators and practitioners.

The Russian Movement of the 1960–1980s

This article is dedicated to the phenomenon of the Russian movement in the second half of the 20th century — the successors of the political programs of pre‑revolutionary conservatives and post‑revolutionary emigrant conservative thinkers that emerged in the 1960s in the USSR. In this sense, the Russian movement, mainly consisting of dissidents and having an anti‑communist orientation, is contrasted with the so‑called legal Russian party, which attempted to connect the values of pre‑revolutionary Russia with the Soviet period and see it as an organic continuation and embodiment of the former. The history and activities of the All‑Russian Society of Cultural and Historical Heritage and its members I. V. Ogurtsov, V. N. Osipov, and their self‑published journal “Veche”, as well as A.I. Solzhenitsyn and I. R. Shafarevich, are examined. The ideology of the All‑Russian Society of Cultural and Historical Heritage is analyzed, including its attitude towards revolution, economic positions, critique of Marxism‑Leninism, foundations of the desired Christian‑social corporative system, and program of Christianizing society. The key milestones in the history of the journal “Veche” and the almanac “Moscow Collection” are presented. The role of priest Dmitry Dudko in the development of the Russian movement is reviewed. Special attention in the article is given to A.I. Solzhenitsyn, whom the author considers the most influential and key figure in the Russian conservative movement of the second half of the 20th century. The ideological content of the collection “From Under the Rubble” is examined, with Solzhenitsyn and Shafarevich being the central authors. The author concludes that the organizational destruction of the Russian movement in the Soviet Union in the late 1970s and early 1980s predetermined the course of Russian history, paving the way for liberal‑Western forces preparing for the restructuring and radical reforms of the 1990s. As a result, during the critical period for the country from 1987 to 1993, the Russian movement did not produce any universally recognized leaders who could offer an alternative to the liberal course of the country. Nevertheless, the intellectual developments of the Russian movement in subsequent decades have been in demand within the conservative political camp and continue to be so to this day.

What do we talk about when we talk about the ‘return’ of geopolitics?

Abstract Western public and academic debates stipulate a ‘return’ of geopolitics, but confusion reigns over its substantial meaning. Recent scholarship has increasingly equated the term with the imperialist context in which ‘classical’ geopolitics first emerged, unmasking its spatial determinism but also losing sight of its geographic dimension. Today, geopolitics vaguely combines notions of systemic power competition in a neo-realist sense with constructivist ideas about spatially expansive authoritarianism. To address the resulting confusion, the article conducts interpretive process tracing and analyses how, throughout the twentieth century, classical geopolitics spatially substantiated systemic dynamics of shifting international power balances and broader political programmes such as imperialism, especially via competition on and over the Eurasian landmass. The article examines how, amid renewed competition with Russia and China over Eurasia—as well as doubts over the leanings of European and Asian middle powers in this contest—these traditional concerns reverberate even in contemporary western geopolitical debates characterized by vaguer definitions. This approach helps differentiate geopolitics from standard theories of International Relations and highlights how our unease with spatial arguments under liberal universalism drives today's largely metaphorical use of the term. American Cold War geopolitics, leveraged in defence of domestic democracy, emerges as a thought-provoking contrast.

Challenges on Party Institutionalization: The Broken Linkage of Three Faces of Party in the National Democrats on Promoting Renewable Energy Bill

This article explores institutionalization challenges in the National Democrats (NasDem) Party in promoting the Renewable Energy Bill, viewed from the party’s three faces. NasDem is strategically involved in policy decision-making in the Indonesian parliament, but the three faces of the party are yet to be seen. Despite being established over a decade ago, the direction of institutionalization is still transforming, especially in the linkage between public office and the party at the grassroots. The research question is: How do the three faces of the party in NasDem impact the challenges of institutionalization? Drawing from the Renewable Energy Bill case studies, we argue that three challenges exist. First, a personalistic party’s strong influence leads to failure in two-way communications, especially at the grassroots. Second, the vision of the renewable energy law was notimplemented at the grassroots because the party had to focus on regional policies. Third, although the renewable energy vision has not been fully implemented, the idea of ‘green politics’ has been realized by the party wing at the grassroots through the political education program.

VẬN DỤNG PHƯƠNG PHÁP DỰ ÁN TRONG DẠY HỌC LỊCH SỬ ĐẢNG CỘNG SẢN VIỆT NAM CHO SINH VIÊN THEO HƯỚNG PHÁT TRIỂN NĂNG LỰC

The research purpose is to clarify the relationship between using Project Based Learning (PBL) and developing learning capacity for students and to design the process of implementing PBL in teaching the History of the Communist Party of Vietnam. Theoretical and pedagogical experimental research methods are used in the research process. The findings show that, for the History of the Communist Party of Vietnam module, the PBL is an active teaching method, contributing to the development of problemsolving skills, communication skills, collaboration skills, and self-study competencies for students, with the potential for wide application in similar teaching contexts in political theory programs

Exploring the Development Path of Collaborative Education between College Civics Courses and Daily Civics Education Combined with the Theory of Three-Whole Parenting

Abstract As times evolve, ideological and political education in higher education has emerged as a central focus of reforms in this field, marking the synergistic development of these programs as an inevitable trend. This paper addresses the reform requirements of ideological and political education in the contemporary era. It proposes a development path for integrating Civic and Political Programs with ideological and political education in higher education institutions, based on the ‘three-whole-parenting’ theory. Additionally, we construct a comprehensive evaluation system using fuzzy comprehensive evaluation methods to assess the effectiveness of this integrative approach. The systems designed achieved an average response time below 1800ms, indicating strong performance. Student satisfaction with the synergistic path ranges from 4 to 5 points, with an average attitude score of 3.04 and a comprehensive evaluation score for quality of 4.53. This paper demonstrates that the development path for college Civics courses, based on the three-whole-person parenting theory, is effective, ensuring scientifically planned and comprehensively implemented synergistic education.

Study on the Construction of Educational Management System to Integrate the Elements of Civic and Political Programs with the Employment and Precision Support for Poor College Students in Colleges and Universities under the Learning Migration Theory

Abstract Facing the complex and changing job market, poor students in colleges and universities face severe challenges. This study explores how to construct an educational management system for precise employment support for poor college students in colleges and universities by integrating elements of the Civics and Political Science program under the guidance of the learning transfer theory to enhance employment ability and increase employment opportunities. The entropy weight-TOPSIS method is used in the study to assess the quality of employment help for poor college students in a comprehensive manner. Among the 10 colleges and universities, the evaluation scores of the quality of employment assistance work range from 0.25 to 0.7567, and the average score is 0.4432, which concludes that there is a significant difference between different colleges and universities in the quality of employment assistance work. Through the analysis of the multiple linear regression model, it is found that individual career level, school guidance level, and ability development level are the key factors affecting the satisfaction of employsment precision help for poor college students, and the influence of ability development level is the most significant. To improve the employment quality of poor college students, colleges and universities should prioritize individualized guidance and ability development when providing employment assistance.

The Cuban Economy in the Last Decade: Balance and Outlook

In the last decade, the Cuban economy has faced formidable difficulties. A host of external and internal adversities have imposed an enormous human cost on our nation and prevented the timely implementation of the program to update the social and economic model outlined in 2011 at the 6th Congress of the Communist Party of Cuba, validated through intense debate across Cuban society, turned into a law of the State and a political program at the 7th Congress of the Party in 2016, incorporated into the Constitution in 2019, and amended in 2021. A balance of the evolution of the Cuban economy during the last decade is required to properly reaffirm the historical potential — opportunities, obstacles, and requisite economic and social policy adjustments — for Cuban revolutionary socialism to persist through the juncture and advance to higher stages of development.

Formation of images of the future in the USSR in the 1920s.

The article is devoted to the trends in the formation of images of the future in the USSR in the 1920s. The subject of the study is the image of the future as an object of design during the formation of a new state of society, the search for guidelines and practices of social development. Design in a broad context is considered as an active creative activity to shape the image of the future. Design may imply certain deadlines for its implementation, or it may be based on approximate calculations, on some guidelines that do not have a strict time limit. The research methods were historical-analytical, historical-comparative, historical-genetic, system-analytical. The postulates of F. Polak and E. Bloch were adopted as the methodological basis for studying images of the future. The article identifies the subjects of designing images of the future in the period under study, among whom are the leaders and ideologists of the Communist Party, as well as representatives of the urban intelligentsia. The main factors in the formation of images of the future are identified, among which are noted: the “current present”, political programs and ideological attitudes of the power elite, ideological trends of previous decades, scientific achievements, value systems. Projecting images of the future by subjects in the 1920s, experiencing the influence of various factors, led to the formation of images of a predominantly utopian nature, defining the horizons of the “expected” or “possible” future. Given the schematic and vagueness of the political guidelines for communism and the diversity of its author’s figurative variants, the future society was presented in the general categories of collectivism, science-centrism, technocratism, the ideals of a new socially determined person, and the subordination of nature to society.

The Parties of the Polish People’s Movement in Exile Concerning the So-called Continuity of Polish Statehood in Exile

This study is of paramount importance as it delves into the attitudes of three Polish People’s Parties active in exile between 1945 and 1990 (Stronnictwo Ludowe “Wolność” (SLW), Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe (PSL), Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe – Odłam Jedności Narodowej (PSL-OJN)) towards the recognition of the Polish Constitution of April 1935 and the permanence of the Polish authorities in exile – the so-called legalism. The study primarily used content analysis as the primary research method to analyze the content of the provenance materials of the studied parties, such as political programs, minutes of meetings, articles in the party press, and correspondence. Scientific literature was also used. The research concludes that each of the three researched parties presented different views on the issues indicated above, although the opinions of the SLW and PSL-OJN were quite similar. These parties were in favor of recognizing the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of April 1935 as binding and the construction of the authorities of the Republic of Poland in exile on the basis of the provisions of that Constitution. A different position was presented by the PSL, which rejected the Polish Constitution of 1935 in its entirety.