Political Positions Research Articles

‘Nyungu’: an indigenous healing practice for decolonising the global health measures of COVID-19 in Tanzania

During the COVID-19 outbreak – a paradigmatic global health challenge – multiple African countries, including Tanzania, mobilised indigenous forms of healing as both preventive and curative measures to curb the pandemic. However, despite this effort to curtail the crisis, the place of indigenous medical knowledge in decolonising global health interventions remains unexamined. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork in Tanzania, as well as political speeches and newspaper sources, this paper examines how the government, under the late President John Pombe Magufuli, responded to the COVID-19 pandemic. The paper demonstrates that the late Magufuli’s approach to the pandemic, and especially the mobilisation of local practices of self-care like steaming with nyungu, stirred debates on decolonising global health and the role of African traditional medicines in the COVID-19 pandemic response. Building on scholarship regarding the efforts to promote indigenous healing knowledge in postcolonial states in Africa, I argue that colonial history and postcolonial political positionings towards this history were the ‘cause’ for Magufuli’s resistance towards global health interventions of COVID-19 in Tanzania. This draws our attention to the possibility of new thinking when it comes to how global health, colonialism, national politics, and local practices of self-care like nyungu, interact with one another in contemporary Tanzania.

The Business of Governing Penang: Workarounds as Remedy?

The state of Penang, including city councils for island Pulau Pinang (with urban-core George Town) and mainland Seberang Perai, has negotiated at least a degree of political marginalisation since independence. Ruled previously by a secondary partner in the ruling Barisan Nasional (National Front), and since 2008, by the Democratic Action Party and its coalition partners, the economically powerful state has negotiated constrained autonomy and resources. While to some extent, these governing challenges are common to all states in Malaysia's highly centralised federation, in other ways, they reflect Penang's specific political position. Penang's leadership has sought in particular ways to circumvent inertia or divided loyalties among bureaucrats from the federal, rather than a state-level, civil service. Central to that solution has been reliance on an array of state government-linked corporations, facilitating administration, but at possible cost to clear accountability, transparency, and promised empowerment of civil society.

When saying sorry is not enough: The paradox of a political apology offered to Irish mother and baby home survivors

AbstractWhile political apologies cannot undo what has been done, they are often perceived as highly relevant for healing and reconciliation. However, these apologies are often mired in controversy and highly political. While research on political apologies has focused on the role of intergroup relations, limited research has explored the intragroup dynamics involved. The present article explores how the paradoxical features of a political apology to ingroup members have their source in partisanship. The analysis used methods derived from discursive psychology. Using data from six parliamentary statements that were given in response to the political apology offered to Irish mother and baby home survivors, we demonstrated how these speakers constructed and understood the apology and how these constructions relate to their own political positions. Specifically, the apology to mothers and babies is used for political purpose, allowing majority members of government to position the wrongdoings experienced by mothers and babies in the past and to encourage the national collective to move on. Others seeking progressive social change—a parliamentary minority—use the apology to shape a political narrative that demands national collective action. Our work highlights the important role that identity‐based power relations play in confronting historical injustice, and how this may result in a dual schism with people within a nation becoming divided over both the apology and the appropriate response.

Institutional Failures in Decentralization: Insight from Batam, Indonesia

Batam’s development began in 1970 by the Batam Authority (now called BP Batam) and was projected as an industrial area. At that time, Batam was transformed into a city with growth above the average national economic growth. Yet, the contrasting situation occurred after the implementation of regional autonomy in Batam. The presence of the Batam City Government as an executor of regional autonomy has a very strong legal and political position. Therefore, this paper focuses on institutional failures which have implications for the decline of the economy during the decentralized era. The methodology used in this research is descriptive exploratory, which extracts information from primary and secondary data. Primary data was obtained using surveys and interviews with expert informants. The data was analyzed using the Delphi method and Analytical Hierarchy Process (AHP). The results of the study showed that the problem was institutional dualism between the Batam City Government and BP Batam, which had implications for legal uncertainty. The Delphi method resulted in recommendations for the Free Trade Zone (FTZ), Special Economic Zones (SEZ), and the implementation of special autonomy in Batam. Meanwhile, the Analytical Hierarchy Process (AHP) method resulted in a finding that special autonomy was the best policy choice. The concept of asymmetric decentralization based on economics is a possible model of special autonomy. However, in its implementation, further stages are needed to prepare a special law regarding the substance of specialization given to Batam.

‘Fears and Scruples Shake Us’: Ecological and Perceptual Instability in Macbeth

ABSTRACT With the aid of his wife, Macbeth searches for a ‘single state’ of selfhood that will place him unequivocally and permanently in a position of ultimate power. From the start of the play, however, Macbeth is told – and seems to know – that such an ideal is impossible. Macbeth’s Scotland is a world of spatial and temporal motion that permits no pause in place or time and therefore no location or moment within which to describe any experiential situation or settle into any political or personal position. Self-knowledge is not won by human beings in philosophical or academic isolation but in synchronicity and symbiosis with environmental forces. The ecologies of the play – the witches, earthquake, the foul air, thunder and lightning – ensure the relentlessly dynamic and imbricated phenomenology of space and time that stops up the access to success for the Macbeths.

Moral reframing in contemporary U.S. presidential debates

ABSTRACT Moral reframing is an effective technique at altering the political views of conservatives and liberals. Moral reframing happens when a political position that a voter is opposed to is framed to match that voter’s moral values. The present study, which is based on Moral Foundations Theory, investigates the moral reframing efforts of candidates during U.S. presidential debates to understand how candidates can reach out to those who are not their core supporters. A computational content analysis using the extended Moral Foundations Dictionary examined the debate transcripts and found that Republicans were five times more likely than Democrats to reframe, though both parties were equally negative in sentiment. Also discussed is how reframing varies by candidate, issue, and incumbent vs. challenger status.

Support for Partisan Violence among the Political Fringe: The Case of Antifa and QAnon Supporters

ABSTRACT Recent surveys have shown that significant numbers of partisans in the United States harbor violent attitudes towards out-party politicians and out-party members. This finding has corresponded with the increased visibility of political fringe groups, such as Antifa on the political left and QAnon on the political right. Fringe groups such as these take ideologically extreme political positions and defy political norms, including prohibitions on political violence. Are partisan supporters of these fringe groups more likely to hold violent political attitudes? Using survey data from the Understanding America Study (UAS), we test whether Antifa supporters and QAnon supporters are more likely to report violent attitudes compared to non-fringe group supporters. We find supporters of both groups are more likely to wish harm towards out-party members, support violent protest, and support various forms of interpersonal violence towards out-party members. The results hold even when controlling for ideological extremity, personality, and affective partisanship.

In search of a new middle class: a critical look at the concept of the society of singularities by Andreas Reckwitz

The article examines the concept of the “society of singularities” by Andreas Reckwitz. According to the German sociologist, in the post-industrial society of late modernity, the “logic of the general” is inferior to the “logic of the individual” – the singular: the greatest value is not mass goods and services, but those that have unique cultural and symbolic value. Representatives of the highly educated “new middle class” who have succeeded in the “singularity” era value creative individualism most of all and strive for self-realization, openness and cultural diversity. This combines well with neoliberalism and globalization, which, in turn, contributed to growing socio-economic inequality and growing cultural contradictions. Accordingly, Reckwitz seeks to point out the problem of excessive “particularization” of society and the loss of the “generality”. Nevertheless, there is reason to believe that Reckwitz himself underestimates the problems he writes about and overestimates the positive aspects of “singularization”. The article shows that Reckwitz’s ideas about the “society of individuals”, the “new middle class” and the meritocratic nature of the new elites are extremely controversial. In the most “singular” (creative, associated with individual creativity) areas of activity, the middle class is extremely small, and in modern Western countries the dominant cultural and political position is occupied not by the smartest meritocrats, but by those who are able to attract the attention of the broadest masses and meet their aspirations.

Kedudukan Politik Dalam Membangun Perkembangan Pendidikan Islam

This research aims to (1) determine the political position of those holding power in a country. (2) Know the categories of Islamic education, both formal and informal education. (3) Describe the role of politics in developing Islamic education in Indonesia. This research uses a type of library (library research). Data was obtained through searching “Google Scholar” and “ScienceDirect”, namely books, e-books, scientific journals, proceedings, the internet, and similar publications. The analysis process is carried out by collecting data, reducing and categorizing data, presenting data, and drawing conclusions relevant to the research subject. The results of this research are: First, there are three divisions of power in Indonesia, legislative, namely the power to make laws; executive, namely the power to implement laws; and the judiciary is the power to judge violations of the law. Second, the division of types of Islamic education, including formal education “Madrasah Ibtidaiyah (MI), Madrasah Tsanawiyah (MTs), Madrasah Aliyah (MA), and Islamic Religious Colleges”. Then, non-formal education "Islamic Boarding Schools, Al-Qur'an Educational Parks (TPA), Ta'lim Assemblies, and Islamic Boarding Schools". Third, the political position to build the development of Islamic education, including "determining the creation of policies or regulations, helping to provide funding, improving the quality of teaching staff, providing recognition or accreditation, providing reinforcement of Islamic values". With the right policies, Islamic education can adapt to current developments, producing a generation with broad knowledge and noble character.

ФОРМИРОВАНИЕ ГЕРМАНОФОБСКИХ ВЗГЛЯДОВ УИНСТОНА ЧЕРЧИЛЛЯ В 1880-1890-Х ГГ.

The article examines the process of formation of Sir Winston Churchill's Germanophobic views in the 1880s-1890s. The British Prime Minister is known as an eccentric man not so much in his actions as in his statements. This became the basis for the study of this side of Churchill's life. His views were contradictory and partly inconsistent with public morality. For example, he was accused of latent anti-Semitism manifested in domestic relations, called a racist because of the belief that white Protestants are superior to Catholics, and Indians are superior to Africans, criticized his actions in various political positions, etc. Based on what was attributed to W. Churchill throughout his long life, accusations of Germanophobic views were an accompanying norm of his political existence. The author conducts a historical analysis of the main events and context of that time period that influenced the formation of such beliefs. The Churchill family, their relationships with other representatives of the political elite, as well as the first love relationship of the prime minister are considered as the main catalyst for such views. The results of the study allow us to better understand the factors that contributed to the development of anti-German views in one of the outstanding politicians and figures of the 20th century.

«Я відчуваю себе повноцінною частинкою великої Нації»: українська мова та самоідентифікація студентьської молоді.

The article, using the questionnaire method, presents and summarises theoretical issues of national identity and self-identification of student youth in the context of Russia’s war against Ukraine. The article traces the dynamic changes that have taken place in the minds of the younger generation: pride in speaking Ukrainian, a sense of being part of the Ukrainian nation, the formation of a selfsufficient political position of young people, and the positioning of themselves as part of their people in preserving the heritage of the Ukrainian nation (respectively, language, culture, history, traditions, etc.). There is a noticeable trend towards an increase in the number of young people who choose Ukrainian as their language of communication, and a greater use of Ukrainian content on social media. Young people eagerly learn other languages (in particular English, and Polish) in addition to Ukrainian in order to improve their language skills, communicate with foreigners in a wide range of ways, improve their professional skills, travel, translate books and articles, learn about the cultural values of other countries, and get information about Ukraine and events taking place in it.

Impact of Political Ideology on Spending Audiences of Brazilian States

Objective: The present study seeks to verify the extent to which affiliation with parties in different locations on the ideological spectrum explains public spending in Brazilian states (2012-2017). Theoretical framework: To achieve the proposed objective, the article in question has a section where the theoretical framework is exposed, consisting of the discussion regarding the classic distinctions between left and right and the relationship with the provision of public policies. Method: Data were collected using the National Treasury Secretariat (STN) databases. Some expenditure functions were chosen which, in principle, would denote ideological divergences between left and right parties and consequently differentiated public spending, namely: public security, social assistance, health, education, urban planning and environmental management. With the database ready, the Chi-square test was carried out to check whether there was an association between ideologies and spending. The Mann-Whitney U test was subsequently applied to compare the median expenditures of the two terms (2012-2014 and 2015-2017). Finally, panel data were used. Results and Discussion: It can be seen that there is no consistent relationship between ideology (E/D) and public spending, that is, left-wing and right-wing parties tend to spend similarly. The exceptions are spending on education and urbanization, which are higher in states led by managers affiliated with left-wing parties, as expected. Implications of the Research: If ideology is a good predictor of political positioning in the legislature, the same cannot be said in the executive and subnational governments. The ideological component here remains in the background and reveals little explanatory power. Originality/Value: Few studies delve into the impact of political ideology on the provision of public policies.

The catholic society facing the delegated decrees

The law 477/1973 was approved in a moment in which the Italian catholic society was facing a hard inner crisis, emerged in the post-Council season: the Catholic Action, the Italian catholic laity biggest aggregation, suffered a drastic drop in affiliations and its choice to give up the political side mobilisation was subject of incomprehensions and conflicts, that divided catholic people into tendencies, both expressions of different ways to live their faith witness and of different political positions. The collegial boards elections made evident these cleavages also in school.

Trends in social work education in Colombia: legacies of professional history

ABSTRACT This article presents the curricular trends of Social Work education in Colombia focusing on the legacy of the historical periods of the profession in Latin America: Traditional, Developmentalist, Reconceptualization and Post reconceptualization have on the conception of the curricula. Using the documentary review methodology, the social work curricula of eight Colombian public and private universities are analyzed. The authors discuss around three conclusions: 1. The professional identity in social work is mediated by the tension between historical moments and their diverse ethical and political positions. 2. It is relevant to recognize the legacy of the history of the profession of social work in Latin America in terms of reading the political and temporal context in each period. 3. There is evidence of a tendency to include themes that respond to the situated reading of the national context of the armed conflict, peace processes and migrations.

Foreign Policy Aspects of the Activities of the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the First Convocation (on the 30th Anniversary of the Start of Work)

The article considers the foreign policy aspects of the activities of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the First convocation. The specifics of the main results of parliamentary votes of this period, which were related to international-political realities, in the context of their relationship with the conceptual foundations and implementation of Russian foreign policy, have been characterized. Features of the composition and nature of the activities of the lower house of the Russian parliament of this period have been identified. The conceptualization of the Russian Federation’s foreign policy has been analyzed. The initiatives and decisions of the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the First convocation in the field of foreign policy and international relations have been assessed. It is shown that these were due to the specifics of its personal composition, where there was no strict factional discipline and a clear advantage of any political force, which determined the need for situational interaction. The normal work of the lower house of parliament became possible largely due to the efforts of its Chairman, who took a centrist position. It is substantiated that the State Duma, operating in conditions of complex socio-economic problems and the colossal weakening of Russia’s international political positions, demonstrated significant activity in international political initiatives that covered a wide range of topical issues with an emphasis on the situation in the states of the post-Soviet space. These decisions were relatively balanced, which was explained by the approximately equal distribution of resources between the so-called “left”, “right”, “centrists” and “national patriots”, as well as the presence of “common bloc” issues, positions on which coincided or did not cause obvious contradictions. The international political initiatives of the State Duma of the First convocation were distinguished by greater realism and emphasis on the protection of national interests than the content of conceptual documents and the foreign policy course pursued by the state. This happened against the background and simultaneously with the beginning of the process of rethinking the foreign policy approaches of the Russian Federation, which had a significant influence on it.

Imperialism after decolonization? British relations with Bahrain from the withdrawal East of Suez to the Iranian Revolution

There is a growing consensus that the end of empire did not necessarily equate with a severing of imperial ties. Some historians have even argued that there was a shift from formal to informal empire in Britain’s relations with the emerging Gulf States. This is especially so with respect to Bahrain which had represented the epicentre of Britain’s position in the Gulf. Nevertheless, an analysis of British relations with Bahrain from the withdrawal East of Suez to the Iranian Revolution belies any notion that Britain succeeded in establishing an informal imperial position after 1971. Not only were Britain’s economic interests in Bahrain eroded by growing competition from its industrial rivals, but also its political and military position was challenged by the encroachment of regional powers. Any hope that Britain could retain an imperial role in Bahrain was undermined still further by the emergence of new internal political forces in Bahrain beyond the direct control of either the ruling family or Britain itself. The unfeasibility of maintaining an imperial relationship with Bahrain after 1971 persuaded British policymakers to seek to establish recognizably post-imperial relations with the Emirate in the decade following the withdrawal from East of Suez.

Politik Kekerabatan dalam Pemilihan Kepala Desa di Desa Dolog Huluan Kabupaten Simalungun

Kinship politics is a political strategy that uses family relationships and kinship ties to establish power and strengthen political positions. The kinship in question includes family members, blood relations, marriage relations and extensions such as tribe and clan. This research focuses on the role of kinship in the election of village heads in Dolog Huluan Village. This research uses a qualitative research method with a qualitative descriptive approach which aims to collect, analyze and interpret data in the form of words, actions or symbols in the form of narratives, interviews, observations or documents to produce in-depth knowledge and understanding regarding the role of kinship in the election of heads. village. It is hoped that this research can provide awareness to the public that kinship politics has a negative influence even though in the end kinship politics is valid and acceptable. The results of the analysis reveal that in Dolog Huluan Village there is still kinship politics that occurs during the election of the village head, which essentially has a huge influence on the clan.

Discrimination against suspected Islamic terrorists: Nationality, right-wing authoritarianism, and perceived threat as predictors of support for torture.

This research investigates discrimination against suspected Islamic terrorists based on tolerance for the use of torture. This research is justified by the need to identify how intergroup and ideological factors combine to express discrimination. Two experimental studies were conducted with a between-subjects design. Study 1 (N = 282) analysed the terrorist threat against the ingroup and the nationality of torturers with respect to support for torture against suspected Islamic terrorists. Study 2 (N = 165) analysed the interaction among terrorist threat against the ingroup and perceived threat (realistic and symbolic) as moderators in the relationship between RWA and discrimination. Study 1 indicated that support for torture was greater when the victims of terrorist acts and the torturers belonged to the ingroup. Study 2 indicated that the perceived threat encourages support for the use of torture, regardless of the levels of RWA. Taken together, these results elucidate the psychosocial processes that are present in the hostility towards social minorities from predominantly Muslim countries and in the strengthening of xenophobic political positions.

Union strategies in conflict: A comparative study of strike fund institutionalisation and infrastructural resources

AbstractThis article unveils the establishment or rejection of strike funds as a tangible organisational tool towards union renewal. Despite strike funds being a necessary and recurring instrument in the organisation of strikes, they have seldom been theorised as a distinct (infrastructural) power resource fundamental to understanding unions’ readiness and preparation for industrial conflict. Institutionalised strike funds, supported by union dues, provide economic support to strikers, reinforce their collective identity, legitimise a more confrontational position towards collective bargaining and may garner support from the broader community. Additionally, strike funds may serve as tools to attract members and shape narratives that can influence corporate positions and public opinion during labour disputes. Through a comparative analysis of 10 confederal unions in Spain, we illustrate the different strategic views that unions may hold with respect to them. Crucially, we find that the presence or absence of strike funds reflects the specific political position a union adopts concerning industrial conflict and how they may possibly articulate them with other power resources. Hence, the institutionalisation of strike funds involves a complex union renewal process, which is also influenced by a comparative learning process between unions. Finally, we also explain the flourishing of different strike funds during the last decades that derive from a spillover effect between counterpower and radical unions.

Civil Diplomacy and Civil Society Breaking the Traditional Diplomatic Model: A Case Study of Civil Organizations and Civil Diplomacy in Chinese Society

Civil society organizations and Civil Diplomacy are some of the important research contents of diplomacy, as well as the emerging diplomatic groups and organizations in the post-epidemic era. Broadly speaking, civil society organizations refer to social intermediary organizations other than government parties, enterprises, and institutions. The development of China’s civil diplomacy is a multi-dimensional and multi-level process, that plays an important role in China’s diplomatic system, and its development not only reflects the changes in China’s relations with the world but also the transformation of China’s foreign policy and the construction of great power diplomacy with Chinese characteristics. In the past, national and international organizations that participated in diplomatic activities in the image of the state did not have the figures of civil organizations. After the epidemic, more and more civil organizations express their political positions and values through the power of public opinion and the media to indirectly change the pattern of the international community, and use their power to enhance the soft power of official diplomacy, which has become an indispensable voice and force in today’s international community. Here, this paper will take Chinese civil diplomacy and civil society as examples to analyze the reasons, impacts, and prospects of the development of civil diplomacy in international governance.