Political Maturity Research Articles

IMPLEMENTASI KEBIJAKAN PEMILIHAN KEPALA DAERAH (PEMILUKADA) DI KABUPATEN WAROPEN TAHUN 2020

The election of regional heads is a tool to increase public participation in the life of the nation and state and can be regulated through a mechanism of openness and equality for every citizen and is a process of transitioning leaders of a region that involves the real role of the public or the people in a sovereign manner. The objectives of this study: 1. To examine and analyze how the implementation of the Regional Head Election Policy (Pemilukada) in Waropen 2020. 2. To examine and analyze the supporting and inhibiting factors of the Implementation of the Regional Head Election Policy (Pemilukada) in Waropen 2020. The methodology of this research is descriptive qualitative. . The results of this study indicate that the Waropen Regional Head Election was carried out in the following indicators: 1). Standard policy targets. 2). Policy resources. 3). Communication between organizations. 4). Characteristics of the implementing agency. 5). Executor attitude. 6). Social, political and economic conditions. Of these six indicators, the independence and individual organizers of the event are still involved in supporting one of the candidates for the 2020 Regent and Deputy Regent. Conclusion. 1. Standards and policy objectives the statutory provisions in guarding the Regional Head Election are free, general, honest, fair and dignified as regulated in the regulations, but in practice there is a delay in entering the Covid-19 pandemic. 2. Policy resources and implementing characteristics are available both through regulations, but the consistency of the organizers is still questionable. 3. Filling in the composition of people or members of the organizers (KPUD commissioners, PPK/PPD, KPPS and KPU witnesses) is delayed. 4. Late budgeting affects the activities of each stage of the General Election. 5. Logistics and other supporting facilities were delayed. Suggestions: 1. It is hoped that the standards and policy objectives as regulated in the provisions of the legislation related to the Election of Regional Heads are supported by good quality organizers (KPUD, PPK/PPD, PPS and KPPS). 2. It is expected that the provision of policy resources and characteristics of implementers is on time on the indicators. a. Provision of various regulatory policies. b. Office and work administration. c. Fill in the composition of people or members of the organizers (KPUD commissioners, PPK/PPD, KPPS and KPU witnesses). d. Budgeting and e. Logistics and other supporting facilities. 3. It is expected that the attitude of implementers and communication between organizations related to the implementation of the Warope Regional Head Election remains independent or professional and is not involved in the succession of regional heads. 4. It is hoped that the quality of social democracy, health protocols, political maturity and the candidates for the Regent and Deputy Regent do not stipulate the Regional Revenue and Expenditure Budget (APBD).

Reconsidering the Minimum Voting Age in the United States

Several U.S. states have proposed bills to lower the minimum local and national voting age to 16 years. Legislators and the public often reference political philosophy, attitudes about the capabilities of teenagers, or past precedent as evidence to support or oppose changing the voting age. Dissenters to changing the voting age are primarily concerned with whether 16- and 17-year-olds have sufficient political maturity to vote, including adequate political knowledge, cognitive capacity, independence, interest, and life experience. We review past research that suggests 16- and 17-year-olds possess the political maturity to vote. Concerns about youths’ ability to vote are generally not supported by developmental science, suggesting that negative stereotypes about teenagers may be a large barrier to changing the voting age.

Effect of Multi-Channeled Cable TV and Varying Demographics on Political Enlightenment of Youth

Mass media is considered to be one of the important agents for the enlightenment of the audience towards better living. Media consumption has taken new trends due to availability of multi-channelled cable television on a large scale. It was hypothesized that the increase in media consumption might have enhanced the political maturity of viewers and make them more productive for society. For data collection through a survey questionnaire, multistage cluster sampling technique was used. Results of the study confirmed the fact that cable TV played a positive role in enhancing the political knowledge of youth. Moreover, the youth of cable TV areas was found to be more mature politically as compared to the youth of noncable TV areas. The study concluded that if more number of options is available in terms of different forms of media or as numerous TV channels, selective exposure becomes very hard and "enhancement in knowledge" is the ultimate result of this phenomenon, hence bringing up the betterment in political maturity of the people.

Juridical Analysis of Disharmonization between Local Leaders and Deputy Local Leaders in Local Government Systems

The relationship between the Local Leaders and Deputy Local Leaders often creates conflicts to disharmony. Reduced harmony between the Local Leaders and Deputy Local Leaders occurs in many regions in Indonesia. This study discusses the factors that Cause Disharmony between the Local Leaders and Deputy Local Leaders in the Government System and the Ideal Position of Deputy Local Leaders in the Decentralization System. The data collection method used in this study is library research. Literature research collects relevant data and information by books, magazines, articles, journals, writings, and legislation relating to the issues raised in this study. The research and discussion results in this study are the factors that cause disharmony between the Local Leaders and Deputy Local Leaders in the Local Government System are First, Political Maturity. Second, the unequal distribution of power and race to politicians. While the duties of Deputy Local Leaders regulated in Law No. 23 of 2014 concerning Local Government, where most of the first, assisting Regional Heads in Leading the implementation of local government affairs, Secondly, giving advice and consideration to Local Leaders in carrying out Local Government affairs. Third, carry out the Local Leaders’ daily tasks if the Local Leaders serve a period of detention or temporarily unavailable. Fourth, carry out other duties and authorities by statutory regulations.

Analysis of recalling the members of Mongolian Parliament by the voters

Usage of the mechanism of recalling the members of legislative body became relevant in recent years for improving discipline of the elected members of Mongolian Parliament. Due to the principle of division of powers and peculiarities of the legal status of high-ranking officials, the system of responsibility established by the Mongolian Law on Civil Service, is ineffective. The author examines the questions related to recall of the members of Mongolian Parliament, as well as compares the political responsibility of parliamentarians in different countries. An opinion is expressed, according to which the vague legal framework of responsibility of parliamentarians are being criticized by the public, which justifies the need for the reform of this type of responsibility of parliamentarians. There is yet no sufficient research on this type of responsibility of the members of parliament, and this is a novelty in the constitutional law of Mongolia and other countries. The effective use of this type of responsibility depends on multiple factors, including state administration, political culture, political maturity, and activity of the electorate. Analysis is conducted on the experience and measures taken by other countries with regards to parliamentary responsibility and recall of deputies, as well as notification of the citizens about existing procedures for recalling deputies. Clarification is made on the rights of voters to recall a member of parliament in order to increase effectiveness of the procedure for the recall of deputies.

Richard Jones: reforming the New South Wales colonial parliamentary electoral system in Australia

ABSTRACT The 1840s in New South Wales, in Australia, was a time of unsettled citizen unrest about the governance of their colony articulated in debates between liberalist and conservative newspapers whilst the Governor looked on. The tone of these debates included reforms to the electoral system, trade tariff, land settlement, and increasing antipathy to the governance administration of the colony. Caught in the middle, the Governor took instructions from London, tried to mediate the situation, before being directed to facilitate the establishment of colonial self-governance for 1856. While considerable aspirational weight by both the Governor and the community was placed on the new Legislative Assembly, the system floundered due to political maturity, its desire to quickly effect change and create reformation, and inconsistency voting allegiances in absence of political parties. The situation was exacerbated by a political gerrymander in favour of pastoralists and squatters to the chagrin of urban Sydney residents and businesses. Within this period of the 1850s, the inaugural Legislative Assembly members like Parkes, Cooper, Cowper, Robertson and Forster honed their debating and oratory skills, and sought to navigate within this new political environment. Within this unsettled period was a seasoned compositor and newspaper journalist, Richard Jones.

Drawing Lessons of Past Cooperation between EU and Central Asia for the Implementation of 2019 Strategy

In June 2019, the European Union presented a new ‘Strategy for Cooperation with Central Asia,’ a document which was elaborated following a process of consultation between the EU Member States, EU institutions and the Central Asian countries. Cooperation between the EU and Central Asia started immediately after independence, but it reached political maturity with the adoption of the 2007 Strategy for a New Partnership. The implementation of this Strategy showed the limited capacity of the EU to address local needs and challenges, while also dealing with its own internal crises and heavy foreign policy architecture. The 2019 Strategy aims at enhancing the political role of the European Union in Central Asia by better focusing on the priorities and correlating them with other strategic frameworks in the foreign policy area. However, in order to fully use the opportunities offered by the relative opening of the Central Asian countries to regional cooperation and the continued enhancement of political relations with the EU, Brussels needs to adapt flexible instruments of implementation for the Strategy.

The Independence of the Judges in the Governance of the Judicial System

The study is aimed at improving the legal and organizational mechanisms that ensure the implementation of the constitutional principle of the independence of judges and the independence of the judiciary. The category of independence of judges is analyzed through the prism of administrative relations in the judicial system, as well as in relation to the level of political maturity of society. Real subjects, aims and tools of management of judges are identified, as well as gaps in the legislation on the status of judges, creating conditions for limiting their independence. The author substantiates the thesis that the problem of the independence of the judiciary rests not only in the question of the balance between external and internal governance, but in the relationship between the judiciary and society. The research methodology is based on the intersection of legal and management analysis. Its conceptual basis is the so-called management approach in law, the initial premise of which is the assertion of the absence of “pure” legal relations, if their participants are subjects that are elements of organizational systems (courts, law enforcement agencies, etc.). These relationships always deviate to some extent from the ideal goals, as set out in the law, towards the goals dictated by organizational effectiveness. The research is based on the empirical base: the data of judicial statistics, the results of sociological research, the data of the included observation - the author’s experience as a magistrate and Federal judge. The study concludes that the strengthening of the independence of judges can occur only with the joint action of the judicial community and civil society. Specific organizational and legal measures aimed at increasing the independence of judges are proposed.

Are 16-year-olds able to cast a congruent vote? Evidence from a “voting at 16” initiative in the city of Ghent (Belgium)

An often used argument against lowering the voting age to the age of 16 is that this age group would lack a sufficiently high level of “political maturity” and therefore would not be able to cast a vote that is in line with their political opinions. In this paper, we use a unique initiative set up by the city of Ghent (Belgium) to invite 16- and 17-year-olds to take part in a mock election to investigate whether adolescents are able to cast an ideologically congruent or “correct” vote. Our results do not show differences in proximity voting between adolescents and adult respondents. Furthermore, we find no evidence of socio-economic stratification in the extent to which adolescents cast a congruent vote. Our conclusion, therefore, is that this recurrent argument against lowering the voting age lacks empirical validity.

«Коли не зберемо що найменше 10000 підписів, то весь наш розмах проти москаля піде на марно…» (участь полонених українців табору Раштат у загальноросійському революційному русі навесні 1917 р.)

У статті йдеться про проведення збору підписів полонених вояків-українців з табору Раштат (Німеччина) для уповноваження О. Скорописа-Йолтуховського представляти їх права та інтереси перед російським Тимчасовим урядом. З метою роз’яснення цього у таборовій газеті «Розсвіт» був опублікований заклик до полонених внести своє ім’я та прізвище до спеціальних підписних листів, які прикладались до кожного примірника цього випуску часопису. З табору до робітничих команд виїхали українські активісти, завданням яких стало проведення агітаційної акції у середовищі таборян. Їх заходами уповноваження О. Скоропису-Йолтуховському підписали 8829 полонених, що засвідчило їх достатньо високий рівень національно-громадської освіченості.

Community Participation: How the population contributes to urban planning and cities’ development in Brazil and Portugal

The urban environment, understood as the environment changed by man, is represented by the city as a space for the coexistence of individuals, endowed with an entire infrastructure composed of public goods and services, which aim at the well-being of its inhabitants. When people effectively participate in decision-making interest in cities, they feel more responsible for the outcome of their decisions, providing a political maturity of the population. In both Brazil and Portugal, the Master Plan is the main instrument for planning and regulating cities and the urban environment. The difference between them may lie in the fact that Brazil is one step ahead with popular participation in urban planning and participatory budgeting, probably due to the political and socio-economic characteristics of the country, and the needs that this condition imposes on its inhabitants. Regardless of both Brazil and Portugal already make great efforts in this direction, and the question of community involvement in the decision-making process, urban planning, and participatory budgeting is already addressed and considered (although at different levels, stages, and legal formalization), there is still much to be done in this direction to ensure the effective participation of the population in the construction and evolution of cities.

Generations and Protest in Eastern Germany: Between Revolution and Apathy

Abstract How is the protest behavior of citizens in new democracies influenced by their experience of the past? Certain theories of political socialization hold that cohorts reaching political maturity under dictatorship are subject to apathy. Yet, it remains unclear whether mobilization during the transition can counterbalance this effect. This article examines the protest behavior of citizens socialized in Eastern Germany, a region marked by two legacies: a legacy of autocracy and, following the 1989-90 revolution, a legacy of transitional mobilization. Using age-period-cohort models with data from the European Social Survey, the analysis assesses the evolution of gaps in protest across generations and time between East and West Germans. The results demonstrate that participation in demonstrations, petitions, and boycotts is lower for East Germans socialized under communism in comparison with West Germans from the same cohorts. This participation deficit remains stable over time and even increases for certain protest activities.

Bilibid and beyond: Race, body size, and the native in early American colonial Philippines

The United States’ occupation of the Philippines began with proclamations of a new era of development and the prospect of local political representation. In coming to grips with what they saw as America's civilising mission, colonial scholars and officials sought information about the peoples of the Philippines by conducting a census and various population studies, using an array of methodologies drawn from criminology and physical anthropology. This article traces and critiques representations of the Philippine population in the 1903 Philippine Census as well as in several related studies published in the early American period, which served to reduce the Filipinos to a state of ‘otherness’ which served to justify colonial projects. Several of these racialised studies used the inmates of Bilibid Prison, both alive and dead, as experimental and documentary subjects to create a record of Filipino ‘sample types’ for various administrative and other purposes, such as the exhibition at the St Louis World's Fair of 1904. Bilibid prisoners’ body size, brain weight, skin colour, facial features and other physical attributes were selectively correlated with other colonial constructions of Filipino individuals and groups, such as ‘wildness’ and political maturity.

Decentralization and Corruption

본 연구는 지방분권 또는 중앙집권의 정도가 과연 부패와 상관관계가 있는지를 알아보기 위하여 우리와 비슷한 헌정체제 및 지방분권의 역사적 경험을 가지고 있는 스페인, 이탈리아 및 프랑스의 경우를 경험적으로 분석․비교하여 논의해 보고자 하였다. 이러한 논의의 결과 지방분권을 강화하면 할수록 국가적으로 부패가 감소한다든지 또는그 반대로 중앙집권을 강화하면 할수록 부패가 증가한다든지 하는 주장은 최소한 프랑스, 이탈리아, 스페인 및 우리의 경우를 상호비교해서 경험적으로 살펴본 바에 의하면 맞지 않음을 알 수 있었다. 그것은 우리를 제외한 상기 세 나라는 지방분권국가임에도 불구하고 EU 반부패보고서와 국제투명성기구의 부패인식지수 및 세계경제포럼의 국가경쟁력 순위등 다양한 자료에 따르면, 국가재정의 부패로 인하여 국가부도사태까지 겪은 국가(이탈리아및 스페인)가 있는가 하면 프랑스와 같이 지방분권을 강화하면서도 부패수준이 낮고 효율 적으로 국토의 균형발전을 이루어내는 경우도 있었기 때문이다. 우리의 경우에는 지방분권의 실현정도가 비교적 낮은 위임형 지방분권국가 유형에 머물면서도 부패의 정도가 중간정 도인 점을 고려해보면(2016년과 2017년 이전까지는 39위～46위권이었다) 지방분권의 정도가 낮은 단계 내지 중앙집권적 국가가 부패하지 않다는 명제도 성립하지 않는다. 이러한 결과가 의미하는 바는 지방분권 내지 중앙집권의 정도에 따라 부패의 정도가 달라진다고 볼 것이 아니라 각 국이 처한 상황적 요인들 이를테면 국민성, 정치적 성숙성, 정치․경제․역사 및 문화의 다양성, 국민교육의 정도 등 다양한 요인들이 결합되어 나타나는 것이지, 단지 지방분권의 강화 여하에 따라 결정되는 것이 아님을 경험적으로 보여주는 것이라고 할 수 있을 것이다. 그러므로 우리나라의 지방분권을 강화하면서 부패를 방지하기 위해서는 지방분권이 성공할 수 있는 전제적 조건 즉 주민의 자발적 참여정신을 제고하고 직접 참여를 유도하는 정치문화적 풍토를 먼저 잘 조성하는 것이 중요하다. 그러나 이러한 정치적․문화적 풍토의 조성은 장기적 안목을 가지고 우선순위를 매겨 단계적이고도 점진적으로 시행해나가야 할것이다.The purpose of this paper is an attempt to study whether the corruption is related to the degree of the Centralization or Decentralization of the three nation, i.e. Italy, Spain, France which are the same constitutional structure and historical experiences as ours. It is not the truth in the outcome of this discussion that the more strengthening Decentralization is, the more decreasing the corruption is. It is the same thing that the more strengthening Centralization is, the more decreasing the corruption is. Although three nations are Decenralization nations, Italy and Spain experienced sovereign default in 2008-2009 and are suffering severe local corruption according to the EU Anti-Corruption Report, Corruption perception Index of Transparency International and State Competitiveness Index of World Economic Forum. This means that corruption of a nation depends not upon the degree of the Centralization or Decentralization but upon the interaction of the circumstancial factors, for example national character, political maturity, political․economic․historical and cultural diversity, the degree of the national education and so forth. Therefore, above all, it is the most important thing that create a political․cultural climate to attract voluntary participation from resident which is prerequisite condition for succession of decentralization gradually for a long-term perspective.

Young Voters’ Participation: General Election 2013

In the era of globalization, public concerns on young voters’ political participation is imperative. The purpose of this study is to examine three issues such as youth political participation, protest and radicalism including university students. The study of campus politics has been dominated by two paradigms which are political maturity and political consciousness to both party: proAspirasi and pro-Mahasiswa. This article argues in labelling pro-Mahasiswa as an antiestablishment party and have marginalized by the pro-Aspirasi, well known as the progovernment groups because they have been contested as the leftist or radical party. We first hypothesize that political campus has a direct negative effect such as protest and demonstration or a silent protest (abstention) because the deprivation of liberty is a cost. This type of effects may be endorsed under some conditions, it may be neutral, protest, radicalism or abstain. Some studies have found that the patterns and the trends of the young people’s movement since Independence has been marked with clearly outlined objectives, specifically to voice their concerns for some issues pertaining to the majority in society and in appealing to the government to address the said issues including democratization. Even though this group of people (young people) is a minority, but it is interesting to note that Malaysian young people’s movement set off with peaceful demonstrations. However, the movement eventually evolved to raise incentives for new form of protest. At the end, this study provide the concepts of protest and radicalism. For this purpose, the secondary data were analysed qualitatively. It is recommended that future research on students’ protest will take into account in comparing the perceptions towards the young voters’ participation in the election of 2013 and 2018.

MEMBANGUN KEDEWASAAN BERPOLITIK WARGA MASYARAKAT AKADEMIS MELALUI PENDIDIKAN KEWARGANEGARAAN

The maturity of university students and academic people in Bandung is still not good enough. There are some university students who can't accept the political difference or deliver their political aspirations well. They sometimes deliver their political intentions by doing anarchics actions. This way will lead to the danger of our country's unity since university student is the part of our country's future. Referring to this case, it is necessary to create the university students into the persons that have adequate political maturity. The material of democracy education in citizenship education is the solutive way to ask the university students to do polite political actions. The implementation the democracy values can help the students to have political maturity.

Актуальність філософії освіти Теодора Адорно в контексті стійкого розвитку громадянського суспільства

In this article was researched to the philosopher neo-marxist Theodor Adorno´s attitude to the phenomenon of public opinion in the context of his philosophical educational works. It was discovered that public opinion in the reality of a post-totalitarian society was falsified through the residual existence of a totalitarian ideology. This is caused by the irrational mood of the existing supporters of such ideologies that are negatively oriented towards democratic transformations in the post-totalitarian society and they foolishly wish to return to power a totalitarian political regime. Also, these moods receive support from media owners who were educated and upbringing during the previous political power of the supporters of totalitarian ideology. The factor that is set to fight this influence on the collective consciousness of this social system is the personal spirit of such a person who possesses knowledge of the political crimes of the previous totalitarian power. The joint and conscious actions of such people, who understand of special importance for society to the idea of democracy, are aimed at socio-cultural humanistic changes. These people are able to execute themselves to anti-ideological re-education and upbringing. The main element of these changes is the renewal of the educational process, the purpose of which is to raise the «political maturity» of the representative of the younger generation. He must be educated as an active participant to democratic transformations in a post-totalitarian country, which is the result of building up a real civil society. Also, a representative of democratic youth, along with other citizens, must prevent the repetition of political crimes of the previous totalitarian power.

Development Scenario of Education in Arunachal Pradesh and Comparative Study of Male Female Literacy

Literacy is essential for eradicating poverty and mental isolation, for cultivating peaceful and friendly relation and for permitting the free play of demographic process. Illiteracy, on the other hand, takes away from man his dignity, perpetuates ignorance, poverty and mental isolation, deters peaceful and friendly relations and free democratic process and hampers social advancement, economic growth and political maturity. Arunachal Pradesh is late starter in formal education. The actual opening era of education came in state after India became independent in 1947. The process of development was slow but steady because of many unfavourable factors like inaccessibility, lack of interest of administration, illiteracy and ignorance of local people and lack of communication etc. In Arunachal Pradesh till independence literacy rate was only less than 1 percent. In the succeeding five years plans, an increasing percentage of expenditure on education has given good result despite of formidable constraints. Present literacy rate of male is 73.69 and female is 59.57, male-female disparity is observe as 14.12. It is observed that good fruit of education in the state is achieved though the females are lagging behind the males.

The Dream Is Lost: Voting Rights and the Politics of Race in Richmond, Virginia by Julian Maxwell Hayter

Reviewed by: The Dream Is Lost: Voting Rights and the Politics of Race in Richmond, Virginiaby Julian Maxwell Hayter David Ponton III The Dream Is Lost: Voting Rights and the Politics of Race in Richmond, Virginia. By Julian Maxwell Hayter. Civil Rights and the Struggle for Black Equality in the Twentieth Century. (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2017. Pp. x, 338. $60.00, ISBN 978-0-8131-6948-4.) Julian Maxwell Hayter elucidates the ways black Richmonders fought for electoral representation at the municipal level from the 1950s through the 1980s. Hayter focuses on the efforts of the Richmond Crusade for Voters, founded in 1956 and devised to ensure political representation for black citizens of Richmond, Virginia. The organization proved its political maturity through the 1960s, registering and galvanizing black voters. As white flight out of Richmond accelerated through that decade, white leaders devised a plan to annex portions of bordering Chesterfield County. In City of Richmond v. United States(1975), the Supreme Court delivered a victory to the Richmond Crusade for Voters, arguing that "the predominant (if not sole) motive and desire" behind the 1969 annexation was to weaken black voter representation (p. 146). The Court ordered the city to move from an at-large election system to a district-based one, wherein black citizens would win "'assured' representation" (p. 94). If the district-based system seemed a victory, it was an incomplete one for black residents. The growth of the black middle class, the increasing poverty that burdened the truly disadvantaged, the shift of Richmond's economy from manufacturing to professional jobs, and the economic policies of the Ronald Reagan era all coalesced to fracture the unified black electorate, discourage impoverished black people's turnout to the polls, and encourage the rise of black technocrat mayors like Roy West, who represented a shift from "black governance" to "[acquiescence] to piecemeal economic concessions for a handful of strategically positioned, well-heeled African Americans" (p. 216). Despite Hayter's accessible prose, the book suffers a major legibility problem. The publisher nestled all of the photographs and maps in the fourth chapter. The maps themselves are not quite useful for readers unfamiliar with Richmond—they are small, and the print on them is mostly unreadable. Moreover, they are reproductions from archives that offer little help in clarifying any of the boundaries or the racial and economic distributions that are so pivotal to the narrative. Despite Hayter's thorough descriptions of census data and electoral changes, without readable maps produced specifically to illustrate the data in the text, the social geography of the city and its changes over time remain quite incomprehensible. Early on, Hayter implies that the book will highlight the experiences of black women, but a strong and thoroughgoing gender analysis is largely missing. Hayter makes a passing reference to a "dog whistle" against black female [End Page 789]council member Willie Dell, who was described by opponents as not being "'rational,'" which was a racialized critique as much as it was a gendered one (p. 222). He notes that middle-class black Richmonders viewed her as a "sapphire" (p. 301). However, there is no sustained exploration of how gender suffused Dell's campaigns, the campaigns against her, or her time on the council. Despite having conducted his own interview with Dell, Hayter makes little apparent use of her own words in the text. If Dell had something to say about her experiences as a black woman, I would have appreciated the opportunity to hear her voice. Ultimately, readers learn about the machinations of local politics in Richmond and the rise and fall of the Crusade for Voters. Within the scope of civil rights histories, the book serves more as corroboration than as intervention. By its end, the work proves to be finely executed local history, drawing on a small array of archives and an extensive selection of newspaper reports, and relying on respected historians for its broader contextual matter. However, it could have benefited from the kind of pointed, explicit, moral argumentation that characterizes its conclusion, wherein Hayter warns readers that failure to corral the political will to ensure truly democratic representation of the needs of black, impoverished...

Political Instability and Debt Maturity Structure: Some Evidence from BRVM Listed Companies

Political Instability and Debt Maturity Structure: Some Evidence from BRVM Listed Companies