Political Phenomena Research Articles

Nonrandom Tweet Mortality and Data Access Restrictions: Compromising the Replication of Sensitive Twitter Studies

Abstract Used by politicians, journalists, and citizens, Twitter has been the most important social media platform to investigate political phenomena such as hate speech, polarization, or terrorism for over a decade. A high proportion of Twitter studies of emotionally charged or controversial content limit their ability to replicate findings due to incomplete Twitter-related replication data and the inability to recrawl their datasets entirely. This paper shows that these Twitter studies and their findings are considerably affected by nonrandom tweet mortality and data access restrictions imposed by the platform. While sensitive datasets suffer a notably higher removal rate than nonsensitive datasets, attempting to replicate key findings of Kim’s (2023, Political Science Research and Methods 11, 673–695) influential study on the content of violent tweets leads to significantly different results. The results highlight that access to complete replication data is particularly important in light of dynamically changing social media research conditions. Thus, the study raises concerns and potential solutions about the broader implications of nonrandom tweet mortality for future social media research on Twitter and similar platforms.

The quality of government conditions political disagreement over redistributive policies

ABSTRACT This study argues that the quality of government structures the divide of public opinion on redistribution within countries. Countries with higher government quality have both the capacity and impartiality required to implement effective and fair redistribution. In effect, material self-interest and fairness-based evaluations should become better predictors of policy preferences in countries with higher government quality. An empirical analysis of survey data from 40 institutionally diverse countries supports this theory. Interaction regression models show that the government quality moderates the effects of income and unfairness perceptions on redistribution preferences. Both preference drivers are more strongly associated with redistribution support in countries with higher government quality. Preferences thereby become more heterogeneous in higher-quality settings. The results offer micro-level support for the theory that government quality structures politics and policies via the public opinion channel. To the extent that public opinion influences political behavior and policymaking, higher government quality should induce a stronger economic left-right divide over these political phenomena.

Fenomena Politk Uang Dalam Pemilihan Umum Legistlatif

Elections are a democratic process used to elect government leaders and represent the community in government institutions. Money politics is a phenomenon that often occurs in general elections. Money political campaigns are carried out by individuals or groups who use money to influence people's behavior in elections. The aim of this article focuses on the phenomenon of money politics that occurs in society during the campaign period for legislative candidates in the 2024 elections at the neighborhood level and to find out the factors that cause money politics to occur. The form of money politics carried out includes providing basic necessities, money and health services to voters to win votes in legislative elections. This research was conducted using a qualitative research approach, collecting data through interviews and literature reviews. The results of this research show that not all people are influenced by political choices through money politics.

TOLERANT AND INTOLERANT CONTENT OF ASSESSMENTS BY UKRAINIAN STUDENTS OF SUBJECTS SOCIAL AND POLITICAL LIFE

Relevance. The study focuses on the problem of the attitude of Ukrainians to "good Russians" under the influence of the Russia-Ukraine war. The opinion of student youth is of particular importance. Depending on the holding of a certain personal position, young respondents largely evaluate modern military and political phenomena and processes. Methodology. The task of the online survey of 2,202 students of 35 universities from different regions of Ukraine, conducted in the spring of 2022, was to assess the degree of guilt and effectiveness of the actions of agents of social, in particular, military and political processes. The questionnaire used 5-point scales of semantic differential and subjective scaling. According to the content of the evaluations of the crimes of the Russians and the Russian authorities before Ukrainians, four groups of respondents were distinguished. Their attitudes towards various social and ethno-political subjects are compared. Results. It was found that anti-Russian attitudes significantly prevail in students' evaluations of Russians and the Russian government. A relatively small part of the sample consisted of anti-Ukrainian, neutral and tolerant views towards Russians. The anti-Russian majority most clearly accuses subjects to whom it attributes signs of attraction to the "Russian world". The anti-Ukrainian minority evaluates them positively, but tends to blame Ukrainian society and the Ukrainian authorities. However, the positions of the anti-Russian majority and the anti-Ukrainian minority turned out to be close in their high assessment of the effectiveness of the Ukrainian government and the command of the Armed Forces. Respondents who try to choose neutral assessments partly avoid a clear choice, and partly hide their pro-Russian sentiments. "Tolerant" respondents, who condemn the Russian authorities, but do not condemn Russians, tend to blame all those in power and to excuse "ordinary people" regardless of their nationality or citizenship.

The conundrum between the neoliberal rationality and the contemporary environmental crisis: Fluctuations through uncertain times

The current investigation deals with the scope of the contemporary environmental crisis and its relationship with the neoliberal rationality. In this sense, the issue of such research comes up from the following questions: What is the future prognosis in the relationship between neoliberal rationality and the environmental crisis? What are the challenges to be faced and what measures and/or political-legal instruments should be proposed in an attempt to guarantee human dignity, environmental protection, economic growth and sustainability? The research’s goals are can be summarized in the following premises: conceptualizing and contextualizing neoliberalism in contemporary society from the micro level – as the subject and the society – to macro levels – States; clarify future prognoses with neoliberal perspectives within the wake of new technologies as well as the transhumanism movements; comprehending the contemporary environmental crisis as a political phenomenon. The methodology applied in this research observers the hypothetical-deductive method. It’s been observed that the neoliberalism paradigm abruptly intensifies environmental problems and it is necessary to find new ways and possible solutions to protect human and environmental rights.

The galaxy of the ‘silent majority’: committees, public figures and ideas of order in Italy from 1968 into the 1970s

ABSTRACT The aim of this article is to set in international context the deployment of the idea of ‘silent majority’ as a rhetorical weapon and form of political mobilization in Italy. Starting from the first and best-known case in Milan in 1971, the article maps a network of grass-roots committees and public figures who used this label to delegitimize and oppose left-wing protest movements. This article draws on sources from the archives of the Ministry of the Interior, the press, and memoirs to analyse a political phenomenon of public opinion that was nationwide in scope and would extend from 1968 into the 1970s, and which cannot be reduced simply to neo-fascism and subversive motives even though it has been commonly associated with these terms in Italy. Fear of Communism and intolerance for street demonstrations by students and workers overlapped with the defence of morality and urban decorum, while demands for security in response to what were claimed to be rampant crime were interwoven with the calls for moderate reforms in the university system. By investigating these multiple demands for the restoration of the established order, this article opens the way for transnational comparisons with other Western countries in ways that may help overcoming the difficulties of defining a conservative and right-wing sphere of influence in Republican Italy.

Project Management Practices Effect on Self-help Group’s Project Performance, Hargeisa Somaliland

Most of the women found in urban-rural informal settlements of Hargeisa District are engaged in self-help group projects since most of them don’t qualify to access credit facilities from commercial banks and microfinance institutions. The main problem with development projects is they are managed poorly which affects their implementation effectiveness and efficiency. The purpose of this study is to assess the effect of project risk management; monitoring and evaluation, stakeholder involvement, and effective project planning on the performance of SHG projects in the Hargeisa district. These are projects implemented by the NAFIS through its member organizations in particular SOWRAG. The study will solicit data from the NAFIS staff working with SHG groups in particular the MEAL and Project officers, SHG leadership, and members. A mixed method comprising quantitative and qualitative techniques was employed in the collection and analysis of data so that they allow the achievement of different objectives including offsetting the constraints that each technique has. This method was suitable for this study because first, it addresses the need to study women in complex socio-economic and political phenomena landscape. Therefore, this implies that most of the respondents were in agreement with the statements that project planning practices influence SHG Project performance in Hargeisa district, Somaliland. Average scores on the performance of the SHG project for the last 9-10 years in Hargeisa District, Somaliland show a mean score of 3.881 and a standard deviation of 0.775. This implied that the majority of respondents were in agreement with the statements that the project performance of the SHG project in Hargeisa district, Somaliland was successful. From research findings, it was concluded that the performance of the SHG Project in the Hargeisa district was influenced by monitoring and evaluation, risk management, stakeholders’ involvement, and project planning practices.

How can psychoanalytic interpretations of political situations have effects as actions?

ABSTRACT This article examines the difficulties of making use of psychoanalytic insights to understand and influence political events. In clinical practice, it has often been possible to bring about understanding and change in patients, and in that context, immense developments in psychoanalytic theories and techniques have taken place. But there is no parallel tradition giving rise to the interpretation of unconscious political phenomena although there have been outstanding contributions of this kind by individuals, beginning with Freud's work on group psychology. There have been valuable psychoanalytic understandings of broad social changes, but effective interventions in “here and now” political situations have been few. Some examples of these include Keynes's understanding of the economic consequences of the peace of 1918 which were seen to be relevant mainly after the later peace of 1945 and Mitscherlichs' analysis in the1970s of the German people's “inability to mourn” the catastrophes of the Nazi period. The article concludes with reflections on the conditions which might facilitate effective interpretations of political situations by psychoanalysts today.

Думи на водещия

Editor Words DOI 10.55206/EBMA3053 Prof. Dr Ivanka Mavrodieva, DSc Sofia University “St. Kliment Ohridski” Email: mavrodieva@phls.uni-sofia.bg Issue 59 (April 2024) of the Rhetoric and Communication Journal includes eight publications, which announce the results of research, among which surveys of parliamentary rhetoric and communication, which has manifestations in media and on the Internet, in politics and in society. The section “Media and Internet Communication” brings together four articles that contribute to the derivation of concepts, the delineation of the boundaries of new fields of academic research and the renewal of the categorical and conceptual apparatus in several scientific fields, for example through the terms “media culture”, “media transformation”, “cultural software” and “infor¬mation aesthetics”, “cancel culture”, “digital oral histories”, “hybrid risks and threats”. Simeon Vassilev outlines various scientific approaches to the definition of the term “media culture”; he presents theories, concepts, approaches and ad¬vo¬cates the need for a coherent theory of media transformation and media culture; the author draws conclusions about the phenomenon of media culture as a social practice. Desislava Dobreva explores a topic that is characterized by topicality and social sensitivity and examines the notion of “cancel culture”; she studies the phenomenon theoretically and historically; the author analyses current events and identifies rhetorical aspects in this specific virtual communication. Nikolina Ivanova-Bell examines the development of digital oral histories, as well as the opportunities they offer in the field of university education and academic libraries; on the basis of analyses she establishes the potential for enriching research and teaching experience in an academic environment. Andrey Velchev examines hybrid warfare from an interdisciplinary perspective; he analyses the role of the media and the Internet; the author presents the activities of institutions in identifying and neutralising hybrid threats, and in formulating and implementing strategic tasks regarding hybrid warfare. In the section “Political Communication and Parliamentary Rhetoric” two articles are included; they are written on the basis of a theoretical observation and include results of research into concepts in the fields of political science, political communication and parliamentary rhetoric in contemporary Bulgaria. Atanas Zhdrebev’s publication is devoted to populism; he discusses Takis Papas’s concept of populism as democratic illiberalism; the author gives examples of contemporary political phenomena and processes from different countries. Sofia-Nikol Nikolova examines the argumentation and rhetorical figures used by MPs during debates on significant domestic political issues and votes of no confidence and presents the results of an analysis of parliamentarian rhetoric in the 49th National Assembly in Bulgaria. The issue has a section “Contemporary Studies” in which there are options for presenting not only books, but also their contributions at the theoretical, methodological and research levels. The review of Professor Danail Danov’s book “Foundations of Media Pedagogy. A guide to the world of digital culture and its tools” is metaphorically entitled “a guide to the digital modus vivendi” by Simeon Vassilev. Professor Angel Angelov introduces Radeya Gesheva’s book “Enigmas and Paradigms in Some Twentieth-Century Italian Women Writers”. Prof. Dr. Ivanka Mavrodieva is a lecturer in rhetoric, argumentation, PR and virtual communication at Sofia University “St. Kliment Ohridski”. She is the author of 15 books (including “Virtual rhetoric: from diaries to social networks”, “Political rhetoric in Bulgaria: from rallies to Web 2.0 (1989 - 2012)”, “Rhetoric and Public Re¬lations”, “Online Course on Rhetoric”) and 120 articles. Her research interests are in the fields of contemporary rhetoric, virtual communication, argumentation, PR and business communication. Rhetoric and Communications Journal, issue 59, April 2024 Read the Original in Bulgarian and English

Linguistic representation of the concept BERLIN WALL in German eonyms

The article is devoted to the study of linguistic representation of the concept BERLIN WALL in modern German. The main goal of the article is to identify and describe eonyms (key words of the epoch) that preserve the historical memory of the Berlin Wall in modern German. The material of the study was eonyms selected from the rating lists of the linguistic action of the German Language Society (Gesellschaft für deutsche Sprache e. V.) «Word of the Year» for the period from 1978 to 2020, verbalizing the concept BERLIN WALL. The application of comparative-historical and descriptive methods made it possible to identify eonyms representing the result of linguistic reflection of the most important political phenomenon in modern German history. The article provides a linguocultural analysis of the selected eonyms in synchronic and diachronic aspects. The author describes the influence of the BERLIN WALL concept on the perception of East and West German citizens of each other, analyses the linguistic reflection of changes in political and social life in Germany in the critical era after German reunification. The description of the socio-historical contexts of the emergence of eonyms as representatives of the BERLIN WALL concept allows us to characterise the existing linguistic stereotypes in the German language. The analysis highlights the eonyms and their derivatives, which appear with certain cyclicity, linking historical events with each other and characterising the dynamic development of society and language. The unfolding of the meanings projected in the eonyms allows us to identify the most significant historical events reflected in the concept of BERLIN WALL, to interpret the differences in communicative behaviour between the inhabitants of East and West Germany.

Expanded Transference: A Humanities Perspective on the Generative Core of Ernest Becker’s Theory of Human Nature

The death anxiety thesis is widely considered to be Ernest Becker’s primary contribution to social theory and is associated with his most widely read book, The Denial of Death (1973). This essay suggests Becker is understood in a more sophisticated and nuanced way when his death anxiety thesis is situated in the context of his earlier work in the humanities and social sciences. The death anxiety thesis itself is one component of a much broader theoretical conceptualization of expanded transference, a constant thread through all of Becker’s writings from his doctoral dissertation through his final posthumously published works. Furthermore, the contention here is that this conceptualization of expanded transference provides a far more comprehensive and complex interpretation matrix for the understanding of human motivation, as well as cultural and political phenomena, than the death anxiety thesis does in isolation.

Urbanization and Bottom-up Politics in Palestine: The Case of Yatta

The West Bank (occupied Palestinian Territories) is a fragmented network of urban clusters while the rural area is slowly chipped away by Israeli settlers and military apparatus. Palestinians’ bodies are squeezed between checkpoints, razor wire, apartheid walls, military watchtowers, barracks but also between state bureaucracy, incorporation of labourers and cultural dispossession. The occupation through multiple devices produces dispossession and the national struggle explodes with violent and unforeseen forms against Israeli settlers and soldiers. The present paper is a reflection based on one year of fieldwork in Yatta’s urban cluster and its rural area in the southern West Bank. By analysing Israeli’s occupation law, the present work aims at explaining how the Palestinian urbanization process is forced under colonial rule with interlinked consequences on cultural and material dispossession, and youth liminal identities. Within the frame of this set of socio-spatial fragmented relations, the distrust of political parties is growing, and political forms are re-territorialized in local struggle. The research inquires why radical subjectivity is emerging in the Yatta social-spatial context produced by occupation law. How, despite the devices of Israeli occupation, aiming at drawing docile bodies and geography, the bottom-up political phenomenon emerging from Yatta’s urban context explodes in sudden violence.

PANDANGAN HUKUM PIDANA TERHADAP KASUS POLITIK UANG DALAM PEMILU TAHUN 2024

Political corruption is a prominent phenomenon in modern politics, influencing political processes in various countries, including Indonesia. This article delves into the evolution of politics in Indonesia post-reform, with a focus on the role of political parties and the practice of money politics in elections. The main discussion explores the phenomenon of money politics, highlighting its correlation with political corruption and the role of political parties in society. Additionally, the article examines factors influencing the practice of money politics, such as the lack of closeness between political parties and the public, individual education levels, and low welfare standards. This analysis provides deep insights into the dynamics of money politics.By summarizing findings and implications from the analysis, this article suggests that money politics poses a serious challenge to the integrity of democracy and political justice. Therefore, efforts to prevent money politics should be a priority in strengthening a cleaner, fairer, and more transparent political system. Thus, this article makes a significant contribution to understanding money politics and efforts to address it for the sake of a healthy and sustainable democracy.

Potential Political Conflict in the 2024 Presidential Election (Conflict Theory Study)

This research discusses the potential for political conflict in the 2024 presidential election from the perspective of conflict theory. The conflict perspective used is according to the views of Karl Marx and Ralf Dahrendorf. The approach used in this research is qualitative research with a literature study method which discusses potential conflicts that will occur. Conflicts that will occur, quoted from Kompas (Firda Cynthia Anggrainy, 2023). one pair of presidential candidates who they consider to be unconstitutional. The results of this research show that there is potential for political conflict in the 2024 presidential election. There is potential for political conflict in the 2024 presidential election. According to Karl Max, conflict occurs based on the class gap factor. In this political phenomenon, classes are divided into two, the ruling class and the ordinary people. According to Ralf Dahrendorf, conflict occurs based on differences in interests of groups with interests. In the potential political conflict in the 2024 presidential election, it will be very easy for conflicts of interest to arise based on each presidential candidate and vice presidential candidate. Conflict is seen as the result of social inequality and differences in interests between individuals or groups. Such conflicts can play an important role in changing political agendas, resolving social problems, and creating long-term changes in society. However, conflict can also threaten social stability and worsen social integration.

Глобальная система здравоохранения: основные черты и особенности

The article is devoted to the problem of understanding global health as a multidimensional political phenomenon. It is shown that global health system is a political-institutional and managerial model that involves the transformation of principles, institutions and practices of international cooperation in the field of public health, taking into account the current crisis trends of planetary development and current threats of the 21st century. The authors argue that the implementation of a system approach in the process of studying global health as a complex configuration involves the allocation of three levels of analysis of its specifics and structural organization: conceptual-semantic (doctrinal), institutional-organizational and func-tional-practical.

Dynamics of Participatory Culture in Elections: From Tudang Sipulung Culture to Open Discussion and the Phenomenon of Money Politics

Active community participation in the election process is very important in guarding this democratic party. Of course there is dynamics in this participation. Apart from that, the transformation of the tudang sipulung culture towards open discussion and the phenomenon of money politics are part of the dynamics of active community participation in this election process. This research uses descriptive qualitative methods with the aim of explaining the transformation of tudang sipulung culture into open discussion, the phenomenon of money politics and the dynamics of participatory culture in elections

A fundamental challenge. Are the affordances of political science being wasted?

The author recalls the reveries of the times of the creation of the journal Polis. He critically assesses three decades of attempts to nurture the achievements of world political science. He admits that the results of these efforts are far from expectations. The reasons are the haste to act and our miopic vision of the standards of world political science, as well as the awkward backwardness of these standards themselves. The generic trauma of the newly emerging political science goes with the reductive adjusting of evolving practices of political goal- attainment to the straitjacketing models of jurisprudence, philosophy and history. As Ch. Tilly has shown, the corresponding pernicious postulates were questioned only during the glorious twenty years of political science renewal in the 60s and 70s of the last century. These pernicious postulates are related to the reduction of evolving political phenomena to simplistic mechanistic schemes and abstractions. They continue to dominate mainstream political science. As for the alternative possibilities of political science, they require taking into account the spatio-temporal variability of political phenomena and using an expanding and increasingly complex researchapparatus. The author gives a number of examples of such sophisticating renewal, including the treatment of the existence of nations as everyday referendum (Renan), of diverse polities as mestorazvitiya (evo-localizings, lit. place-developments) (Savitsky), of political institutions as conceptual variables (Nettl), of crises as alternating phases of dissynchronization and resynchronization (Almond and colleagues), of center-periphery polarization (Rokkan). The article also mentions the efforts of R. Dahl and F. Schmitter to “save” modern democracy from various kinds of reductions by reinterpreting it in terms of polyarchy and accountability. It refers to the geochronopolitics of G. Modelski and further similar ventures of V. Tsimburski. It also cites efforts of A. Melville and his colleagues in correcting the reductive rendering of the global community of states by extending the factual scope multidimensionality of its analysis. Further cases include the fuller and more multidimensional consideration by G. Tsebelis and R. Putnam of alternative policies and aspirations in terms of nested, two- and multidimensional games, and finally, the efforts of W. Patzelt to instigate an evolutionary morphology of politics.

Осмысление прозы Ф. Сологуба китайской русистикой

The aim of the study is to identify the features of critical understanding of F. Sologub’s prose works in China, as well as the factors influencing their perception. The scientific novelty lies in the fact that by utilizing materials in the Chinese language, the authors characterize the key directions of Sologub’s prose research in China, determine the themes of critical articles and identify the factors that have influenced the critical assessment of his creative work. The paper involves the selection of critical articles by Chinese authors, which allowed for the periodization of the critical understanding of F. Sologub’s creative work. Conventionally, two periods were identified: the period of acquaintance with Sologub’s creative work, characterized by some non-acceptance of the author’s main ideas, particularly the portrayal of the theme of death; and the period of the “Return” of the writer’s prose, coinciding with a similar period in Russia, when the writer’s creative work is interpreted in its entirety, encompassing its thematic and conceptual diversity. As a result, it was found that the perception of Sologub’s prose works is associated with the dynamic nature of the comprehension of literary works. The paper emphasizes the Chinese specifics of the perception of F. Sologub’s creative work, which is based on the philosophical, cultural tradition of the country, as well as on social and political phenomena.

Миграция и правовое регулирование финансовых потоков в Российской Федерации: вызовы и перспективы

This paper focuses on theoretical perspectives on international migration. Accordingly, an overview of international migration is presented at the beginning. This is followed by types of international migration and theories of migration. Particular attention is given to theoretical perspectives on international migration and theories of migration. In addition, the shortcomings of migration theories are discussed. Considering international migration as a political phenomenon is the only way to give hope for an objective comprehension of the peculiarities and perspectives of the functioning and evolution of political institutions and processes in different countries. Such a formulation of the problem creates conditions for overcoming scientific conservatism in political science, which creates serious obstacles to the systematic construction of a meaningful theory of the political life of mankind in the era of globalization. The purpose of the work is to consider modern international migration as a political and economic phenomenon.

Mass Emigration and the Erosion of Liberal Democracy

Abstracts In many regions of the world, liberal politics is on the retreat. This development is usually explained with reference to inherently political phenomena. We propose an alternative explanation, linking democratic backsliding to deep-reaching demographic change caused by mass emigration. We argue that because migrants tend to be more politically liberal, their departure, if quantitatively significant, can hurt liberal democracy. Empirically, we focus on Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). Since 2004, the region has lost about 9 percent of its population due to migration to Western Europe. Drawing on data from 430,000 individuals and a panel analysis, we show that CEE migrants systematically hold more liberal values than non-migrants and that their exit went along with a deterioration of democracy in their home countries. Further analyses show that the mechanism we describe generalizes to various other world regions. Mass emigration may pose a challenge to democratic development in migrant-sending countries around the globe.