Political Pressure Research Articles

Multi-level analysis on determinants of sustainability disclosure: a survey of academic literature

PurposeThis study uses a multi-level framework to systematically summarize and synthesize the empirical literature on determinants of sustainability disclosure.Design/methodology/approachThis review study is based on 159 empirical studies examining determinants of sustainability disclosure and published in Charted Association of Business Schools (CABS) ranked journals over the last 40 years.FindingsCompanies are experiencing multi-level pressures for sustainability disclosure. Macro-level variables include political, legal, social-cultural and international pressures. Meso-level factors include customers' concerns, shareholders’ and investors' demands, industry-level variables and media coverage. Micro-level factors include the firm-level governance mechanisms, executives' reporting attitude and role of sustainability promoting institutions. Unlike in developed markets, companies in developing markets feel minimal public pressure for sustainability disclosure but rather are influenced by international NGOs, the media and international buyers. Multi-level and multitude of pressures for sustainability disclosure explains the widely observed differences between studies.Originality/valueThis research presents the most extensive systematic review of the extant sustainability disclosure literature and is the first study to group determinants into micro-, meso- and macro-level components using multi-level analysis.

Knowledge Management Dynamics in Offshore Wind Farms in the Netherlands

Offshore wind farm development is a is a highly complex process. The societal and political pressure to implement is high while environmental responses and future developments in the global energy network are uncertain. Moreover, many interests in maritime space are at stake. The dependency on knowledge for decision-making is high, but the capacity to use knowledge is limited. In this paper we investigate the role of ecosystem knowledge in offshore wind farm planning and management. We have identified 4 types of research arenas: (1) government driven (e.g., monitoring programs) (2) subsidized research (national or EU), (3) industrial or PPS (Public-private partnerships), and (4) research by universities. This study considers the way in which knowledge from different arenas is or could be taken up and used in policy. We identify that particularly government-driven research (monitoring) is used in policymaking. The analysis of policy documents, in-depth expert interviews and focus groups reveals that the distance between knowledge developers and knowledge users may differentiate from purely transactional relations to co-production-relations. However, co-production is rare beyond the monitoring programs directly initiated by the government agencies.

Risks for Knowledge-uptake in Dutch Marine Spatial Planning: Incompatibilities Between Research and Policy-making

The rapid increase of Offshore Wind Farm (OWF) development in the North-Sea occurs under serious uncertainty, partly due to knowledge gaps concerning the North-Sea’s socio-ecological system. The situation is particularly urgent in the Netherlands due to the intense use of its maritime zone and related conflicts among stakeholders. Optimising the placement of OWFs requires the uptake of multidisciplinary knowledge in Marine Spatial Planning (MSP) policy through ongoing adaptation of policies to new knowledge. Currently, knowledge-uptake from research into policy is widely mentioned as a challenge for MSP, but knowledge management theory has hardly been applied to it. To be useful in the multidisciplinary environment of MSP, a common language about knowledge is needed to allow for cooperation between scientific disciplines and policy sectors. However, many risks exist that may hinder knowledge-uptake between research and policy-making. This thinking-gap between research and policy-making is recognised in many fields. However, MSP and relevant knowledge about the North-Sea is rapidly developing and understudied. This results in a high pressure and dynamic situation in a developing field which can be an insightful case to apply knowledge-management theory and provide new insights for scholars of MSP. This study focuses on risks for knowledge uptake that derive from incompatibilities between researchers and policy-makers in the use and development of knowledge within the context of OWF development and MSP. These incompatibilities range from differing timeframes and uses of data to more fundamental differences in roles between researchers desiring to understand the world, and policy-makers desiring to change it. Characteristics of MSP, such as the high political pressure and relative pioneering practice of MSP may exacerbate the impact of such incompatibilities. Notably, MSP may suffer from a focus on short-term policy-making, limited cumulative understanding and fragmentation in policy. The aim of this article is to consider the effect of incompatibilities between systems of research and policy-making on knowledge-uptake in Dutch MSP and how these may be exacerbated by characteristics of MSP. Using knowledge-management literature, a list of potential incompatibilities between systems of research and policy-making is drawn. Data was collected by means of document analysis, in-depth interviews with researchers and policy-makers, and observations of policy workshops, consortium meetings, and focus groups. Findings suggest that risks to knowledge-uptake are partially caused by the incompatibilities between research and policy-making and that the context of MSP exacerbates these incompatibilities in most instances. Simultaneously, some instances were found where MSP can actually help to decrease differences between researchers and policy-makers. However, the incompatibilities between researchers and policy-makers are so enduring that risks to knowledge-uptake still persist. Better joint understanding and recognition of differences between research and policy-making are required to limit the negative effect of incompatibilities between research and policy-making on knowledge uptake.

CHALLENGES IN ENFORCING HATE SPEECH LAWS IN INDONESIAN POLITICS

Enforcing hate speech laws in Indonesian politics has posed significant challenges in the past. These challenges have impeded the effective implementation of legal measures designed to address hate speech and ensure a fair and inclusive political environment. One of the key challenges was the need for a clear and comprehensive legal framework. Historically, hate speech laws in Indonesia were criticized for being vague and open to interpretation, leading to inconsistent application and potential bias in enforcement. The absence of specific guidelines and criteria for identifying hate speech hindered the prosecution process. Political pressures and biases also posed significant obstacles to enforcing hate speech laws. The influence of political affiliations and interests often interfered with objective decision-making, leading to selective enforcement or leniency based on political considerations. This compromised the impartiality and independence of the enforcement process. Moreover, limited capacity and training among law enforcement agencies and judicial institutions created further hurdles. There needs to be more understanding of hate speech issues, lack of expertise in investigating and prosecuting such cases, and inadequate resources hampering the effective implementation of hate speech laws. These challenges in enforcing hate speech laws in Indonesian politics have hindered the protection of fundamental rights, fostered polarization, and undermined the inclusive nature of the political discourse. Addressing these challenges requires comprehensive legal reforms, capacity building for law enforcement and judicial institutions, and strategies that effectively tackle hate speech in the digital realm.

The Secret Negotiations between Israel and Jordan over Routine Security Measures, 1967–1971

ABSTRACT: The phenomenon of the secret bilateral negotiations that took place between Israel and Jordan over routine security measures was unique in the Arab-Israeli conflict. Israel had exhorted Jordan to suppress the Palestinian organizations' Fidaʾī activity, and the expectation was high that the combination of political pressure and military retaliation would force King Hussein to quell the Fida'iyyun. The Israelis tried to differentiate between the Fida'iyyun and the political situation while the Hashemite regime sought to restrain Israel's responses by laying out its efforts to suppress Fidaʾī activity. King Hussein's strategy hinged on progress in the political arena and a corresponding ability or intention to suppress the Fida'iyyun without destabilizing his regime. Although the IDF ousted the guerrillas from the West Bank and blocked them from the Jordan Valley and the eastern border, it failed to eliminate them, and the mortar fire and rocket barrages on Beit She'an and the Jordan Valley settlements persisted until the eruption of civil war in Jordan in September 1970. In this regard, Israel's policy of retaliation was unsuccessful, and the guerrilla bases were ultimately eradicated by and large due to the threat they posed as "a state within a state" to the Hashemite regime. The talks between Israel and Jordan are examined here via the diaries of Yaakov Herzog who was Director of the Prime Minister's Office.

노동조합법 제2조 및 제3조 개정법률안에 대한 거부권 행사의 부당성

This article aims to look into the constitutional legitimacy of the possible exercise of the President's veto power to prevent the proposed amendments to Articles 2 and 3 of the Trade Union Act, which were referred to the plenary session of the National Assembly at the end of June 2023 with the collaborative initiation of the opposition parties despite the resistance of the ruling party, from becoming law.
 The presidential veto is a power that allows the president to object to a bill passed by the National Assembly and return it to the National Assembly for reconsideration. There are some competing views on the legal nature of this power, which is understood as a suspension or release condition, but it is reasonable to understand it as a unique constitutional mechanism that restrains the finalization and promulgation of laws for a certain period of time, since the request for reconsideration itself does not actively create a legal effect on whether the bill is confirmed or not.
 The constitutional function of the presidential veto has been recognized to be the procedural control of rushed, frivolous, or flawed legislation but it is noteworthy to growing focus is given to the presidential check on the National Assembly to promote the balance of power. As the function of the veto has been expanded, there has been a strengthening tendency to argue that there are no legal limitations on the requirements for its exercise so that it can be used out of policy disagreement or political motivation alone. Against this tendency, counter arguments have been consistently put forward that there should be inherent limitation on the exercise of the veto power so that it can be justified only if the target legislation is (1) unconstitutional, (2) unenforceable, (3) contrary to the national interest, and (4) politically motivated to exert political pressure by unreasonably restricting executive power in violation of the separation of powers. I conclude that the inherent limitation theory is preferred when considering the compatibility of the basic values, principles, and institutions of a democratic republic, the constitutional implications of the constitutional power structure, and the relative persuasiveness and logical consistency of the arguments. Above all, considering that the legislative power is an inherent function of the National Assembly in accordance with the principle of separation of powers, which is a universal principle that cannot be denied regardless any form of government, and that the veto power is a procedural controlling power, not a substantive formative power, even according to the systematic interpretation of democracy and the rule of law, and that its legitimacy is to control the evils such as legislative dictatorship, not to replace the legislative power, the constitutional principles of a democratic republic cannot justify that the legislative power is neutralized by the abuse of the presidential veto leading to the presidential administrative dictatorship.
 Even if there is an inherent limit in the exercise of presidential veto power, there is a problem that this limit is a ‘political morality of the constitution’ rather than a ‘law of the constitution’ where normative power can be enforced through judicial procedures, and there is no possibility of external control such as judicial review or constitutional adjudication.

A Comparative Techno-Economic Assessment of Alternative Fuels in SOFC Systems for Cruise Ships

Maritime transportation accounts for about 2.9% of global greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, according to the fourth International Maritime Organization (IMO) GHG study. In the period from 2012 to 2018, shipping emissions have increased by almost 10%. Facing growing political and societal pressure, the IMO has established GHG emissions reduction targets consistent with the Paris Agreement temperature goals, aiming to reduce the total annual GHG emissions by at least 50% by 2050 compared to 2008 levels. In this context, alternative fuels and innovative technologies are needed to allow the maritime industry to comply with forthcoming regulations, as well as to fulfil decarbonisation targets within the European and the global markets.The shipping industry has already started to transition from traditional marine fuels, such as heavy fuel oil and marine diesel oil, to Liquified Natural Gas (LNG) in Internal Combustion Engines (ICEs). However, this can only be regarded as a bridging solution. In recent years, three major research lines can be identified: First, battery-electric propulsion, exploring the potential benefits of shaving peak thruster power and improving the energy efficiency and range of ships. Second, Solid Oxide Fuel Cells (SOFCs), which have a marked advantage of fuel flexibility and offer higher electrical efficiencies than ICEs and other fuel cell technologies, as well as higher-grade waste heat. Third, alternative marine fuels, such as synthetic hydrocarbons, biofuels, ammonia and hydrogen, as a way to significantly reduce or even phase out GHG emissions and other air pollutants.The present study bridges the aforementioned research lines by proposing a novel integrated marine energy system composed of an SOFC-battery hybrid genset that consumes LNG. The objective is to perform a techno-economic assessment of the hybrid genset for LNG and four identified potential alternative fuels (i.e. methanol, diesel, ammonia, and hydrogen). The best solutions will be identified and analysed, and a decision-making framework will be proposed. The comparison will identify the critical conditions for the genset processes being competitive to the state-of-the-art engine-based energy system.The analysis is divided into two main parts. The first part is dedicated to the SOFC module, which is composed of the SOFC stack and the balance of plant equipment. The BOP includes fuel storage, reformer, combustor, heat recovery system, pumps, and blowers. Previous work by the authors has developed the thermodynamic analysis of the genset systems that provide the starting point for the present analysis. The flow-sheet software Cycle Tempo was used in those analyses. The SOFC module has a nominal power production of 100 kWe, which is achieved by combining several stacks of 10 kWe, and produces hot water at 90 °C and saturated steam at 180 °C from waste heat recovery.In the second part, the SOFC-battery hybrid genset is achieved by combining several 100 kWe SOFC modules into power blocks and hybridizing them with batteries. The systems are designed to cover all the electricity and heat demands of the vessel, including propulsion and hotel load. A representative electrical demand of a large cruise ship is selected in the range of 30-60 MWe, of which about 80% is required for propulsion while the remaining is needed for the hotel.Among the main criteria for comparing the hybrid genset running on different fuels are the total annual cost, composed of the annual investment cost and annual operation cost, and the Levelized Costs of Energy, Electricity and Exergy. The latter is especially important because of the joint production of electricity and heat (saturated steam at 180 °C and hot water at 90 °C) that takes place in the genset. The investment cost was estimated using data collected from the literature or provided by manufacturers. The necessary replacement of SOFC stacks is taken into account, given the stack lifetime. Weight and volume requirements associated with the use of different fuels are assessed. The annual operation cost consists of fuel consumption and maintenance costs, as well as the application of an environmental tax for CO2 emissions.Different scenarios are proposed to evaluate the impacts of improvements in key parameters on the overall feasibility of the systems. The robustness of the results is evaluated by sensitivity and uncertainty analyses of the key technical and economic parameters used in the model, including, among other parameters, the fuel purchase price, SOFC and battery investment costs, stack lifetime, and interest rate. This research provides a systematic comparison of the techno-economic feasibility of five alternative fuels for cruise ships. The results will aid decision-makers, including shipyards and policymakers, in designing new energy systems with low emissions for maritime applications.

Implementasi Aplikasi E-Planning Dalam Meningkatkan Kinerja Pegawai (Studi Kasus Bappeda Sumut)

The purpose of this study is to find out how the implementation of the E-Planning application in the Regional Development Planning Agency (BAPPEDA) of North Sumatra, the obstacles in implementing the e-planning system. This type of research is a qualitative descriptive study using interviews in data collection. The research method used in this study uses a qualitative research type with locations in North Sumatra BAPPEDA. The methods used are observation, interviews, and documentation. The results of the study show that in practice the implementation of the e-planning system has been carried out well, but there are several obstacles, namely, human resources that are not evenly distributed in regional development planning, inconsistency in development planning due to political pressure and frequent changes that occur. The way for North Sumatra BAPPEDA to overcome these obstacles is by conducting training, implementing e-planning and following changes quickly and precisely.

Modeling drivers and barriers of climate change mitigation strategies in Indian iron and steel industry: a TISM-based approach

PurposeThe main purpose of this paper is to investigate drivers and barriers of climate change mitigation strategies (CCMS), their linkages and impact in Indian Iron and Steel Industry (IISI) in light of ninth sustainable development goal (building resilient infrastructure, promote sustainable industrialization and foster innovation).Design/methodology/approachTo identify relevant drivers and barriers, a thorough literature review and opinions of industry experts were obtained. Utilizing Total Interpretive Structural Modeling (TISM), the selected drivers and barriers were modeled separately along with Cross Impact Matrix-multiplication Applied to Classification (MICMAC).FindingsPragmatic and cost-effective technology, less supply chain complexity, robust policy and legal framework were found to have the highest driving power over all the other drivers. Findings suggest political pressure as the most critical barrier in this study. The results from TISM and MICMAC analysis have been used to elucidate a framework for the understanding of policymakers and achieve top management commitment.Practical implicationsThis paper will help researchers, academicians, industry analysts and policymakers in developing a systems approach in prioritizing CCMS in energy-intensive (coal dependent) iron and steel plants. The model outcomes of this work will aid operational research to understand the working principles in other industries as well.Originality/valueTo the best of authors' knowledge, there is paucity of reported literature for the drivers and barriers of CCMS in iron and steel industry. This paper can be considered a unique, first attempt to use data from developing nations like India to develop a model and explain relationships of the existing drivers and barriers of CCMS.

Administration safety and occupational risks relationship with job position training quality and needs of medical public health services workforce correlated by political leadership interventions

<b>Background:</b> Workplaces are changing, work exposures are changing, and medical public health workers’ ability to continue doing productive and healthy work is being impacted by social, technical, environmental, economic, and political pressures. This Research has shown the strong link between safety and occupational risks relationship with job position training quality and needs, and their consequences on medical public health services workforce. To determine the severity of the impact as signs of presents a range of threats provides evidence of the perceived risks predictors of these needs, although the sociodemographic characteristics describe the frequency of risk exposure.<br /> <b>Methods:</b> This research is a nationwide study in Greece, construction March to June of 2022. For data collection, a web link was distributed to respondents by email. Providing n=185 responses, safety and occupational risks classification, and were measured with a questionnaire instrument developed, and also a questionnaire developed instrument for measured training needs and quality. ANOVAs one-way test to define variable properties job position, training quality, and training needs correlated by political leadership interventions factor (F).<br /> <b>Results: </b>Chemical risks scores for head of office (median [Mdn]=2.13) were higher to all other job position, <i>χ<sup>2</sup></i>= 10.991, p<0.05. Biological risks for head of office (Mdn=3.08) were higher compared to all other categories, <i>χ<sup>2</sup></i>=20.770, p<0.01. Psychosocial risks scores for employees (Mdn=3.08) were higher compared to all other categories, <i>χ<sup>2</sup></i>=11.349, p<0.05. Organizational risks scores for employees (Mdn=2.84) and head of office (Mdn=2.78) were higher compared to all other categories, and the Kruskal-Wallis test indicated that this difference was statistically significant, <i>χ<sup>2</sup></i>(4)=18.278, p<0.01. Perceived training quality 43.78% of participants rate as low (<i>β</i>=0.195, p=0.002), and 65.41% high training needs.<br /> <br /> <b>Conclusions:</b> Adding new data to advance the quality of public health services provision organizational support, benefits, resources, and personal protective equipment. Assist in the planning and decision-making phase management provide educational training programs of medical public health workforce to ensure sustainability and optimal performance. There has never been a greater need for trustworthy and unbiased information to assist and guide policymakers, employers, and employees as they go forward.

Applying the ‘Ceased Circumstances’ Cessation Clause: More Politics than Law?

Abstract Drawing on a detailed history of the ‘ceased circumstances’ cessation clause that was invoked for Eritrean refugees in 2002, this article highlights why the starting point for any analysis of the application of article 1C(5) of the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees must focus as much on politics as on law. This is not only because of the impossibility of insulating States and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) from the political pressures that surround any determination of ‘ceased circumstances’ in a particular country, but also because the very standards on which such a determination rests are inherently relational, circumstantial, and political. Despite guidelines on the application of the clause promoting an ‘objective and verifiable’ approach, they rest on assessments of a ‘functioning’ government and ‘effective’ protection, of acceptable standards of human rights, and of the ‘best interests’ of refugees, all of which are geographically and historically contingent. The article thus argues that focusing on the legal standards that ostensibly underpin any invocation of article 1C(5) may perpetuate the fallacy that these standards can ever be objectively determined and, in focusing attention on how to better clarify these thresholds and conditions, this approach may, in certain instances, divert attention from confronting the political pressures that govern the application of the clause.

An approach toward correct policy based on mass transit lines' demand analysis

When a BRT line overlaps with the metro lines, it is sometimes believed that the Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) line should be removed, and passengers can use the rail lines instead. The tendency to remove BRT lines is because of the BRT system's negative factors, such as street occupation, political pressures, and local businesses' protests (due to the removal of curbside parking) against the BRT. In this study, the coverage capability of BRT by metro was evaluated. In addition, an analysis of the origin–destination potential attraction was also performed. The station overlap analysis results of this study contradict the common belief that the rail system is preferable for passengers. Station overlap analysis checks if the BRT station accessibility radius is potentially compensated by metro accessibility radius overlap. In addition, an analysis of the origin–destination potential attraction is also performed. This analysis aims to assess the potential of a metro line in attracting existing demand for BRT line segments that are candidates for removal. The methodology proposed here is applied to BRT Line 800 in Mashhad, Iran. The data was obtained from Mashhad entry-only smart card transactions. While initially it was supposed that the BRT line segment parallels to Metro Line 2 is useless, the results of the station overlap analysis showed that metro stations could cover only 31% of the BRT stations. Also, the origin–destination potential attraction analysis showed that only 20% of BRT trips could be shifted to the metro line. The BRT is more consistent with sustainable transportation principles than the metro. Our research also shows that people prefer the BRT more because of its station's proximity and coverage, which underground modes cannot replace it. This contradicts the common belief that the rail system is preferable by users.

Understanding Environmental Governance in China Through the Green Shield Action Campaign

ABSTRACT China’s Green Shield Action (GSA) campaign provides critical insights into the nature of environmental politics during a campaign-style inspection under an authoritarian regime. Based on fieldwork in Fujian from 2019 to 2022, the dynamic interactions among stakeholders, the role of campaigns in environmental governance, and the logic behind policy formulation, implementation, and revision were explored. This study finds that in the campaign-style inspection, by applying new technology and improved management, less room was left for local governments to make trade-offs and dilemmas, which further caused high political pressure and conflicts. These outcomes were used as a reference for the central government to adjust its policies and implement regular enforcement with an improved environmental governance system. The campaign-style enforcement is not the opposite of regular enforcement, but these two are closely connected in the case of the GSA.

In Search of a Winning Grand Strategy: Ronald Reagan’s First Term, 1981-5

Historians have long engaged in a spirited discussion as to explaining the factors that brought about the end of the Cold War. The literature that focuses on the role played by US President Ronald Reagan’s administration has been vehemently contested. Much of this literature, whether supportive or critical of the president’s role, is divided on whether the president actually created and pursued a grand strategy. Moreover, much of the literature, fails to stipulate what a grand strategy actually is conflating planning, actions, and goals. Informed by political science this article delineates between the various types of grand strategy and in doing so postulates that President Reagan did establish a grand plan. By drawing upon recently declassified materials and engaging more keenly the interconnections between domestic political considerations and national security factors this article sheds new light on how the president’s grand strategy came into being. As argued below, Reagan’s grand strategy was as much a product of internal bureaucratic politics and reflected broader internal domestic political pressures as much as it was predicated upon Reagan’s reading of the international strategic situation which confronted the United States. This work therefore builds upon the wider historiographical interpretation which champions the primacy of domestic politics in better understanding the driving forces behind US grand strategy.

Minister Eötvös’s alliance with Neolog Jewry in Hungary and his defeat at 1868–69 Jewish Congress

ABSTRACT Considering the importance of Minister Baron József Eötvös (1813–1871) in the study of Jewish history and tradition in Hungary, this article undertakes a thorough revision of his life and activities. It focuses on a critical point in his Jewish policies: the 1868–69 Jewish Congress. The first part of the article analyzes Eötvös’s pre-1848 thinking and activities in the context of the social and political pressure on Jews in the interest of integration. In the second section, the article teases out various dimensions of his pro-Jewish reputation through a historical reconstruction of the myth-making. In light of this re-evaluation of Eötvös’s reputation, I attempted to reconstruct the path of the 1868–69 Jewish Congress until the collapse of the minister’s project. In an approach to contextually analyze the minister’s conflict with the Orthodox and his alliance with Neolog Jewry, this article examines one of the reasons for the defeat of Minister Eötvös and the Neolog Congress faction by traditionalists, which involved the destruction of the myth surrounding the minister.

Overcoming political stalemates: The German stakeholder commission on phasing out coal

The future of coal remains contested in many countries, hindering necessary energy transitions. Collaborative governance approaches, such as stakeholder commissions, have been proposed as potential solution to resolve such societal conflicts. In Germany, a stakeholder commission process managed to overcome the existing stalemate situation, leading to the adoption of a coal phase-out by 2038. Celebrated for enabling the German coal phase-out, the commission's outcomes are ambiguous, recommending a coal phase-out incompatible with the 1.5 °C climate target and granting high financial compensations to coal regions. Based on 18 semi-structured interviews with members of this “Commission on Growth, Structural Change and Employment”, we analyze how the stalemate situation in the German conflict over the future of coal was overcome and how the commission's outcome was formed. We find that the absence of alternative ways to enforce their interests, and external political, economic, and societal pressure were crucial factors that motivated interest groups to engage in the commission. The commission facilitated trust-building among members, and compromise offers behind closed doors among key actors, ultimately overcoming the stalemate in the contentious environment. Yet, existing and remaining power imbalances within the commission resulted in the decision-making process being dominated by incumbent actors. Having shifted discussions in Germany from if to how to phase out coal, enabled the next government to move the agreed-on phase-out date from 2038 to 2030. Our research contributes to the debate on politics of fossil fuel phase-outs and can inform future collaborative governance approaches in the context of contested sustainability transitions.

‘Best advice available’ – Challenge and change in developing an optimal policy advisory system in Ireland

Abstract The concept of a policy advisory system (PAS) is devised to study the diverse range of actors involved in the policy formulation process from a system level. An optimal PAS should be adaptable, autonomous and transparent, and should deliver substantive and timely advice. This article discusses factors influencing developments in Ireland’s PAS, including the broader trends of politicisation and externalisation. The findings are informed by interviews and a survey circulated to Irish civil servants who perform policy worker tasks and are engaged in providing advice to ministers. The research finds that new structural and institutional arrangements introduced to Ireland’s PAS have created a greater capacity for evidence-based advice in the internal PAS and a more contested space for policy advice. It also highlights that this has not fundamentally disturbed embedded characteristics of the Irish policymaking environment. Political demand pressures from ministers (both personal and electoral) can drive elements of politicisation within the civil service whereby policy advice is weighted or discarded based on ministerial preferences.

Fermented Elephant Grass in Anticipation of Climate Change

Various efforts that need to be made in anticipating climate change include increasing public awareness. Public awareness needs to be increased in society, especially by applying political pressure, changing transportation models, and changing diets both for humans and animals. Climate change has impacted almost all countries and regions, including Indonesia and the Sleman district, where Glagaharjo village is located. In dry climate conditions, it can be expected that cattle breeders will experience difficulties in obtaining fodder. Therefore, cattle breeders in Glaharajo village need an alternative feed other than fresh elephant grass. The manufacture of fermented feed or silage so that grass products that are abundant in the rainy season can be stored to anticipate the dry season

The Controversy over the Authority of Āsim bin Bahdalah Al-Kufi in Qira’at Studies and Hadith Studies during the Abbasid Dynasty

This article explores the comparative authority of Āsim b. Bahdalah al-Kufi in the realms of Qur’anic recitation and hadith studies. Āsim, who lived in the second century AH (128 A.H.), held a significant position in the field of qira’at, boasting a substantial following, including in Indonesia. His narration of the qira’at was widely recognized for its high degree of authenticity and reliability. However, when it came to the domain of hadith studies, his authority faced negative evaluations (majruh) from critics in this field. This study adopts a critical historical approach to scrutinize the disparities in Āsim b. Bahdalah’s authority between Qur’anic qira’at and Hadith studies. The findings of this investigation reveal that these discrepancies in authority were closely linked to political factors associated with the ‘Abbasid dynasty. Abu ‘Ali Muhammad b. ‘Ali b. Muqlah al-Shirazi, a prominent Minister in Baghdad during the Abbasid era, played a pivotal role in shaping the views of Ibn Mujahid and influencing the content of his work. Ibn Mujahid opted to document the name of Āsim b. Bahdalah over Abu Muhammad Ya’qub b. Ishaq al-Hadrami al-Basri, who was deemed disloyal to the Abbasid rulers. The political pressure exerted by the Abbasid rulers appears to have played a crucial role in his decision-making process. In fact, the Abbasid rulers went to great lengths, even compelling scholars who disagreed with Ibn Mujahid’s views to retract their positions and issue apologies for their dissent. Some scholars were subjected to imprisonment as a consequence of their refusal to align with the official viewpoint. This comparison underscores how politics had the capacity to wield substantial influence over the assessment of intellectual authority across various fields of knowledge in historical contexts.

The heterogeneous impacts of widespread upzoning: Lessons from Auckland, New Zealand

Zoning reform is increasingly recognised as an important strategy to increase housing affordability and environmental sustainability. Few cities have undertaken significant upzoning of low-density neighbourhoods, making the 2016 Auckland Unitary Plan (AUP) probably the most ambitious zoning reform in the world. Parcels zoned for single houses previously dominated Auckland, but three-quarters of them now allow multiple units. Existing studies have documented the building boom that followed this zoning reform, yet the relatively rare case offers additional insights. In this article, we use appraisal, census and zoning data on over 200,000 parcels in Auckland to answer three research questions about the heterogeneous impacts of the AUP. First, to what extent did upzoning increase the appraised value of properties’ redevelopment options? Second, did upzoning increase appraised property values to a greater degree in higher-income and more centrally located neighbourhoods? Finally, was zoning reform in Auckland significantly influenced by similar political pressures as in other countries? That is, was upzoning less likely (and downzoning more likely) in higher-income neighbourhoods? The answers to these three questions are substantially, it’s complicated, and yes.