Political Opportunity Research Articles

Diaspora Protests and Social Uprisings under Authoritarianism

Abstract Expatriate citizens of countries under authoritarian rule have been increasingly engaging in protest against repression in their home countries. Whether such diaspora protests can boost social uprisings inside authoritarian countries, however, is yet to be analysed. I hypothesise that diaspora protests inspire protest against authoritarian rulers inside the home country by reducing political repression or providing the dissidents with a perception of political opportunity. To test this hypothesis, I use Iran as a case study of an authoritarian regime with a sizeable diaspora and notable protest surges in recent decades. Using daily protest data from 1996 to 2018, results show that protests against the Iranian regime by Iranian expatriates were followed by a significant increase in the chance of protest incidence inside Iran. This association is robust to a variety of modelling specifications and independent of the role of transnational organisational links between activists, which has been documented in the literature previously.

The lines of descent of the present crisis

The neoliberal settlement has been comprehensively destabilised by the 2007 financial crisis, the imposition of austerity, growing social inequalities and the emergence of populism as a social force. This article explores why institutional opposition to this settlement has principally taken a nationalist form in Britain. It does so through a history of the present by tracing the labyrinthine lines of descent and the social forces and conflicts from which the contemporary moment emerged. In particular, I show how the conditions for the emergence of these nationalist projects were produced incrementally over time and through a series of interrelated social processes. These included the caesura of the 1970s and the shift from Fordist to flexible regimes of accumulation secured by extinguishing the educated hope generated by an increasingly multi-ethnic politics and language of class; the bipartisan commitment to neoliberalism; the racialisation of class through state multiculturalism; and the long-term failure to arrest the structural decline of non-urban localities caused by the technical decomposition of class. In this explanation, the 2007 financial crash and the continuing indifference of the political elites to the deepening injuries of class and locality constituted an accelerant placed on an already emergent crisis of representation helping to engineer a transformation in the political opportunity structure by opening a space for nationalist mobilising structures to fill the political vacuum.

MUSLIM WOMEN AND POLITICS OF INDIA

Politics is the progeny of political engagement, which is the mother. As it produces, nurtures, develops, rules, and shapes politics, the former is of utmost importance to both the country and the individual. Because of this, political engagement in every aspect of a nation's affairs defines its politics, and despite the fact that women make up close to half of the population, their political importance is far less than that of men. Women make up the bulk of the population. Women have always been viewed as second-class citizens in communities where men dominated, as is evident from history. The potential of women has been limited by forcing them to carry out domestic tasks within of four walls. Indian women were not allowed to leave their homes. Their freedoms and rights had been revoked. Enrolling them in school was prohibited. They had an idea of the perfect housewife. They have no access to opportunities in society, politics, the economy, or health. Women must be given more influence if civilisation is to advance. Muslims have a tremendous influence on Indian society. The largest minority in this nation is them. In 2011, the overall population of India was 13.4% Muslim, with the majority of them residing in Lakshadweep and Jammu & Kashmir. Emerging nations like India are currently concerned about the empowerment of women. It is thought that a number of factors, including the "invisible" role and "marginal" social status of women in Muslim societal dynamics, have hampered the development of Muslim society. The rate of women's emancipation is in danger within the greatest Muslim minority. Lack of social chances for Muslim women is a severe issue that needs immediate attention. The position of Muslim women in India will be primarily examined in this essay.

Local Governance Diversity in the Unitary Authoritarian State: NGO-State Relations in Guangzhou and Hangzhou

ABSTRACT This study investigates how the different political opportunity structures (POS) are related to NGO mobilization in two Chinese cities, Guangzhou and Hangzhou. Based on 48 interviews from 2016–2019, the study finds that variance in NGO mobilization is related to differences such as rules for NGO registration, more or less open-minded local leaders, and a relatively more independent media. NGO governance in Hangzhou is characterized as coopted participation. A few NGOs are allowed some influence in policy making, but in order to be allowed to mobilize, NGOs must accept a certain degree of cooptation. NGO governance in Guangzhou is characterized as constrained autonomy as the government plays a less active role in mobilizing NGOs, and more initiative for policy influence comes from the NGOs themselves.

What (Who) Is Moderate Islam for? Malaysia's Ontological Security Seeking in the Post-September 11 Global Order

Abstract The popular yet ambiguous idea of moderate Islam has been treated with either interest or indifference in international relations. The interest hinges on hopes of Islamic reformism, whereas the indifference originates from a cynical view that sees moderate Islam campaigns as driven by political opportunism. These viewpoints conceptualize the idea of “moderate Islam” as exegetically rooted and seek to measure state actions based on that. This article argues that “Islamic” signifiers in the foreign policy narratives of Muslim states are better understood from the postcolonial subjectivities of their producers, who are most aware of uneven global cultural hierarchies. It demonstrates that elite Muslim narratives of moderate Islam are less about religious reformation as they are about ontological security seeking. This need for ontological security seeking by Muslim state elites stems from the historical stigmatization of Islam that is exacerbated by the Global War on Terror. Using the case of Malaysia, I highlight how discourses about moderate Islam in foreign policy operate through two mutually reinforcing discursive strategies: image building and image differentiation. Through historical and discourse analysis, I argue that both strategies contain a stigma-correction motive as they worked to craft this image of Malaysia being an exemplary “moderate” Muslim state.

The unusual weakness of the economic agenda at protests in times of austerity: the case of Serbia

ABSTRACT The Great Recession of 2008 created a political opportunity for the mobilisation of various social groups, especially those most affected by the crisis. However, the two largest protest waves in Serbia - Against Dictatorship and One of Five Million, did not articulate economic grievances as the most pressing. The main question is why economic demands were so weakly expressed during these protests. Our contention is that the protesters' predominantly middle-class backgrounds and a lack of class solidarity hampered the framing of popular discontent in economic terms. The analysis here is based on surveys of the protest participants.

‘The generation that will inherit Syria’: education as citizen aid and political opportunity

Grassroots initiatives to provide education were an integral part of efforts to stem the humanitarian disaster unleashed by the armed conflict in Syria. This article studies activists who organised informal schooling for children amid the devastating war. Building on life story interviews, we highlight the versatility of initiatives in the field of education for citizens who simultaneously engage in humanitarian action and mobilise for political change. There is a natural concern to detach humanitarian work from politics in order to gain and maintain a space for action. This has distanced the study of humanitarian aid from social movements research, which focuses on long-term struggles over power and political structures. We maintain, however, that the social movement literature generally, and studies on structural and cognitive political opportunity specifically, can help refine our understanding of the illusive nature of citizen aid. Our findings indicate that Syrians involved in humanitarian educational activities constructed their own structure of opportunities by monitoring shifting political and humanitarian conditions. Opening schools was a technical and pragmatic solution to the educational disaster caused by war. At the same time, it was motivated by a long-lasting desire to free Syria from its political plight and to offer an alternative.

Organisasi Masyarakat Sipil dalam Pembentukan Perda Zonasi Wilayah Pesisir dan Pulau Kecil di Bangka Belitung

This article aimed to identify the involvement of civil society organizations in the process of local policy arrangement. This descriptive-qualitative research accounted for the analysis of WALHI Bangka Belitung participation in the process of the arrangement of Regional Regulation Number 3 of 2020 concerning Zoning Plans for Coastal Areas and Small Islands of the Bangka Belitung Archipelago Province in 2020-2040. The result suggested that WALHI Bangka Belitung are actively having their contribution in organizing the zoning regulation in the forms of a series of criticisms addressed to the government and parliament through the mass media. However, it is formally recognized as unsubstantial or merely procedural participation. The involvement of elements of civil society in this case is solely in order to get around the procedure for drafting participatory legislation. On the other hand, the result emphasizes the participation of WALHI Bangka Belitung possibly is supported by the availability of political structure opportunities. First, the policy emergence seemingly representing the state’s interest to exploit the sea through tin mining instead of accommodating fishermen or coastal society interests. Second, the requirement of democratic policy arrangement is guaranteed by the Constitution by means of the availability of participation occasion.

Policy advocacy of nongovernmental organizations in China: A quasi‐replication of Zhan and Tang (2013, 2016)

AbstractThis study widely replicates the original studies by Zhan and Tang to verify the impact of political opportunities and the resources of organizations on policy advocacy, which uses a much larger sample of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) who engage with social work. The main findings of the present study are similar to those of the original studies. First, the study finds that the higher the level of government support, the more likely NGOs is to engage in policy advocacy. Second, the NGOs with stronger political connections are more active in policy advocacy. Third, the income of an organization also has a positive effect on policy advocacy. However, the number of full‐time staff, location, and the level of registration of an organization does not have a significant effect on policy advocacy. The study increases the understanding of policy advocacy and the relations between the state and society in China.

КЛАСИФІКАЦІЙНІ ОЗНАКИ МІЖНАРОДНИХ ПАРЛАМЕНТСЬКИХ ІНСТИТУЦІЙ: ДО ПИТАННЯ ПРО ТЕОРЕТИЧНІ АСПЕКТИ МІЖНАРОДНОГО ПАРЛАМЕНТАРИЗМУ

B a c k g r o u n d . The search for new forms and directions of activity of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine in the international arena actualizes the need for theoretical understanding of the classification features of international parliamentary institutions as a problem that has not found coverage in domestic science today. At the same time, the theoretical aspects of the formation and functioning of the structures of international parliamentarism are actively studied by foreign authors, which makes it possible to generalize existing developments and form a holistic view of the specifics of international parliamentary institutions. The object of research is the classification features of international parliamentary institutions that form a multilevel and multivariate system of modern international parliamentarism. M e t h o d s . The paper uses a descriptive method focused on analytical description and allocation of separate groups of international parliamentary institutions; systemic method – to identify internal organizational principles and specifics of the functioning of international parliamentary institutions; empirical method – to highlight the practical and political potential of international parliamentary structures. R e s u l t s . The article is focused on consideration of organizational bases and principles of functioning of international parliamentary institutions of different levels with identification of their formal status and political opportunities. It has been formed objective ideas about the potential of international parliamentary institutions in the international arena as a platform for realization of urgent international problems of supranational, regional or special political orientation. The system of interrelations of international parliamentary institutions with related international organizations with the tendency of turnover of their status and powers in accordance with international structures has been determined. The prospects of scientific research in the direction of international parliamentary institutions as a potential resource in the system of international diplomacy and international relations of Ukraine are outlined. C o n c l u s i o n s . The practical aspect of interaction with international parliamentary institutions implies a clear awareness of their formal status, organizational principles, political capabilities, which makes possible a more specific, and thus effective course of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine in the field of interparliamentary diplomacy and inter-parliamentary relations.

Fertile Pairings: A Cultural History of the Early Commercial Mandate of the Société des alcools du Québec (1968–1978)

This article sheds light on wine sales in Quebec after the creation of the Société des alcools du Québec (SAQ) in 1971. Wine blended with the state’s economic and nationalistic orientations and helped legitimize the profitability of the SAQ. Not only did it become the perfect vehicle to replace the temperance code of moral conduct based on respectability with a new hedonistic one projected onto the trope of middle-class modernity, but it also allowed for a reinvestment in Quebec’s French genealogy in a context of national and linguistic affirmation. This is the story of how a consumer product, whose popularity is rather recent, carved out a place for itself in Quebec’s modern identity. This place, which was neither inevitable nor self-evident, appears to be the result of cultural, economic, and political ambitions and opportunities.

The US Congress 118th: a Gender Portrait

Senator Patty Murray of Washington was solemnly sworn in by Vice President Kamala Harris in the Old Senate Hall on Capitol Hill in Washington on January 3, 2023, in front of Murray's husband, Rob Murray. She became the first woman to temporarily become President of the Senate. The episode is like a historical symbol of the conquest of heights of power by American women in the first quarter of the 21st century: a duet of American women perform a "routine" action in the procedure for transferring power. The American press, not without reason, interprets the results of the election of women to various levels during the 2022 midterm elections as “new records”. The 118th US Congress (2022-2024) has a record number of women. The point of view that it was the issue of abortion that helped "limit the losses of the Democrats" in the last election cycle was widely accepted among specialists. The Supreme Court's dismissal of Roe v. Wade has placed abortion at the center of the election debate, along with the economy, inflation and immigration. The election took place amid a global financial downturn and a notable rise in the cost of living in the United States. In addition, they are the first since the June 2022 Supreme Court ruling overturned the 1973 Roe v. Wade decision. The Democrats retained control of the Senate. The Republican Party won a majority in the House of Representatives. In thinking about expanding the political power and representation of American women, it is necessary to consider the barriers to women's retention in office and how to remove those barriers, recognizing the full range of diversity among them—and, in particular, the diversity of their political experiences and opportunities—in political institutions. The gubernatorial level of power demonstrates the same trend. Nearly a quarter of all US governors are women. Moreover, there are twice as many women democrats among them. In total, 12 American women occupy this level of office: 8 of them are Democrats, 4 - Republicans.

Family Stability across European Countries, in the Context of Political and Social Challenges and Opportunities

Family Stability across European Countries, in the Context of Political and Social Challenges and Opportunities

The Wagner Group as a Tool of Russian Hybrid Warfare

Unrest, conflicts, and wars in various parts of the world have created huge political and business opportunities for private military companies. They can gather intelligence, provide security for rich and powerful political actors, and provide mercenaries to interest groups worldwide. Private Russian military forces with close ties to President Vladimir Putin are used in war zones and continue expanding their presence in many regions worldwide. The Wagner Group is the most famous Russian mercenary unit. It gained notoriety mainly by supporting Russian forces in the conflict in Ukraine in 2014. At that time, it also provided one of the services that the authorities in the Kremlin particularly appreciate in their actions, and that is the lack of attribution for conducting armed conflicts, thanks to which mercenaries play the role of separatist fighters. Since then, the organisation has been deployed in many countries, including Syria, Libya, Mali, the Central African Republic, Sudan, and Venezuela, always to covertly support representatives of regimes favoured by Putin. Like all other mercenary units in Russia, the Wagner Group does not officially exist, because Russian law does not allow mercenary activities. The article has two main objectives: first, to present an analysis of the activities of the Wagner Group, using the currently available information; second, to prove that the concept of hybrid warfare could best explain the Kremlin’s use of Russian mercenaries.

CHEGA! A sceptre of the mainstream Portuguese parties' disaggregation or a spectre of fascism?

Over the past four decades, Portuguese voters have imprinted a solid resistance to the emergence of far-right parties in the political setting. However, this time ended in the 2019 legislative elections when the CHEGA, a self-located party on the far-right spectrum, with a posture assumed as anti-system and unconcerned with the accusations of racism and hate exhilaration, elected André Ventura to the national parliament. Moreover, in the 2021 presidential elections, he got 497,746 votes, a scant point to be the second most-voted candidate. The 2022 legislative elections placed CHEGA as the third most-voted party, and the number of members in parliament has climbed to twelve. This article critically examines the political constraints and opportunities for the rise of the CHEGA party in the Portuguese political setting. It argues that CHEGA emerges from the disintegration of centre-moderate right parties and the interruption of the emancipatory function of the leftist parties coupled with a ubiquitous traditional media landscape, which has proved favourable to the CHEGA propensity towards the Portuguese electorate and without scrutinise its narratives opposing the dominant ruling system. Beyond news media and cumulatively, social networks have also increased party exposure by recruiting affiliates and strengthening support bases.

AS ESTRUTURAS DE OPORTUNIDADES POLÍTICAS À LUZ DAS VIOLÊNCIAS NA AMÉRICA LATINA

Abstract The article discusses the concept of Political Opportunity Structure, central to the Political Process Theory, which emerged in the 1960s, in North America, and is essential to the study of social movements. Its objective is to nuance the use of this concept, after presenting its context of initial formulation and addressing the main criticisms, reformulations-internal and external-and a proposal to include the category of violence, notably from Latin American experiences. From a qualitative approach, with an extensive bibliographic review, it concludes that the neglect of the polysemical category of violence provided an often mistaken reading of the classic questions of this field, namely, how and why subjects mobilize. Furthermore, we come up with readings that definitely include the different uses of violent practices both in social movements and to repress them in the analysis of political opportunities.

ПОЛИТИЧЕСКАЯ КОНЪЮНКТУРНОСТЬ ПРАВА КАК ПРОБЛЕМА УГОЛОВНОЙ ПОЛИТИКИ

The study aims to identify the connection between politics and law and the effect of such connection on social and legal reality, including the state and efficacy of criminal policy. The author aims at updating theoretical provisions about the state and law and concepts of legal understanding to determine the discourse of political and legal reality that provides certain properties of law and law enforcement in the battle against crime. The author expands upon this connection using general scientific (analysis, synthesis, comparison) and specific scientific (axiological, historical, sociological, and special legal) methods of scientific knowledge, which allow examining the general and special value content of law and politics. The influence of politics on law can affect the fundamental principles of the law nature. It may lead to a number of unfavorable consequences in the battle against crime, starting from the ineffectiveness of special criminal and criminal legal measures that control the criminalization of society to a state threatening society, which can be defined as the “disbandment” of law. The main issue of modern domestic criminal policy is political opportunism of the law, which is characterized by legislative instability and multidirectional vectors in crime-fighting strategy and tactics. Thus, it endangers the well-being and security of citizens, society, and the state. Legal and political ideas must have a common value content that links law and politics with dialectical unity. In a democratic state governed by the rule of law, law, in its integrative understanding, should be the basis for politics in general and criminal policy in particular.

Can Gordon Brown and Keir Starmer Save the UK ?

Can Gordon Brown and Keir Starmer Save the <scp>UK</scp> ?

O estabelecimento da moratória da soja na Amazônia Brasileira: ação ambiental estratégica para explorar oportunidades em múltiplos campos

Abstract The paper addresses how environmental movement organizations were able to establish the soy moratorium in the Brazilian Amazon. It combines the Strategic Action Field (SAFs) perspective with ideas of social movements theory, addressing markets as cultural, political and historical constructions. Qualitative research was conducted using data from multiple sources. Debating with authors who conceptualized the political opportunity structures (POS) of markets, we demonstrate that these may be better understood as an ensemble of interconnected SAFs. In order to deal with closed POS in the Amazon, environmental organizations had to strategically shift the scale and internationalize their protests, identifying and taking advantage of openings in European sectors and companies and pressuring them into using their force to transform the practices of major soy traders.

Ghana’s Free Zones Strategy and the “Role of China” in It

This paper explores the history of free zones in Ghana and Ghanaian policy makers’ related strategy. It looks at the “role of China” in these zones: both in terms of Chinese companies’ presence there, and in terms of reference to a “Chinese model” to develop free zones. On the one hand, the domestic success of special economic zones in China has validated this model and justified the creation of “Chinese SEZs” in a few African countries. On the other hand, despite a significant presence of Chinese investors and companies in Ghana - including one newly established Chinese industrial park - we find that China’s role in Ghanaian free zones is negligible. We attribute this finding, together with the absence of “Chinese SEZs” in Ghana, to a host of variables, including: Ghanaian leaders’ and policy-makers’ strategies, the country’s framework and trajectory with regard to free zones, the business environment, and some missed political opportunities.