Political Press Research Articles

Selling the consumer: the marketing of advertising space in Sweden, ca. 1880-1939

PurposeBy studying the marketing of advertising space, this paper aims to study how class, gender and region were portrayed in terms of economic considerations in adverts selling advertising space to potential advertisers. The paper studies how readers were discursively transformed into consumers in this material and how different consumer groups were depicted, divided and framed during Sweden’s early consumer culture. By doing so, the paper highlights the tensions between aiming at a mass audience, on the one hand, and striving to reach more and more specific consumer groups on the other hand.Design/methodology/approachBoth qualitative and quantitative analyses are made in order to follow the changes of highlighted consumer groups in the ads. Intersectional analysis is used to see how notions of class and gender intersected during the analysed period.FindingsThe sectioning of the press is in the paper stressed as a prerequisite for market segmentation and the economic history of mass media is lifted as essential for understanding it. The gendering and classing of market segments were also based on how common interests were interpreted by political movements and their press forums. For surviving in the long run, however, the paper argues that the political press needed to commercialise their readerships to attract advertisers and survive economically.Originality/valueThe paper concludes that mass marketing and segmentation processes were in many senses parallel in the studied material. Statements of reaching all social classes diminished over time, but notions of the masses were prevalent in both the worker and the women categories. However, how advertisers choose between different media for their advertising campaigns or how they adopted different marketing methods towards different segments are beyond the scope of this paper.

ЕТАПИ ЕВОЛЮЦІЇ СУГЕСТИВНИХ ЗАСОБІВ В АРАБОМОВНИХ СОЦІАЛЬНО-ПОЛІТИЧНИХ СТАТТЯХ

With the dawn of printed press on the shores of the Arabic speaking world, the methods of impacting an individual’s cognition have been changed for the first time in many centuries. The rise of political and socio-political press in the region overall and in Egypt in particular was likely a by-product of Western intervention in the region, more specifically, Napoleon Bonaparte’s campaign resulting in his temporary control of Egypt. It too was Napoleon who created the first publishing houses in Egypt and it was his political views that were being spread through them. Expanding in detail on multiple sources to delve into the relevant periods, we have worked through numerous newspapers and publishers of socio-political articles in the Middle East and have noticed that Egyptian newspapers have managed to be representative of the Arab speaking printed press in the region. Egyptian editori- als have showcased the forefront of suggestive means with the purpose of leaving an imprint on the reader’s cognition, despite the fact that Egypt was not the first nation with a printed press capable of printing in Arabic. In this study we utilise quotes and examples from a range of socio-political press articles, dated as far back as 1967, as we provide examples backing our hypotheses for the changes in suggestive tactics used by the authors and editorials in their relevant periods. However, our goal in this article was not to focus on the suggestive means themselves in depth, but to rather provide evi- dence pointing to the fact that these suggestive methods have in fact undergone a process of evolution in their own right, changing with time and thus becoming more advanced and author-specific in the process. The possibility to spread a specific subjective position of an author in society without a need for speeches and the accompanying crowds became one of the defining factors to impact and shape the Arab speaking society since the XIX century. The efficacy of suggestive means in printed media has remained in present days with further evolution imminent due to the digitalisation of information, thus making suggestibility a more important aspect of printed press to explore than ever before.

The Party Press of the Dnieper Ukrainian Political Emigration in Galicia and Bukovina Early in the 20th Century

The left-wing party press, which was published by the Dnieper Ukrainians in Galicia and Bukovina early in the 20th century and was intended for the mass reader in the «Little Russian Governorates» of tsarist Russia is viewed. The leading sections of the publications, the relation between the political and national components of the media content and the methods of expanding the reader’s audience are analyzed. The attention to the issues of financing the publishing activity is paid.Introduction. The examples of the common work of Ukrainian politicians, scholars, writers and journalists of the Dnieper and Western Ukraine on the issues of understanding of national cohesion became evident from the late 19th century — early in the 20th century. An original example of this kind of cooperation is the press of the Dnieper Ukrainian political emigration early in the 20th century.The aim of the paper is a scientific analysis of the communication efforts of the left-wing Dnieper Ukrainian party journalism, which was published on the territory of Galicia and Bukovina early in the 20th century.Research Methodology. The methods which are used in the study are the following: chronological, comparative, analysis and synthesis, the method of the systematic approach.Results. The first Ukrainian political parties that emerged in Galicia in the late 19th century formulated the strategic task of the struggle for the political independence of Ukraine. That was a fresh impetus to the politicization of the national movement also on the eastern Ukrainian lands. The intensification of the press work of the political forces of the Dnieper Ukraine in Galicia and Bukovina was facilitated not only by the prohibition of the Ukrainian word in the Russian-ruled Ukraine, but also by the support of the Ukrainian political leaders of Austria-Hungary.Conclusions. Due to ethnographic, political, geographic and other causes, the lands of Galicia and Bukovina were the arena of organizational activity of political parties of the all-Ukrainian direction early in the 20th century. There is no doubt that despite some differences in the media content, both the «Galician» and the «Dnieper Ukrainian» editions worked for the unity of the Ukrainian people and have created the important preconditions for the Ukrainian War of Independence of 1917–1921 and the subsequent work of comprehension of the Unity of Ukraine.Keywords: social-democratic movement early in the 20th century, Ukrainian political press of the early 20th century, political cooperation of Ukrainians of the Dnieper and Western Ukraine early in the 20th century.

Interpreter mediation at political press conferences

Abstract Political press conferences, while playing a significant role in international communication by heads of state and government, are still largely underexplored in interpreting studies. More scholarly attention is needed, particularly to examine the interpreter’s mediating role in these uniquely constrained communicative settings. Drawing on narrative theory and Wadensjö’s model of renditions, this paper investigates the interpreter’s mediating role at a 2011 joint press conference with the American and Chinese Presidents, at that time Barack Obama and Hu Jintao respectively. Specifically, the study examines how the interpretation comprises reduced, expanded and summarized renditions of the speakers’ narratives, and how the resulting mediation can affect not only their image, but also the outcome of the diplomatic communication between their respective countries. Here, the interpreter’s performance is subject not only to his language competence, but also to a number of other factors. On the one hand, his mediation can be facilitated rather than restricted by the constraints of the setting where the interpreting occurs, such as technical problems and time limitations. On the other hand, the mediation can also reflect the interpreter’s institutional role and the public narratives within the socio-cultural context.

La prensa y la legislatura: disputas por la opinión pública. Mendoza, 1852-1880

La prensa y la legislatura: disputas por la opinión pública. Mendoza, 1852-1880

Politics with scandals. Germany and Britain in transnational perspective (1880-1914)

The end of the 19th century saw a lot of spectacular scandals throughout Western Europe. There were revelations of corruption and colonial violence, of adultery and homosexuality, and of abuse of power in politics and the conduct of members of the elite. By analyzing two dozen scandals in Great Britain and Germany, this article asks who initiated these scandals and how they were communicated. Furthermore, it discusses the consequences of different types of scandals. It reveals that it was often not the new popular press but rather politicians who actually initiated scandals. Influenced by the popular press, they chose new forms of communication that changed political culture. Tabloids were less significant in respect to political press than it has been assumed. Moreover, this article shows that scandals shaped norms and influenced political actions. The scandals were an expression of contemporary political culture and were at the same time transforming it.

Forging a glorious past via the ‘present perfect’: A corpus-based CDA analysis of China’s past accomplishments discourse mediat(is)ed at China’s interpreted political press conferences

With increasing attention on discursive power, the “proper telling of China’s story” (jianghao zhongguo gushi) has recently become a key slogan in mainland China. Held within the sociopolitical context of reform and opening-up, the televised and interpreter-mediated premier’s press conferences constitute such a discursive event that facilitates the articulation of China’s discourse to domestic and international audiences. This corpus-based CDA study explores how China’s discourse on its past actions and accomplishments is mediated by government interpreters cross-linguistically in China’s global voice — English. Through investigating the concordance lines containing the top 3 self-referential items (we/China/government), the use of present perfect (continuous) structures is established as a prominent feature in (re)presenting Beijing’s achievements in English. Critical comparisons with the Chinese originals suggest the interpreters’ proliferated use of these structures, which discursively leads to a stronger level of accomplishment, positive self-portrayal and, resultantly, political legitimisation. This interdisciplinary study highlights the interpreters’ often neglected yet vital agency in further legitimating and (re)constructing China’s image as important (re)tellers of “China’s story” beyond national borders. This is particularly the case, given the mediat(is)ed and (re)mediat(is)ed nature of the high-profile event.

Constance Bantman and Ana Cláudia Suriani da Silva, editors. The Foreign Political Press in Nineteenth-Century London: Politics from a Distance.

Journal Article Constance Bantman and Ana Cláudia Suriani da Silva, editors. The Foreign Political Press in Nineteenth-Century London: Politics from a Distance. Get access Constance Bantman and Ana Cláudia Suriani da Silva, editors. The Foreign Political Press in Nineteenth-Century London: Politics from a Distance.New York: Bloomsbury Academic, 2018. Pp. xi, 232. $114.00. The American Historical Review, Volume 123, Issue 2, April 2018, Page 673, https://doi.org/10.1093/ahr/123.2.673 Published: 02 April 2018

(Ne)odgovornost novinara u izveštavanju o osetljivim društvenim grupama u štampanim medijima

When it comes to the responsibility of journalists, the violation of professional standards is the most frequent violation of the journalists Code of Ethics in Serbia, which is confirmed by the appeal procedures before the Press Council. Ethical standards for the press reporting in Serbia are most questionable when it comes to vulnerabile social groups, which include, according to the Strategy for Prevention and Protection against Discrimination of the Government of the Republic of Serbia, women, children, LGBT persons, persons with disabilities, elderly people, national minorities, refugees and members of religious communities. Despite the constant improvement of the Codex of Ethics, research dealing with the press compliance to the ethical and professional values of reporting is still scarce and mostly concerned with the protection of privacy. The basic idea of this paper is to conduct an analysis of content with emphasis on journalists responsibility in the authorial texts in five daily newspapers in Serbia (Politika, Večernje novosti, Blic, Informer and Kurir) in the five-day period in June 2017. The analysis of the violation of this provision of the Code of Ethics deals with specifically defined segments: discrimination, hate speech and incitement to violence, violation of the presumption of innocence, use of inappropriate and disturbing content, protection of the rights and dignity of vulnerable social groups. The daily Politika has justified its status of a quality political press in which journalists report most responsibly, especially about children and women victims of crime, as the most vulnerable social groups. The analysis showed that the difference between the semi-tabloid and the tabloid press is reflected in the use of disturbing content, while the violation of the privacy is the characteristics of both semi-tabloid and tabloid press.

Where Are All of the Women? Untangling the Effects of Representation, Participation, and Preferences on Gender Differences in Political Press Coverage

The author examines why female politicians continue to be underrepresented in the press by measuring how structural inequalities, engagement in traditional and disruptive dialogue, and gender preferences influence the amount of press coverage U.S. House representatives receive. Drawing on a data set of Tweets, press releases, and news articles and transcripts related to the 114th House of Representatives’ investigations of the Iran deal and Planned Parenthood, the author uses negative binomial regression to test the effects of gender, engagement, and interactions of the two on the press coverage received by male and female House members. The results indicate that female House members’ underrepresentation in the media mirrors their underrepresentation in public office. These findings suggest that although political discourse and gender preferences may not be keeping women out of the media when covering gendered topics, getting more women in public office is likely to be a cumbersome challenge in itself.

The Foreign Political Press in Nineteenth-Century London: Politics from a Distance eds. by Constance Bantman and Ana Cláudia Suriani da Silva

Reviewed by: The Foreign Political Press in Nineteenth-Century London: Politics from a Distance eds. by Constance Bantman and Ana Cláudia Suriani da Silva Jessica Queener (bio) Constance Bantman and Ana Cláudia Suriani da Silva, eds., The Foreign Political Press in Nineteenth-Century London: Politics from a Distance ( London: Bloomsbury, 2018), pp. vi + 232, $114/ £85 hardcover; $102.60/ £85 e-book. Decades of work have gone into dissecting the importance of periodicals and newspapers in the United Kingdom and, increasingly, its empire, and still many avenues of scholarship are yet to be undertaken. As the editors of this volume point out, resources that have been digitized "remain overwhelmingly biased towards English-language publications" while scholarship in the long nineteenth century "retains a mostly national focus" (2). To address this gap, Constance Bantman and Ana Cláudia Suriani da Silva have assembled a collection that examines what will likely be a new area of periodical study for many VPR readers: political periodicals created by [End Page 566] exilic and immigrant communities based in London. While it is a condition of the study of print culture that there will always be more investigation to be done, the strides made in the study of periodicals, as they relate to issues like imperial and transnational networks, gender, race, and class, to name a few examples, prove that there is always a capacity to revisit, complicate, and expand our understanding of an already very full, very complex field. The most exciting aspect of The Foreign Political Press in Nineteenth-Century London: Politics from a Distance is that in pursuing the "link between personal mobility … and the circulation of political ideas," the editors provide us with yet another lens through which to view nineteenth-century print culture (2). The editors have chosen to cover an expansive period from the start of the nineteenth century through the first two decades of the twentieth. Nineteenth-century scholars will no doubt appreciate the context this range offers, particularly as the book encompasses such a variety of socio-political circumstances. Furthermore, the chronology, selection of exilic communities, and introduction help to create a narrative across the nine chapters. The writings of political exile begin with the waning of older European empires and the rise of new nations in Latin America. In the first chapter, Karen Racine offers a usefully broad look at Spanish-American publications in early nineteenth-century London. This is followed by Daniel Muñoz Sempere's examination of the rise of Hispanic Liberalism in exilic papers from 1810 to 1841. The collection then progresses through the dissolution of monarchies and the rise of new republics. For example, Daniel Alves and Paulo Jorge Fernandes carefully explicate the complex ideological conflicts among different groups of Portuguese political exiles. Thomas C. Jones and Constance Bantman provide a very useful overview of French publications in London over the course of fifty years, from 1848 to 1905. We see the emergence of increasingly radical politics while moving through chapters about writers in exile from Italy, Germany, and Russia. And in the last chapter, Ole Birk Laursen focuses on Indian political papers published in Britain, positioning the stages of "nationalist organization, parliamentary agitation and violent resistance" in a far more trans-national, cosmopolitan tradition of radicalism than anti-imperial works published in India could (188). This final chapter drives home a key point of the collection: these writers and publishers were part of the periodical landscape within England, not just nebulous voices from abroad. The arrangement of these chapters stresses not only increased radicalism as the nineteenth century wore on but also a commitment to the liberal exchange of ideas in London—a city that welcomed refugees and provided an opportunity to produce works that created a shared discourse within far-flung political communities. [End Page 567] Some key themes emerge throughout the collection. On the whole, the chapters all demonstrate how London's free press helped disseminate radical political discourse and how periodicals intervened in the development of liberal revolutions, anti-authoritarian causes, and attempts to agitate for a new social order. Abbreviated runs and troubles with funding were often the order of the day, but each community seems...

Slovenian political press about the war with the Russian and other Slavic adversaries in 1914–1916

For a vast majority of Slovenians and Slovenian soldiers the Slavic opponents of the Monarchy were enemies. In the period from 1914 to 1916 such sentiments were encouraged by two Slovenian political daily newspapers catholic Slovenec and liberal Slovenski narod, whose attitude allowed no ideas about interaction between Slovenians and the other Slavic nations. Regarding the issue of Slavic identity on the fi rst place were front lines which ran between Austria-Hungary and Germany on the one side and Slavic countries fi ghting them on the other. Despite some articles in which no harsh words were shared concerning Slavic opponents, the path to considering the mutual Slavic identity was decisively closed at both newspapers. There were only the Austrian sense of self-worth and its narrow attitude towards the Slavic identity and culture. Both Slovenec and Slovenski narod signifi cantly consolidated the position that Slovenians ― just like other Slavs in the Habsburg Monarchy ― were Austrians, and those who did not feel the same came from other planet. This attitude was laid by the war, subordinated Slavic interests to the interests of the states participating in it.

El Mundial 78 en la prensa política argentina. Entre la “fiesta”, el nacionalismo y los derechos humanos

In this paper we analyze the editorial position of Argentina’s political magazines Somos, Extra, and Redaccion regarding the FIFA World Cup that took place in June 1978 in Argentina during the last military dictatorship (1976–1983). e event was the auspicious moment for the military government to a empt to show a positive image of the country in the face of international accusations about its responsibility in the violation of human rights. In this context, the local political press legitimized the government’s version and rejected the international claims against the country. Furthermore, the analyzed magazines o ered their points of view on the e ects that organizing the World Cup had on domestic politics, stimulated by the popular celebrations that followed the success of Argentina’s national team in the competition. ey showed similarities and di erences as to how the Government should use the political capital le by the World Cup, how the relationship between the military and civilians should be strengthened, and what would be the role of military president Jorge Videla in the alleged convergence of interests.

Answering without answering: Shifting as an evasive rhetorical strategy

In the context of political press conferences, the authors explore a particular category of subtle evasions they term shifting. When shifting, the interviewee seemingly accepts to answer the journalist’s question. However, in providing the answer, the interviewee refocuses the question replacing its critical aspect with a more favorable one. Guided by classical rhetoric, the authors unfold the underlying logic of a shift. Analyzing 14 press conferences held by the Danish Prime Minister, Lars Løkke Rasmussen, they identify three subcategories of shifting: shift in time, shift of agent, and shift of level. Ideally, knowledge of the different shifting strategies can enable journalists to detect a shift and promptly react when interviewees shift the focus of a question.

“Down with the Monarchy”: Iran’s Republican Moment of August 1953

The purpose of this article is to explore and analyze Iran’s “Republican Moment” of 16‒19 August 1953, arguably the last concerted effort to abolish the monarchy and establish a republican order in the county prior to the Revolution of 1978‒79. By drawing on a broad range of primary source materials that have thus far remained relatively understudied by existing scholarship, such as the political press of those crucial days, the essay will attempt to shed light on a number of significant domestic developments which impacted the outcome of the actual coup of 19 August 1953. A further attempt will be made to explain the importance of calls in favor of the Republic and the premier Mohammad Mosaddeq’s refusal to take heed of them. The paper will also explore the diverse origins of the Republican platform and its impact on both the urban crowd and the political elite.

Media freedom and responsibility in South Korea: The perceptions of journalists and politicians during the Roh Moo-hyun presidency

This article analyses the perceptions of media freedom and responsibility by journalists and politicians in South Korea during the Presidency of Roh Moo-huyn (2003–2008). It draws on in-depth interviews with 10 journalists and 10 politicians with different political affiliations and interests. Findings suggest that both groups had positive appraisals of the country’s media democratisation. For them, the media could function as a watchdog on political power without having to fear direct political reprisals for doing so. However, the political press remained partially shackled to specific legacies and economic conditions. The most pressing example is the way the paternal power of conservative media owners challenged the editorial independence of journalists. While the Internet media offered some hope to rebalance the power relationship between the conservative and progressive forces, the sensational and hyper-adversarial media motivated by market and political competition emerged as more worrying concerns for the consolidation of democratic political communication in post-transition South Korea. Setbacks in press freedom since 2008 have undermined some of the positive evaluations of the political communication in South Korea, suggesting that the democratic transition in this country resembles ‘a circle rather a straight line’.

Social and Political Press in the Repertoire of the Saratov Book Publishing of 1917

Books reflect the era events sometimes much deeper, than the periodical press, become the document of the era and gain value, regardless of the political preferences of the author. The article presents the review of the social and political books and brochures published by the printing enterprises in Saratov after the February events of 1917. Characteristic features of the genres of book editions published by the new authorities, parties and movements of the Saratov province are described. The book repertoire of the publishing houses of Saratov in the revolutionary 1917 considerably reflects the fierce fighting for minds that started in the society between the main political forces after abdication of the Tzar. For adherents of social democracy, it was important as soon as possible to mobilize “heavy artillery”, i. e. to print topical, “iconic” works of the authoritative leaders of Russian and European scale, whose proclivities were on the side of left-wing parties. The printing house “Svetlyi Put’ ” (The Light Way) publishes the brochure by the famous Russian writer V.G. Korolenko “Falling of the Imperial power: the speech to ordinary people about the events in Russia”. The Saratov branch of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (RSDLP) in the provincial lithographic printing orders the release of the article by F. Engels “From Utopia to Scientific Theory” in support of the socialist doctrine, and reissue of the famous work of G.V. Plekhanov “Annual World Holiday of the Workers” about the history and value of the May Day. There is given enumeration and characteristics of the other publications.

Maneuvering strategically in a press conference to diminish political responsibility for a critical event

It is an essential requirement of democracy that politicians provide account of their words and actions to the public. However, being able to account is especially important when a politician or the party he/she is representing is assumed responsible for a critical event that has undesirable consequences for the public. Under such a condition, political press conferences serve as an instrument for a politician to justify the position of the government by means of argumentation. By adopting the pragma-dialectical framework, this paper sets out to explain how a politician maneuvers strategically in a press conference for the purpose of diminishing political responsibility when his party which is in charge of the government is assumed responsible for a critical event. The paper draws its data from the political press conference held by Erdoğan, a former Prime Minister of Turkey, following the mine accident that took place in Soma, Turkey, in 2014.

Gender and the development of a political persona: The case of Scottish First Minister Nicola Sturgeon

Much recent research has focussed on the manner in which women political leaders are portrayed in media. This article examines the press discourses around Scottish First Minister Nicola Sturgeon, beginning before her participation in the 2004 Scottish National Party leadership contest, after which she was appointed deputy leader, and continuing through to her appointment as First Minister in 2014. Starting before her deputy leadership, a variety of definitional strategies positioned Sturgeon as aggressive and shrewish. Subsequently, in keeping with the obligations of a more ‘intimate’ politics, we find a softening and domestication of Sturgeon’s media image, alongside discourses of political competence and professionalism. Yet, the article shows how these shifts took place in a manner that continued to call upon established gendered discourses, often with newspapers using tactics of distancing. We suggest this illustrates the competing pulls of media logic, where the mediatisation of Sturgeon’s image produces a marketable political persona, but accompanied by those residual gendered discourses long associated with the political press.

In Front of the Distorting Mirror of the Vortex: the Reception of Vorticism in the British Political Press (1913-1916)

The Vorticist movement appeared in 1914, after a fight between the English avant-garde and Italian Futurism, just as England entered World War One, and when the country was facing an uneasy transition from an old and stable order to a new era of trouble reinforced by different strikes conducted by suffragettes, Unionists and workers. The arrival of Marinetti in London in November 1913 had already triggered some interest among political journalists who questioned the consequences of that “Italian invasion”, and the Vorticist movement, born on June 11th 1914, increased their worries by its alleged violence. However, during the war, the appreciation of the avant-garde by political journalists changed: artists became a mirror of the change within British society and Vorticists’ works became closely linked to the enlistment of the artists. The vision of these works by political journalists illustrates how political parties reacted to the war: they linked Vorticist abstract research to the unbearable decline of humanity and civilization.