Political Mobilization Research Articles

‘Jihad is Planted in Our Hearts’: International Aid, Rebel Institutions and Women’s Participation in the Bangsamoro

ABSTRACT This article explores the encounter between the Women, Peace and Security agenda and rebel institutions in Mindanao. The analysis highlights that activities aiming to support women’s participation in peacebuilding often exist in parallel with and fail to fully recognise women’s existing forms of mobilisation within Non-State Armed Groups. This gap is bridged by civil society brokers who are associated with armed groups but speak the language of international peacebuilding frameworks. The findings point to the important role of such intermediaries in translating international norms, and to rebel groups and institutions as arenas for women’s political mobilisation and empowerment.

Ethnic Visibility

AbstractThe political utility of ethnicity is typically attributed to the ease with which it can be observed. However, ethnic visibility is not universal, and I argue that its variation has political implications; namely that more visible group members support ethnic parties at higher rates because they have the most to gain (or lose) from ethnopolitical competition. Using original data from Malawi, I find that individual‐level ethnic visibility is indeed strongly associated with ethnic party support. I provide further evidence that visibility induces party support instrumentally by shaping expectations about others’ ability to correctly infer ethnic belonging. I also show that the theory generalizes to the group level, with more visible ethnic groups across Africa being more likely to vote ethnically. These results qualify a central assumption in instrumental theories of ethnic politics—that ethnic identities are always visible—and help explain variation in the success of ethnic political mobilization.

The History of Ethnicised Politics in Kenya and its Impact on the Management of the Country’s Public Affairs

This paper deploys historical analysis, conceptual analysis and critical reflection to examine the history of ethnicised politics in Kenya and its negative impact on the management of the country’s public affairs. It sets out with a conceptualisation of ‘ethnicised politics’. It then traces the growth of ethnicised politics in Kenya from the dawn of British colonialism to the present. Thereafter, it reflects on the five-pronged negative impact of ethnicised politics on the country, namely, the gross disparities in economic development along ethno-regional lines, the disproportionately limited economic opportunities for ethnic minorities, the stunting of the growth of issue-based politics, the stoking of violent inter-ethnic conflicts, and the vulnerability of highly urbanised persons and/or those born out of mixed marriages with no strong ethnic loyalties. It concludes that contrary to the widely-held view that Kenyans ought to abandon their ethnic identities in pursuit of ‘nation-building’, respect for the right to cultural identity and the promotion of inter-ethnic equity would make political mobilisation along ethnic lines less attractive.

Beyond Collateral Damage: The Politics of Civilian Victimization in a Civil War

Abstract Under what conditions do states pursue counterinsurgency measures with little disregard for civilian life? This article argues that the states have an incentive to engage in group-selective violence involving disproportionate force when facing a local population sympathetic to an armed insurgent organization. Such a military strategy allows the state to punish the local population while claiming that civilian casualties are an unintended consequence of its counterinsurgency campaign. Using a nuanced measurement of civilian victimization that transcendences the dichotomous distinction between intentional and unintentional killings, this study focuses on the Kurdish conflict in Turkey. The empirical analyses, based on an original violent events dataset, demonstrate that the Turkish state’s counterinsurgency campaign involves group-selective violence characterized by disproportionate force that aims to neutralize domestic and international reactions, punishes dissident political mobilization, and brandishes the government’s nationalist credentials to the majority population.

The social embeddedness of elections: Ghana’s 2016 and 2020 campaigns

ABSTRACT Campaign rallies serve as arenas of political communication where candidates present their campaign messages face-to-face in order to gain votes. This article suggests that rallies are one of several forms of campaign visits along with official business stops, courtesy calls to local notables, and personal interactions with constituents. Drawing on an original dataset of campaign visits in Ghana's 2016 and 2020 elections, we find that a significant political learning process took place between the two races for candidates of the two major parties, as candidates diversified their strategies beyond the rally-intensive campaign. Candidates extended the communicative and representative elements of the traditional rally through socially embedded practices by relying on occupational groups like market associations and fisherfolk to mobilise voters. By explaining the meaning behind different forms of campaign visits, we conclude that campaign rallies and other visits are embedded in social realities that shape political mobilisation.

A case study of three communities – Indigenous Women, jurisprudence and Climate Justice

abstract The women of the Ogoni Tribe in Nigeria, those of the Dongria Kondh tribe in India, and the Ogiek women from Kenya could perhaps not be more distant geographically. However, the underlying threads of courage, the determination to fight for social justice and the resistance to depredation and attacks on their ways of life weave them together. These economically vulnerable communities have been systematically discriminated against by the state and neglected by the larger society. Furthermore, their lands and livelihoods have been increasingly subject to unrelenting attacks from the ever pervasive “development”. Their resilience in the face of systematic oppression may hold relevance and important lessons for us too, as the world around becomes more complex and vulnerable, due largely to economic greed and social inequality; the effects of which are seen in and in turn hastened by climate change and environmental degradation. This article attempts to identify the common threads in the struggles of these communities and the lessons that their experiences of social and political mobilisation offer to us. Specifically, the article will focus on the role women have played and will also look to underpin these struggles and responses theoretically so their exemplary successes may be replicated to inspire similar movements across the world. In essence, the authors study commonalities intertwined between climate and social justice movements spearheaded by vulnerable women in the global South to understand and highlight their contribution to the jurisprudence of evolving movements across the world.

Caste and politics in (West) Bengal: in conversation with Sekhar Bandyopadhyay

ABSTRACT Although many commentators believed that caste did not matter in West Bengal, in recent years it has emerged as a significant factor in electoral politics. The decline of the Left and the rise of the centrist-incumbent have fanned identity politics and the resurgence of caste-based political mobilisation. In this conversation, Sekhar Bandyopadhyay, a well-known expert in the history and politics of caste in Bengal, illuminates the complexities, uniqueness and dynamics of caste politics in colonial Bengal and contemporary West Bengal. The interview explores the evolution of the caste-system in colonial Bengal, its differences with the rest of India and the multiple manifestations of caste-based politics in contemporary West Bengal. Bandyopadhyay reflects on the intersection of caste with other categories of class and religion, the lower-castes’ involvement, appropriation and neglect in the political spectrum, and the future of caste and politics in West Bengal.

Ethnonationalist Engagements, Historic Norms, and the Politics of Sport in American Culture

Abstract Activism and political mobilization in and around the athletic world in the last decade have given rise to a renewed interest in the relationships among sport, politics, and social change. Much of the analysis so far has been driven by public reception of left-leaning activism; curiously missing from these discussions, however, has been the impact of more conservative and populist engagements. This article takes up that topic by examining the ways in which Donald Trump and the Make America Great Again (MAGA) movement dealt with sport and race-based athlete activism during his presidential campaign and term in office. Starting with their attacks on Black athlete activists, I will set ethnonationalist uses of sport in historical and theoretical context and explicate the ways in which these engagements challenge long-held cultural norms and established social conventions about the role of sport in social and political life. Ultimately, I argue that a critical, historically informed analysis of recent ethnonational populist engagements can enhance theories of both populism and the cultural status and political functioning of sport itself.

Indigeneity and Indigenous Politics: Ground-breaking Resources

The purpose of this article is to relate the very important question of the autonomy of indigenous peoples to freely make decisions about their life with the notion of indigeneity, reconceptualised as a socially constructed and deeply contested resource. Resources are more than mere static assets or quantities of matter waiting to be measured, explored or protected. Something becomes a resource through joint processes of quantification, valuation, and normalisation. Along these lines, indigeneity is not just the ascertainment of something or someone in relation to ‘somewhat else’, but a nexus of indigenous peoples’ self-realisation and political intervention. To be indigenous is to exist politically in space and in relation to antagonist forces and processes that constantly downgrade their ethnic and social condition. Indigeneity is, thus, a resource that presupposes the value and the fight for their rights and for other (so-called) indigenous resources found in their lands. The main contribution here is the claim that indigeneity is a ground-breaking resource and a reaction formulated in the interstices of the old and new machineries of market-oriented coloniality. Indigeneity is reinterpreted as a special, highly politicised resource that directly and indirectly opposes processes of world grabbing and the appropriation of other territorialised resources from indigenous areas. It is concluded that indigeneity, as a resourceful resource, has become a key factor in the process of external and internal recognition, which galvanises political mobilisation and instigates novel forms of interaction. What makes indigenous peoples more and more unique is also what makes them share a socio-political struggle with allied, subaltern social groups.

Legacies of Repression in Egypt and Tunisia: Authoritarianism, Political Mobilization, and Founding Elections by Alanna C. Torres-Van Antwerp

Legacies of Repression in Egypt and Tunisia: Authoritarianism, Political Mobilization, and Founding Elections <i>by Alanna C. Torres-Van Antwerp</i>

Young People's Attitudes towards Democracy and Political Participation: Evidence from a Cross-European Study

AbstractSome scholars warn about democratic disaffection of young people potentially leading to processes of ‘democratic deconsolidation’. Conversely, others interpret young people's preference for non-conventional forms of participation as a manifestation of democratic renewal. We surveyed respondents from nine European countries and analysed differences in attitudes of opposition to democracy across age groups and how these preferences shape political mobilization. Our findings show that the youngest adult group is no less supportive of liberal democracy than older age groups. Second, although attitudes of opposition towards democracy decrease political mobilization, this association is independent of age. Thus, young people's critical views of democracy rarely translate into apathy for democracy. Finally, our results provide insights into intra-generational democratic attitude differences by showing how young people's individual attributes are likely to crystallize into different value configurations and patterns of democratic engagement over time but within specific contexts.

The Impact of Non-Violent Muslim Extremism: Reflections on Indonesia and Malaysia

Numerous pieces of research have addressed the issue of terrorism and radicalism in Southeast Asia, and security studies are inundated with works covering its origin, function, and impact. However, this article argues that equal attention should be given to non-violent extremism and its impact on societies at the discursive level. By examining case studies from Indonesia and Malaysia, two Muslim-majority nations, this article contends that the question is not whether non-violent extremism directly or indirectly leads to terrorism, but how it can also shape policies and regulations through lobbying, trigger mass political mobilization, and nurture intolerance and hatred towards minority groups.

Impact of Social Media on Indian Politics after Covid-19 Pandemic

The COVID-19 pandemic has significantly impacted Indian politics, particularly regarding the role of social media. This research paper explores the effects of social media on Indian politics in the post-pandemic era. It examines how social media platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, and WhatsApp have become essential tools for political communication, citizen engagement, and electoral campaigns. The paper discusses the positive aspects of social media, such as direct connectivity between politicians and constituents, increased citizen participation, and the amplification of marginalized voices. However, it also addresses challenges, including the spread of misinformation, privacy concerns, and algorithmic biases. The literature review studies political mobilization, polarization, electoral campaigns, privacy, and data security. Overall, this research aims to provide insights into the multifaceted impact of social media on Indian politics after the COVID-19 pandemic and identify opportunities to leverage these platforms effectively while mitigating risks.

The Minsk Accords and the Political Weakness of the “Other Ukraine”

Abstract The article discusses the political contention around the implementation of the Minsk Accords in Ukraine, and why the pluralist nation-building project required for the success of these accords failed. The much-debated cleavage between the more ‘pro-Western’ and more ‘pro-Russian’ regions of Ukraine requires that such an alternative be taken seriously. The article argues that neither the change of the balance in favor of the pro-Western electorate in 2014, nor the rise of Ukraine’s civic identity in response to Russian aggression can adequately explain the failure to develop a positive, pluralist nation-building project in the context of Minsk. It argues instead that the profound class and political asymmetry between Ukraine’s ‘Western’ and ‘Eastern’ political camps created different capacities for the universalization of their particular interests, and for effective political mobilization for and against the Minsk Accords in the context of Euromaidan’s revolutionary dynamics.

Social Media Influencers’ Role in Shaping Political Opinions and Actions of Young Audiences

Social media influencers have become an indispensable part of social media, informing audiences, especially young ones, about various topics, such as beauty, lifestyle, or food. Recently more political influencers have emerged, and regular influencers have increasingly taken positions on political and societally relevant topics, including climate justice and gender equality. Yet, empirical evidence on how both types of influencers are perceived by their audiences and how they might impact young audiences regarding political action is scarce. Hence, the present study set out to investigate adolescents’ and young adults’ use and perception of social media influencers in the context of political information dissemination, opinion formation, and mobilization. With the help of qualitative interviews of young people in Germany (16–22 years), we show that while the mainstream media seems to still be the primary source of political information, influencers focused on politics are increasingly used to make sense of this information. The presumed impact ranges from amplifying the effects of existing opinions to opinion formation and changes in voting intentions based on the assessment provided by the influencer. Regular influencers who talk about political topics occasionally are not perceived as reliable sources of political information.

Ethnic Conflict and the Informational Dividend of Democracy

Abstract Prevailing theories of democracy focus on class conflict. In contrast, we study democratic transition when ethnic tensions are more salient than the poor/rich divide, building a model where (i) ethnic groups negotiate about allocating the economic surplus and (ii) military and political mobilizations rest on the unobserved strength of ethnic attachment. Free and fair elections elicit information and restore inter-ethnic bargaining efficiency. Autocrats can rationally choose democratic transition, even if they risk losing power, as elections reduce the opposition’s informational rent. The predictions of our framework are consistent with novel country-level and ethnic group-level panel correlational evidence on democratization in the post-decolonization period.

Setting the new European agenda for adult learning 2021-2030

Following the COVID-19 pandemic, international organisations and governments have issued mitigation policies, and (re)oriented broader policy strategies to respond to new problematisations about the future. In this context, the education ministers of the European Union (EU) adopted a Council Resolution on a new European agenda for adult learning 2021-2030. Drawing on the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF), this paper examines the political mobilisation and agenda setting behind this Resolution through network ethnography and the analysis of belief systems. The findings point at an increased social dialogue, favoured by an ‘uncommon’ way – as by our informants – through which the Slovenian Ministry of Education pursued the agreed priority at EU level, while holding the rotating Presidency of the Council of the EU. While visibility of adult learning rose under COVID-19, advocacy coalitions formed at national (Slovenian) and European level facilitated stronger alignment in agenda setting among different actors towards a holistic approach that calls for inter-sectorial and multi-stakeholder collaboration.

‘On the Border, I Learned How to Advocate’: Borderlands as Political Spaces for Burmese Women’s Activism

Abstract This article explores the political space of the border through the experiences of women activists from Myanmar, for whom the borderlands in Thailand have provided refuge as well as a conducive environment for political mobilization. At the same time, the border renders refugee activists insecure and precarious. Drawing on life history interviews, our analysis expands conceptualizations of the border as a dynamic political space by illustrating its dual capacity to both facilitate and constrain the political agency of refugee women from Myanmar. In particular, the spatial and temporal fluidity and in-betweenness of the border is shown to foster both repression and resistance. Exploring the character and salience of the border as a space for activism over time, we demonstrate how the political space of the border is relational, constituted in interaction with other political spaces, such as politics and governance in Myanmar, transnational activist networks, and the politics of international aid.

Echoing Syari'ah in City Spaces: The Framing Process and Political Mobilization of the Islamic Movement in North Sumatra

&#x0D; This article discusses the Islamic political movement in fighting for sharia as an ethic of life in urban areas in Indonesia. In a more detailed manner, this article explores the idea of sharia as the main ingredient in the framing process and explores the movement's strategy to resonate with this frame, which then opens up opportunities for the formation of a wave of support for serial movement actions in Medan, North Sumatra. With the framing model in social movement studies, the data was collected from observations and interviews with several movement actors, and several supporting documents. This study found that the idea of this movements such as “Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia Bersyari’ah” (Indonesia Nation State based on Sharia) which is close to the social psychology of the masses met with the right events to generate great support for the movement. The ability of the elites to concoct the movement ideas, and the management of social media to spread such framing, made a mass wave of supporters strengthen. The struggle for sharia in the public space played by the movement here basically does not have a clear political agenda unless, temporarily, it is used only in electoral momentum, resonating as an expressive channel of the defeat against other groups in controlling the city's political economy space. Here, I argue that the study of ideology in social movements requires an expansion of dimensions that can explain more fully why a movement immediately grows or shrinks briefly or lasts a long time.

Political violence and mobilisation in Brazil’s Amazonian region during Bolsonaro’s government (2019–2022)

In recent years, Brazil has experienced rising violence against activists and increasing deforestation levels in the Amazon. The processes leading to those events are not new. However, various discourses and events have intensified and underpinned extractive interests during Bolsonaro’s government. Hence, this article analyses the relationship between the State and activists in the Brazilian Amazon region between 2019 and 2022. It focuses on three regional paradigmatic case studies: (1) the ongoing gold miners’ (garimpeiros) invasion of the Yanomami territory; (2) the arrest of four environmentalists accused of setting fire to the forest in 2019; and (3) the murder of the journalist Dominic Phillips and the Indigenist Bruno Pereira in 2022. The case studies utilise publicly available data from reports, interviews, press releases and newspaper articles. Our main objective is to provide an overview of the characteristics of an increasingly antagonistic relationship between activists and the State. Drawing on those cases, the article builds on mobilisation theories, particularly Political Process Theories. Our central argument is that there are evident differences in the forms of repression activists face during far-right governments. This context shapes activism distinctively in the Amazonian region because violence routinely challenges social and environmental justice activism. Moreover, the current violence points to broader social questions and struggles between activists and agents of repression.