Political Pamphlets Research Articles

Crimean Antiquities through the Eyes of Edward Daniel Clarke: From Archaeology to Ideology

The article analyses a travelogue by British traveller Edward Daniel Clarke, which was one of the first encyclopaedic descriptions of the Crimean Peninsula, visited by the author in 1800. Clarke’s book appeared to be extraordinarily popular with his contemporaries and modern researchers, though the issue of the author’s descriptive strategy and its influence on the text’s objectivity has never been addressed previously. Clarke’s narrative combines elements of a travel journal, academic research, and a political pamphlet. The article reveals how Clarke transforms archaeological sites description into an “ideological weapon.” The traveller used archaeology as a key argument to prove Russia was uncivilized and had to be banished from the Crimea. In his opinion, the Russians were inclined to destroy archaeological monuments from ancient and mediaeval periods without any pity or reason. In the eighteenth century, antiquity gradually came into fashion in Western Europe, and Greece became apprehended as the cradle of European civilization, therefore blaming the Russians for the destruction of ancient buildings and artefacts would be a clear statement of their barbarism. Clarke’s approach was discriminatory, as the traveller interpreted the cases of antiquities destruction by the Ottomans, Tatars, or Brits in a different way. Although there really exists reliable evidence that old structures in the Crimea were damaged during the Russian period, Clarke was the first one who considered them in terms of ideology. His travelogue had a great influence on the scholarship that followed, since the new generations of authors were inclined to take it uncritically.

Politics and the Street in Democratic Athens by Alex Gottesman

Reviewed by: Politics and the Street in Democratic Athens by Alex Gottesman Susan Lape Alex Gottesman. Politics and the Street in Democratic Athens. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014. Pp. xiii, 247. $95.00. ISBN 978–1-107–04168–4. Athenian politics, Gottesman argues in his new book, was not confined to political institutions but rather also happened in the “Street,” his metaphor for Athens’ public spheres, which include the Agora, workshops throughout the city, sanctuaries, and associations of various kinds. Gottesman understands politics as “the production of public meaning,” a more pervasive and capacious model of politics than found in most recent treatments of Athens’ democracy. To assess the role of the “Street” in Athenian politics, Gottesman examines how politicians, slaves, tragedians, and philosophers either used it for their own ends or critiqued its transgressive influence on political institutions. The first two chapters flesh out the contours of the “Street” and the distinctive kind of politics that it made possible; subsequent chapters discuss how individuals manipulated and/or critiqued its extra-institutional politics. In the first chapter, Gottesman describes the Agora, emphasizing that people of different statuses frequently came into contact in the Agora. That there were many [End Page 431] opportunities for cross-status interactions supports one of the book’s key claims, namely that politics in the “Street” was much more inclusive than in political institutions. The full import of this inclusivity emerges in chapter 2, where Gottesman argues that the ability of people to connect and socialize across statuses created numerous and overlapping small networks, which, when aggregated, allowed the city “to take on the characteristics of a single face-to-face society that transmitted information quickly along the networks through word of mouth” (63). This is significant, Gottesman emphasizes, because it explains how democracy was able to function without any formal bureaucracy. It was talk in small networks, which were composed of citizens and noncitizens, that gave teeth to decisions made in formal political institutions (45, 63, 75, 212). In contrast to previous scholars who focus on gossip’s role in securing conformity and social control, Gottesman convincingly argues that gossip was also a politically productive force: gossip and rumor in the public sphere transformed political and judicial decisions into social facts. Throughout, Gottesman discusses the multiple ways savvy elites sought to mobilize the resources of the public sphere for their own ends. For some, it meant hiring rumormongers to make the rounds of the Agora and workshops to promote their view of a case or an issue (85). Others, however, skipped the middleman and orchestrated “publicity stunts”: staged displays calculated to create or cast public opinion in ways that would influence institutional proceedings. On Gottesman’s reconstruction, publicity stunts (think Pisistratus’ pretense of returning to Athens under divine escort) largely waned by the end of the fifth century and were replaced in the fourth century by political pamphleteering (147). The idea that orations and letters circulated like pamphlets to influence public opinion is not a view that nowadays enjoys wide currency. In part, this is because it seems to require a higher degree of literacy than most scholars believe existed in Athens. That said, Gottesman makes a convincing case for pamphleteering in Athens by citing comparative evidence from early modern Europe, where pamphlets circulated not only to be read by individual readers but also to be read aloud and discussed in groups (149). Chapter 6 discusses how some individuals used the public sphere to create new social facts. Gottesman suggests that slaves at the Theseion were able to exchange their status and identity by orchestrating effective public performances. By getting someone to say that they were free or to claim them as a new master, some slaves may have been able to improve their situation. That the social ontology of the “Street” was malleable in just this way is a leitmotif of the book. The final chapter considers how Plato may have drawn from and modified the Athenian “Street” in constructing a robust and inclusive public sphere in the Laws’ Magnesia. In sum, this is a wide-ranging and thoughtful book. Many of the arguments and insights are obvious in a good sense; that is...

Milton and Legal Reform

AbstractThe second half of the seventeenth century was the first great period of legal reform in England’s history. This article situates John Milton in relationship to this contemporary context, arguing that he comments frequently on the need to change England’s laws and displays a finely tuned awareness of some of the major legal debates of his time. This article surveys Milton’s writings about the law and legal education, and it concludes by examining his 1659–60 political pamphlets where he calls for reform of the judicial system and the establishment of local courts.

Religious Culture and Customary Legal Tradition: Historical Foundations of European Market Development

Abstract This paper traces back the sources of our present legal system and of market economy to Medieval Europe which itself benefited from Hellenistic and Roman legal culture and commercial practices. Roman provinces placed Rome in the wider Greek cultural and commercial world. If Aristotle was already transcending the narrow polis-based conceptions of his predecessors, after him Hellenistic Civilization saw the emergence of a new school of philosophy: Stoicism. The legal thought in the Latin West will hence be characterized by Cicero’s writings and its Stoic sources. The Roman legal system was similar to the later northern European customary law and the English common law; Roman law was evolutionary and customary. The rise of Western individualism, whether it dates back to St. Augustine in the fifth century, or to the two Papal Revolutions of Gregory I (establishing the nuclear family as the core of individualism) and of Gregory VII, also played a crucial role in shaping the western legal tradition. The paper describes the main forces that led to this second (Gregorian) revolution. Monasticism is one of them. Benedictine monasticism plaid a leading role in the Peace of God Movement. Hence collective oath-taking by groups in the name of peace was essential in the founding of cities and in the formation of guilds. Europe’s economic resurgence in the Eleventh Century was on the basis of the creation of the rule of law by the Peace of God movement. This movement also allowed for Europe’s agricultural economy to progress. Indeed, the European Middle Ages is one of the major periods of technological innovation in the history of the world. The Gregorian Revolution itself was supported and financed by the Commercial Revolution: Italian bankers sustained Papal reformers against the Emperors. The independence of the Italian cities and provinces reveals one of the most important consequences of the Gregorian Revolution: the polycentricism of Western Europe. This Revolution also witnessed the first large number of political pamphlets in European history; the Gregorian clergy emphasizing a compact theory of government. Soon after, the order of Cistercians was founded (1098) and underwent spectacular growth during the next two centuries. The Cistercians accepted no rents or labor services from feudal donors but would take only full possession of land to do with it as they wished.These monasteries were the most economically effective units that had ever existed in Europe, and perhaps in the world, before that time. Finally, the Magna Carta (1215) that will be so influential on modern political thought can be seen as a direct consequence of the Gregorian Revolution.

The Harmonic Utopia of Spanish Republicanism (1840–1873)

ABSTRACT Ever since they first appeared in the public sphere, around 1840, and until the First Republic was proclaimed in 1873, Spanish republican activists never ceased to spread in newspapers and political pamphlets the idea that a republic would entail a “supreme synthesis of the political contradictions of our century” and “the conciliation of all hatred and all rivalry, the harmony of all interests.” This article sets out to study what may be dubbed the “utopian dimension” of the collective imagination of Spanish republicanism (the aspiration to total political and social unity) and its consequences for the political culture and practice of Spanish republicans.

Reform economics at the Financial Research Institute in late socialist Hungary: A case of globally embedded knowledge production

The paper addresses this issue’s subject of the question of East/West hierarchies in academe, and the conditions of the epistemic position and public authority of East and Central European scholarship, through a case study of a major institute of Hungarian reform economics, the Financial Research Institute (FRI), and a moment of political critique by its experts in 1986, asserted in the political pamphlet ‘Change and Reform’. The paper points out connections between world economic and geopolitical shifts, consequent reorganizations of Hungary’s world economic integration. It addresses changes to the institutional power and political position of reform economics at FRI, from the perspective of conditions set by the relationship between import substitution industrialization, the pressure for hard currency created by technological imports, and the changing global economic conditions affecting the availability of technology and capital. Through placing the expert and political critique developed at FRI into that context, the paper contributes to a perspective on ECE social science that goes beyond measuring local scientific paradigms to Western ones, and which understands the epistemic position and public authority of local social science as shaped by formative interactions embedded in a common global history.

Nuova Panda schiavi in mano

As the result of an interesting experiment in co-research, the crs1 group provides us with a short but pointed political pamphlet that is worth reading for several of its aspects. First, by explicitly adopting a labour perspective, it helps us to unravel the highly ideological design which lies behind the recent ‘politics of production’2 of the Italian fiat.3 Second, by trying to connect a theoretical analysis of the transformations undergone by labour under neoliberalism with the need for renewed and more effective labour organisation, it gives us the opportunity to rethink the relationship between theory and praxis, as originally envisaged by the Italian workerists.4 From this unique political and cultural background, and from Tronti’s theses in particular,5 the research derives not only its basic methodological tools, but also its overall interpretative key. Finally, at a broader level, the book can offer us a useful contribution to the current debate in Marxist political economy, by shedding light on issues concerning capital – labour relations, corporate strategies and resistance practices that are now globally characterising the production realm. The present article aims to highlight the relevance of the conflict lately emerged within the fiat plant under analysis, the possibility of reconsidering a workerist view, and the still strong need for antagonist positions to counter global capital strategies.

The Dialectics of Irreverence and Commemoration in Roque Dalton’s Un libro rojo para Lenin

I read Roque Dalton’s posthumous work Un libro rojo para Lenin as a model to help us recover the urgency of the revolutionary legacy of the 1960s in Latin American letters. Through Dalton we can learn how to inherit this tradition amidst the triumphant discourses of the end of history, the dawning of globalization, and the need to reinvent the Left after the collapse of real socialist projects. I analyze the concepts of memory, commemoration, legacy, and inheritance understood in the context of Dalton’s irreverent and revolutionary conception of history. In order to inherit Lenin’s thought, Dalton establishes a critical distance from it and consciously recovers the moment in Lenin’s writings about the revolutionary struggle, before Lenin has come to power. This moment of revolutionary potential embodies the utopian spirit that Dalton wishes to “translate” to the Latin American revolution. This legacy that Dalton intends to recover is found in a book that seems to erase the boundaries between the political pamphlet and poetry. This radical project is characteristic of his continued attempt to reconcile the political vanguard with his unflinching commitment to the aesthetic avant-garde. This tension between the aesthetic and political is evident in Dalton’s proposed solution to inheriting Lenin’s legacy in Latin America: along with the work of mourning, we must employ the work of irony. Irony will establish the necessary critical distance to inherit Lenin in a Latin American context.

Las primeras huellas del periodismo ecuatoriano. De la censura a la libertad de prensa

This study is a compilation of the initial impressions of Ecuadorian journalism marked by the political pamphlet and violent, political action. In chronological order, it presents the main historical events related to communication and journalism in Ecuador during the 18th Century. As a product in itself, journalism is not an isolated activity, but it depends on political, economic, and social realities, and the struggle for power. One of the main conclusions of this paper indicates that Ecuadorian journalism, as with the rest of Ibero-America, occurs within a process of cultural advancement.

The Emergence of Sex Education: A Franco-Swiss Comparison, 1900–1930

A r o u n d 1900 , s e x e d u c A t i o n emerged as the focus of debate in western Europe and the United States, a phenomenon that can be viewed as part of the “discursive explosion” identified by Michel Foucault. In contrast to the salacious or even pornographic evocation of sexuality that had hitherto been dominant in literature and political pamphlets, doctors and philanthropists attempted to make discourse on sexuality respectable for the first time: they treated it as a legitimate object of knowledge, they used what Foucault called an “authorized vocabulary,” and they proposed an analytical approach to the study of sex. Although Foucault did not address sex education in his History of Sexuality, the subject provides an interesting development of the Foucauldian framework. Sex education implies considering not only the content of the message (namely, a scientific language that allows one to talk about sex) but also the identity of the recipient, children and adolescents. Providing sex education seemed to contradict prevailing tendencies to treat childhood and youth as an age of innocence to be preserved as long as possible from the necessarily corrupting realities of the flesh. The “repressive hypothesis” that Foucault challenged actually describes evocations of sexuality addressed to youth up until the end of the nineteenth century. An awkward silence prevailed at the expense of the dissemination of information; young people were forced to learn about sexuality through fragmentary information or abrupt revelations. Thus, talking about sexuality to young people and even teaching it in schools was a real innovation. Scholars such as Lutz Sauerteig, Roger Davidson, and Jeffrey Moran have begun to address this puzzling shift. Among the factors mentioned

Bound to Read: Compilations, Collections, and the Making of Renaissance Literature. By JEFFREY TODD KNIGHT.

‘How we collate is how we think’ writes Jeffrey Todd Knight near the end of Bound to Read: Compilations, Collections, and the Making of Renaissance Literature. ‘Collating’ here is somewhat broadly interpreted: Knight's new volume begins among the myriad Renaissance texts and booklets that were issued in small formats and then ‘collated’ (that is, collected) and bound together by or for their owners into miscellaneous volumes that would survive on the shelf longer than a single casual pamphlet. The result is the sammelband, a format anyone frequenting libraries well-stocked with books from the period before 1800 will have encountered: tract volumes, collections of plays or political pamphlets, miscellaneous writings bound together for little reason other than that they were roughly the same size. Knight is interested, however, not only in how such texts were brought together but also in printed books and personal manuscripts that were recompiled, interleaved, and annotated by their authors. ‘For generations of collectors and owners whose legacy is still visible in archives,’ he writes, ‘the relatively flexible composite volume was the most conventional, practical means of storing and using most kinds of literary texts’ (p. 61).

Pamphlets, Legislators and the Irish Economy: 1727–49

A significant outcome of the revolution in the writing of Irish economic and social history in the 1960s and 1970s was the development among historians of a sceptical approach to contemporary pamphlets. With pamphleteers' comments on social and economic conditions no longer regarded as reliable, historians became reluctant to use the pamphlet literature. Now, almost half a century later, it is time to ask whether this scepticism has been carried too far. This article reassesses the value of contemporary pamphlets to the historian by analysing the political and economic pamphlets of the period between 1727 and 1749 in the context of other contemporary comment and practical political action. Using the correspondence of various leading political figures and the legislative record of the Irish parliament, the article seeks to evaluate the potential of the pamphlet literature as a guide to the preoccupations of the political elite and wider contemporary society. The article also re-examines the relationship between pamphlets and the political and economic realities, asking whether the pamphlet literature provides a better refection of contemporary political and economic trends than has previously been acknowledged.

Reading Beside the Lines: Marginalia, W.E. Gladstone, and the International History of the Bulgarian Horrors

This article explores the marginalia found in the personal volumes of William Ewart Gladstone in the context of the Great Eastern Crisis (1875–8). Diverging from previous narratives, which have lionised Gladstone for his apparently prophetic support for the independence of Christian subjects within the Ottoman Empire, this article argues that Gladstone read and understood little about modern South-Eastern European history, Bulgaria, or the Bulgarians before the publication of his influential political pamphlet, The Bulgarian Horrors and the Question of the East. Gladstone's powerful interjection, based upon widespread, imagined categories of cultural understanding, directly influenced British foreign policy at a critical juncture with profound international consequences. Britain abandoned its traditional support of the Ottoman Empire - allowing Russia to wage a punitive war against its former ally - and instead supported the independence of the ‘Christian races’ of the Balkans along the budding principle of national self-determination. Gladstone's marginalia provide a unique linkage between studies of cultural languages of understanding, individual decision-making, the mechanisms of political power, and the construction of foreign policy. In certain cases, therefore, marginalia may help reveal the nexus between local histories of cultural production and major events in international history.

KATHERINE ELLISON, KIT KINCADE, and HOLLY FAITH NELSON (eds). Topographies of the Imagination: New Approaches to Daniel Defoe.

Topographies of the Imagination contains 14 essays which, collectively, discuss the wide range of Defoe’s writing: poetry and fiction, political pamphlets and treatises on the supernatural, military narratives, and geographical and travel writing. Questions of attribution and principles of editing are treated in some essays, though the majority aims at literary interpretation and historical contextualization. Some of the essays consider genre and form in Defoe’s canon; religion, politics, gender, and empire remain prominent concerns; and newer interests in ecology and animals are also addressed. Because several essays use theories of space and place, the editors have organized the collection through spatial metaphors into four sections: ‘(Re)contouring the Novel’, ‘Negotiating Rational and Supernatural Terrain’, ‘Demarcating and Dismantling Place’, and ‘Navigating Sexual and Party Politics’. Ellison, Nelson, and Kincade thus aim to ‘map’ Defoe studies in their introduction, situating the collection amidst ‘the upsurge in a wide variety of theoretical and critical approaches to the life and works of Defoe, which has led to the exploration of many previously unexamined aspects of his works and the interrogation of standard interpretations of his texts’ (p. xxviii–xxix). The collection certainly fulfils this promise: the best essays are original contributions to our understanding of facets of the writer and his milieu, and the coverage achieved is commendable, as familiar and unfamiliar titles come by turns into focus.

A cognitive approach to early conservatism

Conservatism is notoriously difficult to define. In the present study, conceptual metaphor theory is used to elucidate the nature of this ideology in its early phase when it emerged in England as a force struggling with the ideas of the French Revolution. It can be shown that conservative authors frequently do not conform to the pattern of orientational metaphors described byGeorge Lakoff and Mark Johnson (1980), according to which “up” is usually regarded as positive and “down” as negative. Conservatives often associate their own ideas with depth or a downward movement, whereas the loathed ideas of the political opponents are related to height or an upward movement. This dichotomy is closely connected to the polarity between solidity, stability and weight on the one hand and gaseity, volatility and lightness on the other. The study bases its analysis on numerous political tracts, pamphlets, and novels from the 1790s and early 1800s.

Sacred Scripture, Sacred War: The Bible and the American Revolution James P.Byrd. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013.

Sacred Scripture, Sacred War: The Bible and the American Revolution James P. Byrd. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013.In Sacred Scripture, Sacred War, James P. Byrd of Vanderbilt University describes how the Bible was used to make the patriotic case for war (3). Although historians like Harry S. Stout and Gordon S. Wood have noted the connection between religion and the Revolution, Byrd's workmeticulously researched from primary sourcesis one of the first to explain which sections of Scripture were used, how often, why, and to what effect.Byrd also explores other themes that enhanced and framed the ways in which the Bible was used by patriotic preachers. The first theme, republicanism or firm belief in virtue, liberty, and a fear that liberty was always threatened by vice and tyranny, (9) informed the hermeneutics of the patriots time and time again. The second theme, martyrdom, under-girded republican virtue: Liberty came only when people of integrity sacrificed themselves for their nation. This was the essence of (11). The final frame for Byrd is the relationship between martial and spiritual warfare. He writes, Understandably, therefore, the ideas of sacrificial martyrdom and Christian republicanism gained coherence alongside a third conviction, the belief that biblical warfare integrated spirituality and violence, the spiritual struggles of the soul with military struggles on the battlefield (12). Through the interplay of these themes with the textual evidence, Byrd provides a new way of understanding the impact scripture had on the course of the Revolution.After addressing the emergent and framing themes, Byrd underscores how powerful sermons were in colonial and Revolutionary America. He notes, Sermons were published at four times the rate of political pamphlets and were more influential as well (16). Access, geography, and patriotism were also linked: It is no accident that New England was both the most sermonsaturated and the most militant region in colonial North America (20). Throughout this first chapter, Byrd connects martial sermons to specific historical events like the Stamp Act, the Boston Massacre, and the Boston Tea Party. Convincingly, Byrd shows that the mediators between events and their popular, patriotic meaning can be found in the scripturally-soaked rhetoric and minds of America's preachers.Having established the centrality of the sermon, Byrd connects the aforementioned themes and historic events with their oft-utilized, biblical counterparts. …

Selene: Lady Mount Cashell's Lunar Utopia

Building on the ongoing critical recuperation of women writers of the Romantic period, this essay sketches the extraordinary life and literary achievements of an aristocratic Irish woman, before focusing attention on Selene, an unpublished, three-volume novel written in the 1820s. Because it remains unpublished to this day, Selene is known to very few readers, but an analysis of this utopian fantasy's critique of contemporary English politics, social mores and literary standards reveals that it provides many new insights into women's writing during the late Romantic period. The outline of the author's life is relatively well known: as a child, the future Lady Mount Cashell came under the radical influence of her governess, Mary Wollstonecraft, while, as an adult, she lived a scandalous life, parting from her husband and their children, and setting up home with her lover and their two daughters in Italy, where she later offered friendship and refuge to Mary and Percy Shelley and Claire Clairmont. However, her achievements as a writer, whose published works included three political pamphlets, four collections of children's stories, an advice manual for mothers and a novel for young women, have received scant critical attention. In Selene, Lady Mount Cashell negotiates her own experiences of early privilege, the pain of an unhappy marriage, and the eventual recuperation of personal equilibrium through a second relationship enjoyed in relative seclusion. However, Selene is much more than a personal meditation on female experience, as Lady Mount Cashell's caustic view of early nineteenth-century English society illuminates aspects of the broader cultural context of the period.

Laura Lunger Knoppers Politicizing Domesticity from Henrietta Maria to Milton’s EvePoliticizing Domesticity from Henrietta Maria to Milton’s Eve. Laura Lunger Knoppers. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011. Pp. xiv+225.

Laura Lunger Knoppers Politicizing Domesticity from Henrietta Maria to Milton’s EvePoliticizing Domesticity from Henrietta Maria to Milton’s Eve. Laura Lunger Knoppers. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011. Pp. xiv+225.

Eliza Haywood and the Narratological Tropes of Secret History

1785 Clara Reeve divided Eliza Haywood's oeuvre into three parts: the amorous written youth ; the books of the same kind as Mrs. Manley's capital work, all of which I hope forgotten; and finally, latter works, none of which are destitute of merit (120-21). Although she inaugurated the now familiar binary distinction between and late Haywood, Reeve nevertheless praised Haywood, three decades after death, for skills as a writer across various genres: the novelist of Betsy Thoughtless (1751), the periodical writer of The Female Spectator (1744-45), and the miscellaneous writer of The Invisible Spy (1754). 1810, in On the Origin and Progress of Novel Writing, Anna Barbauld narrowed the lens through which subsequent generations would understand Haywood 's by empha- sizing the distinction between earlier novels . . . in the style of Mrs. Behn's (i.e. licentious) and her later works which Barbauld judges by no means void of merit (400-01). Haywood had thus become by the early nineteenth century a marginalized novelist whose novels were valued in inverse proportion to their level of licentiousness.By the time Ian Watt wrote his Rise of the Novel in 1957, Haywood would be lumped together with Behn and Manley as a writer of inferior novels, those exhibiting the tropes of romance rather than the Whig realism he located in what for him was the central thread of the realist novel 's rise (18-19). sub- sequent decades, many of us worked to reposition Haywood 's within the of the novel, thus continuing a tendency to view primarily as a novelist.1 insightful new Political Biography of Eliza Haywood, Kathryn King shifts the critical conversation away from Haywood the novelist to Hay- wood the writer of political histories, plays, periodicals, and pamphlets. King teases out Haywood 's shifting partisan alliances across career, cor- recting the longstanding critical assumption that Haywood was a lifelong Tory. King also urges us to move beyond another critical truism: that of the binary opposition between and late Haywood. King believes that will not be enough to construct new linear narratives of Haywood 's work; it be necessary to do away with linearity altogether (195).Although I agree with King's caution against seeking a single linear narra- tive to describe Haywood 's work, I nevertheless propose that we may identify a consistent thread across Haywood 's career, one that is noticeable in less obviously political novels as well as in more overtly political pamphlets and periodicals: narratological engagement with the genre of history. analysis of Haywood 's adroitness at political parody, Earla Wilputte cau- tions: In our efforts to revise Haywood 's role as a novelist, we must be careful not to neglect other where she also uses novelistic techniques and discourse (Parody 230). We must likewise, I argue, consider the techniques of in both obviously political and novels.Scholars have recognized Delarivier Manley's style of in Haywood's two keyed histories from the 1720s and in Adventures of Eovaai (1736), but they have tended to overlook the traces of in that often appear to modern readers as apolitical of fiction.2 Nev- ertheless, Haywood 's engagement with is evident both in with secret history or secret memoirs on the title page, as well as in those marketed as pamphlets or novels. Across career, Haywood deployed two important narratological tropes of the historian: the tendency to reveal the secrets of public figures while concealing the author's own political position and the tendency to muse self-reflectively about the author's own role as a writer of in relationship to other writers of history. Moreover, Hay- wood 's facility in deploying these dual narratological devices of concealment and confession helps explain our difficulty in pinning down either intrinsic political sympathies or shifting partisan allegiances. …

Buṭrus al-Bustānī and the Shipwreck of the Nation

During the outbreak of violence and civil war in 1860 Mount Lebanon, Buṭrus al-Bustānī (1819–1883) in a series of political pamphlets entitled Nafīr Sūriyya painted an image of an imaginary nation that was meant to be the cure for this social crisis. He also translated the story of Robinson Crusoe during these times and proposed it as an allegory for the instruction of society. This article analyzes Bustānī's allegorical use of Robinson Crusoe for a war-torn society. It explores the implications of translation as an epistemological stance in the time of modernity. By Iooking at the two sources, Nafīr and Crusoe, we come to understand how the logic of 19th-century liberal political economy works to naturalize sectarianism and depoliticize it through the discourses of pluralism and co-existence that are articulated in Bustānī's formulation of ‘love’ as a binding force for the nation. The article explores the formation of a ‘national fantasy’ as a response to crisis in affectual terms. Moreover, it shows how Bustānī's invocation of the trope of human rights, ḥuqūq al-insāniyya, overlaps with a utopian view of justice that is knowingly anachronistic.