Political Party Organizations Research Articles

Crises and Crossroads in Ethiopia

Crises and Crossroads in Ethiopia

PENERAPAN GOOD POLITICAL GOVERNANCE SEBAGAI UPAYA TRANSPARANSI DANA PARTAI POLITIK

All Political Parties have fulfilled the Receipt and Use of Campaign Funds (LPPDK) reports, because if they are not fulfilled, they will get sanctions based on KPU Regulations. The preparation of these various reports shows that political parties are obliged to demonstrate good governance to the public, in order to form a stigma that political parties have high accountability with a high level of transparency. However, in reality this is not directly proportional to the daily governance of political parties. This study uses a qualitative research method with an interpretive approach, where data collection uses data triangulation. As for the results of the research, namely the rules that cover political parties are clear, but their application has not been implemented as the existing legal umbrella, namely law. Unlike the case with the implementation of elections related to campaign funds. Realizing good political party governance must start from the awareness of party officials to always present data and reports in a transparent manner, not only obeying during elections but continuously and continuously. Not only afraid of direct sanctions imposed by the KPU, but also pay attention to the continuity and sustainability of political parties. Going concern does not only apply to business entities, but it is also important to apply to political party organizations. Political parties are a gathering place for cadres who become and or will still be public officials who later carry out the mandate and work for the people, this is the reason for the importance of accountability and transparency for good party governance.

Теоретико-методологічні аспекти діяльності політичних партій європейських держав на сучасному етапі

The article is about the theoretical and methodological aspects of determining the place and role of political parties in the social development of modern European states in a dialectical combination of integration and disintegration processes. It is noted that the political parties of modern European countries are developing in accordance with common laws and system parameters. The specific features of the activities of European parties in the context of the formation of European parliamentarism as a fundamentally new phenomenon in the political life of the integration association are considered. It is determined that political parties in modern political systems of European countries embody in their activities a set of functional aspects, which include systemic, information-communicative, selective, ideological-programmatic, integration, representative. It is shown that the functioning of political parties of EU member states is influenced by the dichotomous influence of both integration and disintegration processes in the region, as exemplified by the withdrawal of the UK from the UK, formally completed in 2020. Political parties of European states in the current conditions of social development are influenced by several major methodological dominants, among which should be noted foreign policy (integration), domestic policy, socio-economic, socio-cultural, information and communication. It is emphasized that public dissatisfaction with the activities of political parties and the party system in general was one of the factors influencing public opinion in the UK during the process of leaving the EU, which characterizes the need to modernize certain aspects of the organization and activities of modern European political parties, especially in terms of achieving a clearer definition of party orientations and views on ways to solve the most pressing problems facing today's individual member states and the EU as a whole.

How Do Interest Groups Influence Elections? Evidence from British Trade Unions 1900-2019

Trade unions sponsored the political campaigns of candidates running for office in many countries throughout the 20th century. Yet little is known about the electoral consequences of these sponsorship arrangements. I study how union sponsorship affected the electoral performance of parliamentary candidates in Great Britain (1900-2019). On the basis of archival material, I collect new data on universe of union-sponsored candidates, and new data on all parliamentary candidates and their electoral campaigns. Employing a series of difference-in-differences designs, I examine how sponsorship affected candidate nominations and general elections. The results show that attaining a union sponsorship increases the probability that a candidate wins the nomination in an electorally attractive constituency. Second, sponsorship causes an inflow of financial and human resources into constituencies, engendering a professionalization of political campaigns and party organizations. Third, union sponsorship approximately causes a six-percentage-point increase in the average candidate's vote share, and two-thirds of this advantage is driven by nomination in better constituencies, while campaign spending account for the remaining boost in performance. Finally, heterogeneity in the treatment effect indicates that the electoral influence of unions is strongest in time periods and in industries where substantial government interventions affected the labor market.

Political Parties in Constitutional Theory

In this paper, I first provide an idealized functional account of political parties and party systems. I argue that parties are difficult to regulate constitutionally because of their Janus-faced public-private character. The key function they perform, when functioning as they ought to function, is to facilitate a mutually responsive relationship between public policy and popular opinion by acting as an intermediary between a state and its people. They perform this intermediary function in a unique manner, because of their bi-directionality and their plenary character. When they perform this function effectively, political parties significantly reduce four key information and transaction costs which would otherwise make democratic governance impossible: political participation costs, voters’ information costs, policy packaging costs, and ally prediction costs. This idealised account helps us identify pathological parties and party-systems and ground four principles that constitutions should seek to optimise in relation to political parties. The second part of this paper outlines and defends these four principles. Here I argue that state constitutions: i. should guarantee maximum autonomy for the formation, organisation, and operation of political parties, moderated by the restrictions necessitated by their purpose of winning (a share in) state power (for fixed terms) in competitive elections by acting as intermediaries between the state and its people (the ‘purposive autonomy principle’); ii. should try to optimise the party system such that the total number of serious political parties is large enough to broadly represent every major ‘voter type’, but not so large that the information costs on judicious voters are too high (the ‘party system optimality principle’); iii. should ensure a separation of parties and the state (the ‘party-state separation principle’); and iv. should discourage the factionalization of political parties (the ‘anti-faction principle’). These political principles are drawn from the value of democracy itself. They are likely to bring real world political parties and party systems closer to their idealised form, thereby improving and deepening democratic governance. As such, they should—alongside other relevant political and constitutional norms—inform fundamental constitutional design choices.

PROBLEMATIKA HUKUM FUNGSI REKRUITMEN ORGANISASI SAYAP PARTAI POLITIK

The success of the performance of the political recruitment function by Political Parties departs from its cadre mechanism. This is supported by the regeneration of a good and responsible wing organization of political parties. This study aims to determine legal problems related to the function of the wing organization of political parties. The type of research in this writing is normative legal research, with a statutory approach and a literature approach. This research examines the laws and regulations on political parties and related legal norms. The data used are secondary data consisting of primary and secondary legal materials. Primary legal materials are in the form of Law Number 2 of 2008 concerning Political Parties, while secondary legal materials are in the form of books, journals and articles related to the topic of the problem. The results showed that there were still several problems, such as the lack of rules governing the Organization of the Political Party Wing and the activities of cadres related to their location and background.

Change in political party strategy and organization in Turkey: the Republican People’s Party in government and in opposition

ABSTRACT Political parties rely heavily on clientelistic networks in Turkey. However, parties may change and pursue alternative strategies while appealing to voters. The goal of this study is to explain why political parties change their strategies from clientelistic to programmatic or vice versa. Therefore, the key question is: under what conditions do parties adopt a clientelistic strategy or a programmatic strategy? Based on field research in Istanbul, Turkey, concerning party-voter linkages, I argue that parties’ access to state resources affects the changes in party strategy. When a party is involved in a governing coalition, the party is more likely to pursue a clientelistic strategy; conversely, when a party becomes the opposition, it is more likely to pursue a programmatic strategy. In order to support my arguments, this research observes government (1991–1995) and opposition (2002–2015) periods of the Republican People’s Party (CHP, Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi). In this context, the CHP’s electoral strategy and local organizations are observed in the more developed Kadıköy and less developed Esenler districts in Istanbul.

LEGAL PERSONALITY OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN UKRAINE AND MEMBER STATES OF THE EUROPEAN UNION: COMPARATIVE LEGAL RESEARCH

The article examines the trends that have led to a significant increase in the legal personality of political parties in many European countries over the last decade. The growing role of political parties in the modern conditions of a developed democracy requires a revision of the standards of European legislation on their activities.
 Important issues of legal rights and obligations of political parties in accordance with both international standards and the legislation of Ukraine are revealed; defines the concepts of "subject of legal relations" and "legal capacity", as well as the legal side of the legal personality of a political party; formulates precise legal criteria and bases for recognition of a political party as a subject of law. A comparative legal study of the legal personality of political parties in Ukraine and the Member States of the European Union.
 The European standards on the legal personality of political parties have already been developed in most European countries and are aimed at achieving the constitutional and legal order is noted. The Law on Political Parties is a common denominator of legislative work, which regulates the organization of political parties and the financing of their participation in election campaigns.
 The development and implementation of standards for regulating the activities of political parties is a very important component of protecting the principles of a democratic society is determined. The importance of the role that political parties play in governance at both the national and supranational levels, this issue is currently given great importance in the European Union are given. The introduction of European standards in national legislation enables the state to effectively regulate the activities of political parties.

On the Issue of Legal Regulation of Internal Organization of Political Parties in Ukraine

Party regulation in Ukraine went through a considerable path of its formation and crystallization. Thus, the right to freedom of association in political parties found its place in the Constitution of Ukraine in 1996, a range of electoral laws defined participation of political parties in elections, and more detailed regulation was provided to the political parties in the Law of Ukraine On Political Parties in Ukraine as of 2001. Considering that almost 20 years have passed since the special law was adopted, this article is an attempt to start a discussion about the current legislation of Ukraine on regulation of the internal organization of political parties. The article provides an analysis of the provisions of the current Law of Ukraine On Political Parties in terms of regulation of the internal structure of political parties. In view of the existing shortcomings of the legal technique, the author urges the need to amend the current legislation in the field of regulation of political parties, in particular in regards the identification of the governing bodies of a political party and mechanisms for monitoring the implementation of the provisions of the statutes of political parties. The article finds that the current definition of the term “political party”, enshrined in the Law of Ukraine On Political Parties, should to be brought in compliance with the provisions of other laws of Ukraine that regulate registration of the parties. In addition, there is a need to identify the governing bodies of political parties in the law in order to ensure transparent and fair implementation of the provisions of the statute of a political party. The article provides for recommendations on improvement of the current party regulation in Ukraine.Manuscript received 22.03.2020

Living Apart Together? The Organization of Political Parties beyond the Nation-State: The Flemish Case

This article aims to contribute both theoretically and empirically to the study of political parties in the EU context, focusing on party organisation. Theoretically, it draws on insights from various literatures to develop a novel typology of multilevel party organisation specific to the EU context. It argues that parties are goal-seeking actors that choose their organisation based on a cost-benefit analysis, involving both party characteristics and the institutional context. Empirically, the article applies this framework on the Flemish political parties. It finds that rational goal-seeking behaviour cannot fully account for parties’ organisational choices. Results show that normative and historical considerations play a crucial role in parties’ cost-benefit analysis. It therefore calls upon future research to expand the number of comparative studies and to further assess parties’ goal-seeking behaviour regarding their multilevel organisation.

The 2019 I·CONnect-Clough Center Global Review of Constitutional Law: Dominican Republic

This paper discusses some of the main constitutional developments that arose in the Dominican Republic in 2019. Through several decisions on political parties and electoral laws, the Dominican Constitutional Court has made key decisions regulating both the internal organization of political parties and the political competition between political parties. The Constitutional Court is now firmly placed at the center stage of Dominican politics.

Organized crime and political party systems characteristics in post-communist and Latin American countries

ABSTRACT In this paper, I explore the relationship between organized crime and the features of political party systems, particularly countries that underwent economic and political transition. The paper argues that during periods retreat from authoritarian rule, when the state is weakened and when economic hardships occur, there are mutually beneficial connections made between organized crime groups and political parties – parties need voter support and money, and organized crime needs stable partners who can provide access to patronage, and protection from “legal” authorities. Further, even after “transition” these relationship leave a collaborative legacy. I suggest that this relationship will affect features of the party system particularly reducing the number of political parties. Using data from 39 post-communist and Latin American countries from 1985-2017, the results indicate that higher the level of organized crime’s penetration of political parties the fewer political parties, as expected by the theory.

Legal Basis of Organization and Functioning of Political Parties in Ukraine

The article is devoted to the research of the state of the legal basis of organization and functioning of political parties in Ukraine. Attention is drawn to the fact that the legal basis for the organization and functioning of political parties in Ukraine is mainly the general provisions of normative legal acts, namely: the Constitution of Ukraine, the Tax Code of Ukraine, the Law of Ukraine «On Political Parties in Ukraine», «On the Election of the President of Ukraine» , «On the Election of the People’s Deputies of Ukraine», «On the Local Elections», «On the State Registration of Legal Entities and Individuals — Entrepreneurs and Public Entities», etc. It is established that, although certain norms determine the peculiarities of creation, registration, activity and termination of political parties, their structural formations, a number of provisions of legislation regarding the organization and functioning of political parties require further elaboration. According to the results of the analysis, the main directions of improvement of the legal basis for the organization and functioning of political parties in Ukraine were proposed, in particular: clarification of the definition of the term «political party» contained in Art. 2 of the Law of Ukraine «On Political Parties in Ukraine» basing on the legal essence of this concept; defining the principles of political party activity; clarification of the list of documents submitted by the applicant for state registration of political parties; defining an exhaustive list of grounds for refusal to register a political party in order to prevent free interpretation by the bodies of registration of the provisions of legislation; specifying the procedure for state registration of political parties and providing additional time for eliminating deficiencies in the documents submitted for registration (suspension of consideration of documents submitted for state registration); determining the procedure for adopting, registering amendments and additions to the statute of a political party; the procedure for convening and holding the constituent congress (conferences, meetings), the procedure for forming and powers of governing party bodies; the need to determine the status of property after the cessation of political party activity. It is proposed to amend certain articles of the Law of Ukraine «On Political Parties in Ukraine» and the Law of Ukraine «On State Registration of Legal Entities and Individuals — Entrepreneurs and Public Formations».

Political Parties in Constitutional Theory

In this paper, I first provide an idealized functional account of political parties and party systems. I argue that parties are difficult to regulate constitutionally because of their Janus-faced public-private character. The key function they perform, when functioning as they ought to function, is to facilitate a mutually responsive relationship between public policy and popular opinion by acting as an intermediary between a state and its people. They perform this intermediary function in a unique manner, because of their bi-directionality and their plenary character. When they perform this function effectively, political parties significantly reduce four key information and transaction costs which would otherwise make democratic governance impossible: political participation costs, voters’ information costs, policy packaging costs, and ally prediction costs. This idealised account helps us identify pathological parties and party-systems and ground four principles that constitutions should seek to optimise in relation to political parties. The second part of this paper outlines and defends these four principles. Here I argue that state constitutions: i. should guarantee maximum autonomy for the formation, organisation, and operation of political parties, moderated by the restrictions necessitated by their purpose of winning (a share in) state power (for fixed terms) in competitive elections by acting as intermediaries between the state and its people (the ‘purposive autonomy principle’); ii. should try to optimise the party system such that the total number of serious political parties is large enough to broadly represent every major ‘voter type’, but not so large that the information costs on judicious voters are too high (the ‘party system optimality principle’); iii. should ensure a separation of parties and the state (the ‘party-state separation principle’); and iv. should discourage the factionalization of political parties (the ‘anti-faction principle’). These political principles are drawn from the value of democracy itself. They are likely to bring real world political parties and party systems closer to their idealised form, thereby improving and deepening democratic governance. As such, they should—alongside other relevant political and constitutional norms—inform fundamental constitutional design choices.

Power Sharing, Mobilization, and Party Organization

We study the internal organization of political parties as the solution of a moral hazard problem between a party principal (or selectorate) and two factions. Factional mobilization effort bolsters a party’s electoral chances but can only be imperfectly monitored—via an internal contest. We model a party’s internal organization as a system of “prizes,” an al- location of resources between winner and loser of the internal contest. We show that when (i) a party’s baseline electoral strength is low and (ii) electoral outcomes are not too responsive to mobilization efforts, there is an inverse relationship between inter-party power sharing and intra-party power sharing: institutional settings that award more resources and policy influence to election winners should produce party structures that promote a more egalitarian allocation of power across factions. Our results help organize the empirically documented dispersion in party organizational structures.

The impact of populism on party organization? A study of four Southern European ‘populist’ parties

ABSTRACTThe electoral growth of several ‘anti-political establishment parties’ in Europe since the end of the Cold War, was accompanied by the growth of the use of the catch-all category of populism to describe them. Despite the countless analyses related to populism, less attention – with some relevant exceptions – has been given to the impact of populism on party organizations. Still, populist parties do organize. While it is common to compare the organization of political parties belonging to the same party family, the attention on the impact of populism in shaping parties with different ideological backgrounds is scarce. This paper focuses on this literature gap, analyzing four parties, which the literature labels as ‘populist’. The conclusion reached in this paper is that populism can be an ideological feature incorporated by different parties; however, its impact on the organization differs substantially from one party to another.

Administrative and legal aspects of the organization and activity of political par-ties in Russia

Administrative and legal aspects of the organization and activity of political par-ties in Russia

Pemecatan Anggota Partai Politik Karena Menjadi Pengurus Organisasi Kemasyarakatan

Members of have the right submitted by political parties as candidates for Legislative Assembly in accordance with what is meant by article 12 of Law Number 2 of 2008 jo Law Number 2 of 2011, that political parties have the right to nominate candidates to fill the membership of the Nation Assembly and the Regional Local Assembly in accordance with the legislation; propose a change of time between its members in the Nation Assembly and the Local Assembly in accordance with the legislation. Instead members of political parties must submit and comply with the provisions in Law No. 2 of 2008 jo Law No. 2 of 2011 and the articles of association and bylaws of political parties, accompanied by good sanctions from Law No. 2 of 2008 jo Law No. 2 of 2011 and sanctions on political party organizations. This means that members of a political party can be dismissed from their membership if they become members of other political parties. Substitution between time as a member of the House of Representatives is permitted as long as the interim replacement is in accordance with the prevailing laws and regulations, including participating as members of other Political Parties. Ishak Liputo is listed as the administrator of the Democratic National Community Organization which is not listed as a political party, but Isaac Liputo was replaced through a replacement between times because he was the administrator of a community organization. But in this case Ishak Liputo was fired because he had previously served as administrator of the National Democratic Community Organization before the Organization was officially inaugurated as a Political Party. Research shows the dismissal of Isaac Liputo from membership of the Golongan Karya Political Party because of being the administrator of the National Democratic Community Organization (Nasdem) in terms of Law No. 2 of 2008 jo Law No. 2 of 2012 concerning Political Parties is not appropriate, because: Ishak Liputo became the administrator of the Nasdem Mass Organization, which has not been in the form of a party, so it cannot be said to be a member of a political party. Liputo when warned by the Golkar Party's Management of his actions as a Nasdem administrator, has resigned, so he is no longer a Nasdem administrator.

19. Yüzyıl Sonrası Yeni Sosyal Hareketler

New Social Movements emerged like a wave in 1960s and have sustained so far. New social movements originated based on autonomy, cooperation and direct performance. Their main objective is to establish a more democratic and equal world. In order to reach these aims, a conscious struggle was conducted through various means. These movements have consciously refused political party organization and taking over political power. The major objective of this study is to settle, by comprehensive sociological methods, the purposes, patterns and causes for which social revolutions break out based on the distinctions of the former and novel paradigms such revolutions as well as explaining how these novel social revolutions that involve high participation, grasp the authority without modification and especially address changes in culture having an overwhelming identity orientation have an active role in cultural transformation.

Explaining municipal governance in Kosovo: local agency, credibility and party patronage

ABSTRACT What can explain the varied effectiveness of internationally led attempts at statebuilding? This article seeks to answer this question by comparing the contrasting trajectories of governance in two municipalities in Kosovo: Hani i Elezit/Elez Han and Kamenica. In Hani i Elezit, evidence suggests that effective and accountable governance is embedded. However, in Kamenica informal and clientelist practices persist and residents are less satisfied with the municipality’s performance. As the nature and extent of internationally led statebuilding has been similar in both municipalities, explaining variation requires an analytical shift to how local leadership interacts with, receives and ultimately shapes statebuilding processes. The data are based on fieldwork from 2012 to 2015. The article focuses on two critical dimensions of statebuilding: capacity building and social accountability. It argues that the impact of externally led statebuilding strategies depends on the orientation of the political leadership of the municipalities. The article identifies features of the political environment, namely credibility and the organization of political parties, which constrain the kind of public-oriented leadership necessary for effective and accountable governance.