Political Machinery Research Articles

Persistent Inequalities: Women and Electoral Politics in the Zimbabwe Elections in 2005

This paper examines the 2005 elections in Zimbabwe in the context of persistent gender inequalities that have existed since 1980. These inequalities have been exacerbated by an entrenched patriarchal culture and an electoral system that neither facilitates nor adds value to the increased representation and participation of women. The 31 March 2005 parliamentary elections in Zimbabwe were held amid profound struggles and disagreements over how best to change the formal political machinery. At the same time, struggles by the opposition to broaden and deepen political, economic and civil rights had intensified. Within this same struggle for democratisation the women's movement has defined itself by a liberal human rightsbased agenda and has waged the struggle at two levels. The first is the level of a feminist consciousness, where women have fought a war against patriarchy since 1980, through a critique of discriminatory legislation and demands for committed measures to increase women's political representation. The second is at the oppositional level, where some women's groups in alliance with other civil society organisations and opposition political parties have challenged the state and the legitimacy of the ZANU-PF rulers and the lack of a free participatory environment. A reflection on the results of the 2005 elections shows that women have not won these two battles. Patriarchy still remains entrenched in political institutions and political parties. A culture that uncritically accepts the need for women as political leaders does not exist. The under representation of women in Zimbabwe has been so stark since 1980 that the injustice seems beyond question. When women occupy a mere 16 per cent of the seats in Parliament, it should be clear that there is something unsatisfactory in the current political arrangements or in the electoral system.

Implications of tariff laws on private investment: Tanzanian power sector

This study investigates the tariff provisions in the Electricity Ordinance of Tanganyika and infers their implications for attraction or repulsion of private investment. There were three main strands to the analytical methodology: textual analysis of the Electricity Ordinance, investigation of what is actually taking place on the ground and investigation of opinions of key stakeholders. Furthermore, the act governing telecommunications, a sector that has made significant reforms, was examined in order to discover lessons for power sector legislation reform. The findings show that: (1) tariff is a function of time lapse rather than cost and other market factors; (2) the existing ordinance does not provide mechanisms for tariffs to reflect actual costs; (3) the ordinance has no provisions for meaningful encouragement of mobilisation of financial resources for growth through tariff; and (4) there is too much direct involvement of the political machinery in tariff-setting; this tends to push tariffs down below cost. These findings suggest the following policy options: the 1931 Electricity Ordinance, enacted during colonial times, is so outdated that it is not fit for amendment; instead, its revocation should be considered and a new one enacted. The new law should: (1) reduce direct involvement of the political machinery in tariff-setting by introducing separation between policy formulation (ministry) and policy implementation (regulator); (2) introduce a tariff formula to track movement in costs that are critical to electricity generation in order to maintain the tariff level in real terms; and (3) contain legal provisions granting, through the tariff mechanism, a meaningful encouragement of mobilisation of financial resources for growth. The proposed multi-sector regulator for utilities and a mechanism of appeal and scrutiny by a parliamentary committee is a step in the right direction for it reduces the chances for regulatory capture.

How Can Electoral Success be Sustained by a 'Lagging Development' Regime? Population, Economy and Society in West Bengal Since the 1970s

West Bengal, a major state of eastern India, is conspicuous not only for being ruled by an elected Leftist coalition - so-called Left Front - uninterruptedly for about last three decades (often described as sound 'political stability'), but also for its widely acknowledged successes in fertility transition, execution of redistributive land reform and political decentralization programs. Ironically, however, the state, in almost all comparative assessments of social, human, infrastructural developments - typically stands to occupy a clearly lagged position vis-a-vis many other states, especially in the south and even against all-India records on many key indicators. This paper seeks a clue to this by comprehensively evaluating West Bengal's relative performance in demographic and socio-economic transformation. A well-disciplined grassroots political mobilization network and machinery of the Left Front parties has been highly instrumental for comparatively fast declines of fertility and population growth rates and for lasting political stability in an otherwise 'laggard' infrastructural, social and human development regime. However, a government geared overwhelmingly to ensuring mass electoral support via grassroots mobilization network and priority, with a relative neglect of social and economic infrastructure and human development, is likely from longer-term perspective to be stifled by major backlashes, of which one form could be adverse patterns of inter-state migration.

Consecrated Transactions: Of Marketplaces, Passion Plays and other Nahua-Christian Devotions

Consecrated Transactions: Of Marketplaces, Passion Plays and other Nahua-Christian Devotions

Language, Culture and Power: Haiti under the Duvaliers

Introduction The 1957 election of Francois Duvalier as president of Haiti saw the emergence of a political machinery which attempted, with varying degrees of success, to exert greater influence over Haitian cultural-but specifically communication-practices. Indeed, the establishment of a Duvalier dynasty following the death of Papa Doc and the transfer of power to his son Jean Claude Baby Duvalier were signs that Haiti had entered a new era in its political development. Not only was the transfer of power from father to son significant, but the length of time that each president ruled broke all existing records in the country's history. Thus, the almost thirty year rule of the Duvaliers, if among the most brutal periods in Haitian history, was the longest stretch of uninterrupted government the country ever experienced. The return to the tradition of coup d'etat as a matter of course in changing government under the younger Duvalier suggests that the older Duvalier might have created a political balance that his son was later unable to manage; in essence, that the Duvalier political machine was an aberration that could not long outlive its chief proponent: the Doc himself, Francois Duvalier. Since the overthrow of Jean-Claude Duvalier more than 18 years ago, there have been ten presidents serving a total or fourteen terms, only one of which was a complete 4 year term. Two hundred years after independence and as the country continues along the path of political instability, it is relevant to explore the legacy of its most stable political period as well as some of the reasons for its return to chaos. It has been suggested that the political stability Haiti experienced during the years the elder Duvalier ruled were due to his persona and government style. Papa Doc's way of governing Haiti placed indigenous cultural practices, including the use of language and religion, at the forefront national politics. The younger Duvalier, on the other hand, saw very little importance in embracing folkways and was even less concerned with their use as political tools. An evaluation of Duvalierism under its two forms therefore raises the following questions: To what extent did Francois owe his stay in office to his knowledge and use of folk culture? To what extent did Jean-Claude's distance from the folk lay the foundation for the end of the Duvalier dynasty? The aim in raising these questions is not to suggest that culture was the only or primary factor affecting the trajectory of the Duvalier regimes but to recognise that there is a vital link between politics and cultural practices, particularly those related to communication. Language, Communicative Behaviour and Politics In exploring the relationship between communication practice and specific political outcomes, this article assumes that communication is the primary means by which culture is transmitted. This is best perceived when communication is treated as a complex of culturo-linguistic practices or behaviours, which are deployed or suppressed based on the desire to identify or not to identify with a group. This position follows the view, articulated by Le Page and Tabouret-Keller, of linguistic behaviour as the means used by individuals to communicate their membership in particular communities. The authors argue that people's use of language entails the projection of their inner views of the universe and an invitation to others to share in these. Accordingly, by verbalising in particular ways, individuals seek to reinforce their models of the world and hope for verbal acts of solidarity from others.1 For Le Page and Tabouret-Keller, people are directed towards or away from particular language habits because of the strong urge that human beings feel to identify with one another, a process to which language is central. Le Page and Tabouret-Keller believe that the receptiveness of others to individuals' verbal projections signal the affirmation of a shared identity. …

The last refuge: patriotism, politics, and the environment in an age of terror

Updated and revised following the 2004 elections, Last Refuge describes the current state of American politics against the backdrop of mounting ecological and social problems, the corrosive influence of money, the corruption of language, and the misuse of terrorism as a political issue. Setting out an agenda that transcends conventional ideological labels, David Orr contends that partisan wrangling is only a symptom of a deeper dysfunction: The whole political machinery that connects Americans' fundamentally honorable ideals with public policy is broken. The book offers a withering critique of the failings of the Bush administration, supplemented by new essays that look at the national-level dominance of the Republican Party and examine the fallacy that the evangelical right represents a Christian majority. After analyzing the challenges of reforming the current system, Orr offers an empowering vision of a second American Revolution that peaceably achieves sustainability and charts a hopeful course for forward-looking citizens.

Lincoln & Davis: Imagining America, 1809-1865

Nearly every study of the Civil War makes comparisons between Abraham Lincoln and Jefferson Davis. Sometimes these are carefully thought out and fully developed, as in Two Roads to Sumter (1963) by Bruce Catton and William Bruce Catton, but more often they are implicit in the narratives. Most of the comparisons favor Lincoln: he was pragmatic and flexible, while Davis was a military martinet; Lincoln was a superb politician, while Davis disliked the machinery of politics; Lincoln was a master of rhetoric, while Davis's speeches never stirred his people. Without necessarily disagreeing with these judgments, Brian R. Dirck, of Anderson University, suggests that we rethink the roles played by these two leaders, concentrating on their ideas about American nationalism. His basic question is how Lincoln and Davis “imagined Americans themselves.” “What were the psychological, social, cultural, and political factors that shaped their national imaginations?” he asks. “How much did they think they needed to know about what was in their fellow Americans' hearts in order to transact the nation's business?”

Area Studies and Study Abroad: The Chinese Experience

Area studies can play a constructive role in preparing students for study abroad when it stays away from addressing questions of culture. Factual information about the geography, demographic trends, or economic and political machinery operating in another part of the world can be an asset in the effort to maximize the educational potential of a period of study abroad. Too often, however, area studies inquiries are concerned with comparisons, and with theoretical speculation on the reasons for differences between countries and peoples. For many undergraduate students the subjective and tentative products of inquiries into cultural differences often take on the appearance of objective and scientific facts that students then use to resolve intercultural problems.

Developing a European Intervention Force

THIS ARTICLE EXAMINES THE ATTEMPT by members of the European Union (EU) and allies in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) to work out the political details of a European intervention capacity. In the so- called Berlin model of June 1996, which built on the agreements reached in Brussels in January 1994, NATO members agreed to construct the European Security and Defence Identity (ESDI) inside their organization; if, however, the European members needed to act on their own (that is, without the United States), NATO would make its assets available.(f.1) To give substance to the plan, NATO began to develop Combined Joint Task Forces (CJTF) - a force model that combines different services such as army, navy, and air force with different national contributions into one command and control framework - that would allow the Western European Union (WEU) to conduct operations with NATO's agreement and with NATO assets.Two events precipitated preparations for a European intervention force. First, in late 1998 at an Anglo-French summit in St Malo, Britain dropped its opposition to substantial EU involvement in military affairs and joined France in calling for an autonomous European crisis response capacity. The second key event was the 1999 war in Kosovo. In the words of NATO's new secretary general, George Robertson, 'The European Security and Defence Identity is no longer just an attractive idea, it has become an urgent necessity.'(f.2) The general consensus in the aftermath of the war was that Europe had to enhance its political and military machinery so that it could respond to crises such as Kosovo without relying completely on the United States.(f.3)Behind NATO-EU manoeuvring, there are deep worries on both sides of the ocean about the future of Euro-Atlantic co-operation. The Europeans want to be able to handle a crisis like Kosovo on their own, but they do not want to lose NATO to congressional overreaction, especially as they peer anxiously over their shoulders at Russia. They also worry about unilateralist and high-tech strategies emanating from Washington that might dictate all future security operations in Europe. Americans, for their part, want the Europeans to stay interoperable with them in their rapid ascent into technologically sophisticated military capabilities. But they realize that with such capability comes the potential for independent European interests, and they know that France and others would be keen to articulate this. They are also apprehensive about a perceived European desire to be free of American leadership.The British move at St Malo towards a practical and semiautonomous European defence capacity changed the inter-organizational landscape between NATO and the EU to an extent not seen since the end of the cold war. Although it seems premature to herald, as some have done, the St Malo declaration as the 'final stage of European integration,'(f.4) it goes a step beyond the ESDI-in-NATO agreed upon in 1996. It adds: ready access to key NATO assets for a European force that sequences its decisions with NATO but might not operate under NATO's auspices. The Americans and Europeans have both made compromises to create a space in which European decision-making and military capabilities can grow without violating the dogmas of unnecessary duplication, unilateral decoupling, and no discrimination against non-EU members. The formula works as follows: in a crisis, the Europeans give NATO the first shot at dealing with it. If NATO declines, the Europeans may act autonomously with a reasonable expectation of using certain NATO assets, including those directly supported by the United States.In analyzing developments over the last two years, it is apparent that the politics of European security and defence are far from settled and that European-American tensions over the essence of a European defence identity remain acute. Since Kosovo, the Americans have been bent on the rapid build-up of military capability, while the Europeans have pursued more independent 'say and do' from NATO. …

Intolerance in the Fledgling Korean Democracy

P olitical tolerance is the oil in the machinery of democratic politics. Learning to put up with one's political enemies is essential to effective democratic government and even more important in nations that are undergoing the transition from relatively authoritarian to democratic regimes (cf. Dalton 1995; DiPalma 1990; Gibson, Duch, and Tedin 1992; Weil 1991; Bahry, Boaz, and Gordon 1997). Although the political tolerance literature is a growth industry in American and comparative politics, most of the focus has been on the United States, a handful of other Western countries, and the USSR and its successor states. It thus seems high time that we examine South Korea (hereinafter Korea), a nation that has undergone tremendous change from an authoritarian nation to a fledgling democratic state.

Ministrables and Government Formation: Munchkins, Players and Big Beasts of the Jungle

Many models of government formation pay particular attention to certain key political actors. Schofield, for example, uses the concept of the `core party', while Laver and Shepsle focus on `strong parties'. Such parties have an important position in bargaining over government formation because they are in certain circumstances able to form minority governments on their own. In practical terms, this implies controlling the entire political machinery of government without help from other parties. An important matter hitherto ignored in theoretical discussions of government formation is the possibility that actors with pivotal positions in such models may in practice simply not have access to the political resources they need to exploit these. There may well be `small' parties that are well located in terms of some model of government formation, but which cannot capitalize upon this position for lack of access to sufficient political talent. This paper explores the implications of this phenomenon for government formation, showing that the failure of one or more parties in the system to have sufficient political resources to control a national government single-handed can involve striking reallocations of bargaining power.

The Decrees of the Greek States

The many states of the ancient greek world were governed by small councils and assemblies of adult male citizens. The decisions of these bodies took the form of decrees. This book collects the evidence for decrees, many of which were inscribed on stone or metal, or appear in literary texts - either directly quoted, or indirectly reported. This evidence is used by Professor Rhodes, with Professor Lewis, to study the decision-making procedures of the Greek states, and the extent to which the citizens were actively involved in those procedures from the sixth century BC to the fourth century AD. An introductory section on Athens shows what questions can be asked and what answers can be given when there is a good supply of epigraphic material and literary texts. This is followed by the catalogue, systematically chronicling the usage of individual states throughout the Greek world with brief discussions of the interesting features in each case. The final section disusses the language of the decrees and the working of the political machinery that they reveal.

The Next West: Public Lands, Community, and Economy in the American West

Review: The Next West: Public Lands, Community, and Economy in the American West Editors: John A. Baden and Donald Snow Reviewed by Kenneth L. Carriveau, Jr. Baylor University Baden, John A. and Snow, Donald, eds. The Next West: Public Lands, Community, and Economy in the American West. Washington, DC: Island Press, 1997. 272 p. US $22.95 paper ISBN: 1-55963- 460-X. Recycled, acid-free paper. Intriguing, confusing, exciting, frustrating, Jeffersonian, libertarian, controversial. These terms come to mind as the most appropriate for describing the feel to the discussions and opinions in the essays presented in The Next West. Baden and Snow have compiled, under the auspices of the Gallatin Institute, a collection of eleven essays from a variety of outspoken environmentalists and economists discussing the evolution of the 'Next West' and exploring what may need to be done to find and maintain the delicate balance between the natural environment and the human community sharing the same space. Though there is no pre-stated central theme or common literary style, each, in its own way, is an evocative call to the citizenry of the American West to rethink and reevaluate its stance on environmental sustainability and the solutions used to achieve these goals. The first five essays, grouped together under the section heading On the Ground , focus their attention on the errors of our ways or, rather, how the idealistic plans and best intentions of the past 25 years have evolved to the point of counterproductivity. Most notably, the authors criticize the Federal and state political machinery for corrupting environmental efforts and disenfranchising the communities these agencies were created to protect. They argue the bureaucratic machinations of these agencies are geared more towards budgetary self- realization than ecological reform and restoration. Worse, the grand experiments of the Environmental Protection Agency, Bureau of Reclamation, Forestry Service, et al have grown to the point where the local citizens feel they have no incentive to make a difference since it could mean the loss of jobs and community profits associated with agency operations. In addition, these citizens feel they no longer have to be responsible for the stewardship of the natural resources since the

Local Government Reforms in Korea: A Transition from a Marionette Performance toward an Elementary Class Day

This paper deals with the recent reform-oriented measures in the area of national local policies. The just begun local autonomy in Korea now faces opportunities as well as serious challenges. The new developments are divided into four categories: 1) local politics and autonomy; 2) recent consolidation of local governments; 3) distribution of Government functions ; and 4) financial arrangement. The first section involves difficulties of independent local politics and local autonomy under strong culture of centralism. Local political elites are basically dependent upon the national politicians and the nomination as a candidate for local position is directly influenced by the central political machinery and national politicians. The last local election was severely hurt by national political issues. In addition, local animosities among several regions helped turn the political arrangement back to the old one, furthering the dependency of local politics. Nevertheless, it is evident that a new climate for autonomous governance in local society becomes high-spirited. The second section discusses the strength and weakness of the recent consolidation measures of local government which has been carried out nationwide. Majority of the lower - tier (basic) local governments' boundary have been expanded resulting in 230 local governments in number from 265. The upper-tier (widearea) local governments, whose number is 15, has readjusted their specific boundaries only. It may be claimed to facilitate managerial economies but technical efficiencies of specific local service delivery cannot be improved easily. To the worse, the consolidation cannot guarantee the healthy growth of local democracy. The third section deals with the bureaucratic struggle of government task redistribution after the introduction of local autonomy system. Because there is no clear principle of the division of labour between the three tiers of governments, bureaucratic politics takes larger share of the redistribution game. Although some tasks as been transferred to the local governments, the process seems very slow and the structure is not favorable to the local governments which are in weak position in the tug of war. The last section discusses the recent developments in the area of local tax, central-local financial coordination system in terms of central-local configuration. There are many skeptics who doubt whether local governments will have access to the administrative talents and financial resources essential to run the affairs of the country in truly decentralized way. In fact, there are relatively serious weaknesses in the financial management competence of local government officials. Decentralization advocates, however, assert that local financial resources should be expanded from the present 55% of total government sector money so that local governments carry out their present functions and tasks sufficiently.

La Maison blanche et ses conseillers : une administration tentaculaire

The institutional System in America does not involve the existence of a singular top-level State institution - such as a cabinet - before which matters are brought together. However, at the heart of the presidential structure is one institution -the Executive Office of the President - which groups together a whole series of departments whose task is to assist the President. The staff of the presidential office has grown considerably since the beginning of the 20th century in order to address the requirements of the modem American presidency at a political, administrative and tactical level. The presidential political machinery is being called upon to develop further, but this evolution depends also upon the attitude of the President. In effect the way in which the summit is administered out varies considerably from one President to another.

The Politics of Water in Hawaii: An Institutional Appraisal

The politics of water in Hawaii has its roots in a pattern of land ownership that is unique to the state: oligopoly. Approximately 25% of the land in Hawaii is owned by fewer than 10 large corporations. These big landowners have a vested interest in the control of Hawaii's waters, since they own most of the state's sugar and pineapple plantations, which use about 24% of the fresh water consumed in the state. Our study shows a clear link between Hawaii's oligopolistic landowners and the state's political machinery responsible for deciding crucial issues of water ownership, control and appropriation. This 'alliance of convenience' has resulted in a number of disquieting consequences. This paper examines and appraises these and their impact on Hawaii's water development and suggests future directions.

Struggles in Urban Space

The author compares the hierarchical variety of businesses that struggle over downtown urban space with the official agencies that regulate that space in two sister cities on the U.S.-Mexico border. For each city, the conflict is analyzed, as is the diversity of businesses and their public presentations. The analysis reveals how political machinery and public discourse affect the outcomes of conflicts. After engagement in the political process, El Paso vendors face drastic increases in business costs, and Juirez vendors perpetuate a short-term standoff with the conservative opposition government.

Catholic plight in a rural area of Germany and the rise of the Nazi party

The Nazi rise to power catapulted itself into historical consciousness almost with the inception of the Nazi party itself. While research has advanced considerably since the first intensive efforts of the early 1930s, controversy has been the keynote of almost every aspect of its study. Issues concerning the social profile of the Nazi electoral base and the role of the economic crisis in the rise of Nazism are but some of the questions still facing historians today. One of the few areas of agreement to emerge out of the general discord concerns the religious profile of the Nazi electorate and supporters. It has become something of an historical axiom that the Catholic, primarily agrarian sector of German society did not support the Nazis en masse. This scholarly consensus may be said to inform the work of scholars in general, whether in the study of the Weimar Republic or of the Catholic church and the Nazi party. 1 Our paper questions the validity of this approach. In a number of regions across Germany the Nazis received Catholic votes exceeding that of the average electoral distribution. In some areas this trend was established as early as 1930. Nor do we agree with the contention that the electoral prowess of the Nazi party is traceable to an organizational and propaganda apparatus superior to that of their opponents. While this is a widespread contention, even in the most recent studies,2 we have elsewhere shown that this was by no means the case for each and every locality. The Nazis achieved electoral success in a number of Catholic enclaves where Nazi political machinery was less than remarkable.3 The paradox of electoral success in the face of rather desultory organization

The Failure of Feminism? Young Women and the Bourgeois Feminist Movement in Weimar Germany 1918–1933

In a pamphlet published in 1932 entitled “Women's Status and Women's Vocation,” the chairwoman of the German Women Teachers' Association, Emmy Beckmann, looked back at how the position of women in German society had developed since the founding of the Weimar Republic. She painted a pessimistic picture:It is well known how things have developed since the Weimar Constitution came into force. How little it has been possible for women to make their views and their goals count in the machinery of party politics, which quickly srestabilized itself and slipped back into old patterns; how soon the rise of unemployment made women's paid employment come to be viewed merely in terms of competition. At the same time, a new generation of women has grown up, equipped with the education which a previous generation had fought for so hard, and with new rights and freedoms. These young women now see the tasks and lifestyle which await them as an unwanted burden and responsibility, a cold and empty substitute for the fulfillment to be gained from a peaceful home and the close family ties of husband, wife, and child. And, just as among the German people generally over the last ten years the concepts of liberty and the individual personality have faded like waning stars in the firmament of our values while other stars have begun to outshine them, so for these young women the ideal of liberation into a condition of enlightened humanity, which the previous generation followed with such conviction, has faded away.

Bangladeshi migrants in Delhi: Social insecurity, State power, and captive vote banks

The en bloc vote of a relatively homogeneous subpopulation is often won over by precisely targeting narrow group identity (ethnicity, class, caste, religion, and so on) and articulating its perceived interests. However, in India vote banking is most often seen in spatially localized communities experiencing chronic social insecurity. New Simapuri is a case study of what happens when a closely knit community of undocumented Bangladeshi immigrants seeking to establish security of residence becomes drawn into the political machinery of vote banks. When intimidating state authority that also has the power to dispense substantive public relief is juxtaposed with illegal residence in India and electoral politics corrupted by that state power, the result is a vicious cycle of sustained social insecurity. While improving their lot economically, the immigrants become more vulnerable than ever to exploitation by antisocial elements and communal scapegoating. The labor-displacing structural disequilibrium induced by the world economic system and the widening economic differential between India and Bangladesh continue to drive them to migrate, often only to become political shuttlecocks in the diplomatic game played out by Bangladesh, India, and also Pakistan.