Political Life Research Articles

In the wake of a boat: The politics of mourning the 18th of April 2015 shipwreck

On April 18, 2015, a fishing vessel was shipwrecked between Libya and Italy. The tragedy was the result of Italian and European border policies. More than 1,100 people (from across Africa and the Indian subcontinent) lost their lives in the vessel, making it the largest recorded civilian massacre to have occurred in the Mediterranean Sea. Beyond the huge number of dead, what distinguishes the shipwreck are the processes of the “translation” of its human and material remains, involving their displacement, material transformation and re-signification. In this paper, I summarize these processes in four stages, intertwining the vessel and the bodies of those who died inside it: their exhumation, naming, wake (whether artistic or forensic) and, finally, burial. By analyzing the work of translating the boat and bodies, and exploring what can be expressed through their different materialities, I show their intense social and political life, which led various actors involved to claim ownership over mourning. By delineating the mirrored relationship between the bodies and the boat, this article demonstrates the contribution death studies can make to the analysis of migration debris on the one hand, and, on the other, how tracing the social life of boats in the aftermath of migrant shipwrecks can enrich an analysis of the political life of border deaths.

The Ideological Apologetics of the Communist Party during Suppression of Lithuanian National Resistance (1944–1953)

After WWII, the second wave of Stalinist terror initiated by the USR acquired special features in Lithuania. The suppression of national resistance, Sovietisation of the country, and destruction of national identity by combining terror, repression and ideological propaganda took place throughout the country. In the resolutions adopted by the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) (AUCP[B]) between 1944 and 1948 on the political situation in Lithuania, the demand was made to destroy the ideology and social basis of the national underground movement and to expel the nation’s aspirations for freedom from its consciousness as soon as possible. Destruction of the spiritual life and identity of the nation was initially carried out by promoting contempt for the nation’s historical past and culture and promoting vandalism. Spiritual and physical terror became the everyday reality of Lithuania’s political life. The national attitudes of the intelligentsia and their attempts to preserve spiritual values that had formed over the years became the cause of never-ending persecution and reprisals against them. One goal was to use a certain part of the intelligentsia for the dissemination of the Soviet ideology. The intention was to bridge the gap that emerged after the repressive measure that caused the emigration of intellectuals to the West. Propaganda and mass political agitation became an important area of ideological activity of the Soviet regime and accompanied spiritual terror and implementation of Communist ideology based on Stalinist dogmas. The Soviet press was full of vitriolic condemnation of the “enemies of the people” and euphoric praise of Stalin and his henchmen. With the help of the press, the Soviet regime hoped to purge ideas about the nation’s freedom from people’s consciousness. Under the veil of Soviet patriotism and proletarian internationalism, Russian nationalism was forced down people’s throats, the role of Russia as the elder brother was constantly emphasised, the spiritual values of the nation were derogated, the nation was humiliated, and it became increasingly difficult to communicate in the native Lithuanian language. The Communist regime created a social environment that it hoped would help to destroy the resistance movement as soon as possible. With the help of the government and the organisations of the Communist Party, society was divided and one social stratum was pitted against the other. By combining repression and ideological measures, the Communist Party eroded the typical mutual relationship of trust that had formed over centuries in the nation.

POSTWAR SOCIALISATION OF THE UKRAINIAN ECONOMY IN THE CONDITIONS OF EUROPEAN INTEGRATION

The full-scale war in Ukraine has exacerbated a number of social problems that will need to be addressed during the post-war reconstruction period through the socialization of the economy. Ukraine's European integration will have a positive impact on this process. The relevance of post-war socialization of Ukraine's economy in the context of European integration is driven by many factors related to the need to restore the country after the conflict and adapt to the standards of the European Union. European integration is a key goal of Ukraine, and it requires serious transformations in the country's economic, social and political life. The purpose of the article is to study the development of post-war socialization of Ukraine's economy in the context of European integration. To achieve the purpose of the article, the following tasks were set and solved: to identify the main aspects of the post-war socialization of Ukraine's economy, to analyze the impact of European integration on the post-war development of the social sphere. The article uses general scientific methods of data analysis and synthesis, comparison and systematization. The information base of the article is made up of scientific articles and online statistical databases. The article analyzes statistical data on the damage to the destroyed social infrastructure, the dynamics of the unemployment rate in 2020-2024, and the number of registered Ukrainian refugees by country. The author outlines the directions of post-war socialization of Ukraine's economy using the prospects of European integration processes. The article offers recommendations on how to use the potential of Ukraine's integration into the EU to build the social sphere in the postwar period. The postwar socialization of Ukraine's economy is strategically important for achieving social stability, strengthening the country's competitive position and further integration into the European Union. This approach will ensure Ukraine's sustainable development and improve the quality of life of the population within the European community.The practical value of the article lies in the fact that its material can be used by state authorities in the post-war reconstruction of Ukraine with the use of the potential of European integration.

The Biblical History Play: Turning Seventeenth-Century Joseph Plays into Political Drama

Abstract This article examines the shift in popularity from religious to historical and political drama from the late sixteenth century onward, particularly focusing on plays about the patriarch Joseph. The study explores how new historiographical approaches influenced the portrayal of biblical narratives, transforming them to reflect contemporary interests in politics and court life. By analyzing a selection of primarily Jesuit plays, the article demonstrates how the biblical story of Joseph was adapted to align with the baroque fascination for ancient history and the emerging trend of political drama. The shift in Jesuit drama during the baroque period from biblical to more secular subjects is evident in the dramatizations of Joseph’s story, which often incorporate elements of historical exegesis and elaborate depictions of ancient societies, particularly that of Egypt. These plays illustrate how the story of Joseph was recontextualized within a framework of international politics, war, and court intrigue, introducing new characters, plotlines, and subplots. This intermixing of genres reflects a broader tendency in early modern drama to blend sacred and secular elements, resulting in hybrid forms that straddled the line between biblical drama and history plays. The article concludes that this blending not only revitalized biblical drama but also helped bridge the gap between declining religious plays and the rising popularity of political and historical narratives.

‘Going to Collage’: Ali Smith’s <em>Autumn</em> and Post-Liberal Democratic Imagination

Across her many works of fiction, Ali Smith at once laments the breakdown of civic conversation and, in what seems a paradoxical move, draws stark ethical demarcations between characters who represent different political orientations. This tension is acute in her Seasonal Quartet, and especially the first of the four novels, 'Autumn.' Hailed on publication as the first serious literary response to Brexit, 'Autumn' gives vivid account of the 'end of dialogue' at a time when 'all across the country, there was misery and rejoicing.' On one hand, in 'Autumn' and elsewhere, Smith laments the consequences of the 'end of dialogue' between citizens and populates her fiction with sympathetic characters who notice, with alarm, that 'people [are] saying stuff to each other and none of it ever actually becom[es] dialogue.' Yet on the other hand, her work is itself partisan, specifically in its tendency to draw caricatures of complacently xenophobic middle-class Britons. This article argues that this tension is in fact crucial to the political outlook suggested in Smith’s work, which hints at a positive, post- or nonliberal vision according to which neither novels, nor politics, draw democratic power from empathetic exchange or dialogue, but rather through world-affirming judgment. The specific sort of judgment Smith endorses, I argue, is rooted in 'Autumn's' 'collage' aesthetic, and its significance crystallizes when read alongside Hannah Arendt's account of political judgment. For both Smith and Arendt, the foremost threat to contemporary political life is not partisanship, but rather, the fragility of the 'common world,' and Smith proposes that the collage aesthetics of work like hers play a specific function in helping restore the 'common world.' This article thus proposes that Smith, read alongside Arendt, articulates an original, political purpose for art in the contemporary era.

Transformations and transitions: The social and political life of the dead

Death is often considered the end of the story, and indeed the end of politics. The papers in this special issue demonstrate however that this is far from the case. They probe the transformations and transitions of the dead across varying cultural and social contexts, and time periods, and reckon with how human remains are repurposed, mobilized, represented, and integrated into larger narratives, including evidentiary, memorial, political, and emotional. They also understand the dead as complex and lively actors in the various ways they provoke the living and impact the way we think about larger political, cultural, and ethical questions. Collectively, the papers raise critical questions about how we understand the social, cultural, communal, religious, and political significance of human remains and of what remains in the aftermath of violence.

"Martyrs do not die": Politics and security in Kurdish insurgents' funerals.

Insurgents' funerals play a significant role in the conflict between Turkey and the Kurdish insurgent group PKK (Kurdistan Workers' Party) for both parties. This article examines the dual features of the insurgents' funerals. While the Kurdish population seeks to reintegrate the dead into larger narratives of the "Kurdish liberation movement" and use funerals as a site for mobilization, the regime portrays the social and political lives of the dead manifested in the funerals as a matter of security and integrates them into larger security discourses. Kurdish mayors and deputies were dismissed from office and imprisoned for organizing and attending these funerals, and even for publicly displaying grief. In this article, I demonstrate how the social and political life of the dead that survives the biological death can still remain in the language and practices of security, and argue that securitization of funerals have a broader implication of leaving no space for the Kurdish Question to exist except for the realm of security.

The role of λαϊκή αγορά (“street market”) in modern greek towns

The article discusses the phenomenon of “people’s market” in contemporary Greek cities and towns. Historically, the market in Greece has played an important role not only as a place of trade, but also as a concentration of social and political life. The word αγορά, derived from the ancient Greek verb ἀγορεύω (“to speak publicly”), meant not only a market square but also people’s assembly in Ancient Greece. In modern society, the “people’s market” has almost lost its political function. From a commercial point of view, it should have been replaced by mega-stores, supermarkets, and online commerce, especially during the covid pandemic. However, today in Greece this phenomenon does not lose its relevance and even acquires new functions. In a large city, the “people’s market” is embedded in a new ideology of environmental friendliness of the goods for sale and in the discourse related to the identity of the Modern Greek. In addition, a street market in a city retains the archaic functions of socializing residents, exchanging information, and being a barometer of political sentiment. For rural residents, λαϊκή αγορά is an opportunity to sell an agricultural product and exchange information and contact with the urban environment. Internationally, outside Greece, the Greek folk market is sometimes positioned as a distinct brand.

Perkembangan Agama Islam di Indonesia Pasca Kemerdekaan

This study aims to determine the development of Islam in Indonesia after independence shows significant dynamics. Since Indonesia's independence in 1945, Islam has undergone transformation in social, political, and cultural aspects. According to data from the Ministry of Religion of the Republic of Indonesia, the number of Muslims in Indonesia is estimated to reach 227 million in 2021, making it the country with the largest Muslim population in the world. One important finding is the strengthening of the role of Islamic organizations in social and political life. Organizations such as Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and Muhammadiyah play a key role in spreading moderate and tolerant Islamic values. NU, for example, has contributed to the development of education and social in various regions, while Muhammadiyah is active in the fields of health and education. Statistics show that more than 30 million NU members and around 29 million Muhammadiyah members are involved in various social and humanitarian activities.

The Political Impact of King Abdullah II's Second Discussion Paper on the Development of Jordan's Democratic System: An Analytical Study of Political Parties (2013-2024)

Objectives: This study aimed to explore the political impact of His Majesty King Abdullah II's Second Discussion Paper on the development of the democratic system in Jordan, with a focus on the state of political parties during the period from 2013 to 2024. The Second Discussion Paper served as the primary concept (independent variable), and its influence on the evolution of political parties (dependent variable) within Jordan's democratic system was critically examined. The study was divided into two sections: the first addressed key concepts and the trajectory of democratic development in Jordan, while the second analyzed the impact of the Second Discussion Paper on political parties and their role in Jordanian political life. Methodology: A political analysis approach was employed to understand and interpret the influence of the Second Discussion Paper on political parties in Jordan, framed within the context of democratic theory. The analysis focused on the direct effects of the Discussion Paper on Jordan's political system, specifically examining the evolving role of political parties. Findings: The study found that the Second Discussion Paper significantly strengthened the role of political parties in Jordan by fostering national dialogue and supporting political pluralism. The Paper contributed to increased political participation by parties, enhanced their influence within the democratic process, and encouraged the development and reshaping of party roles within Jordan's political system. Conclusion: The study concluded that there is a strong correlation between the Second Discussion Paper and the development of Jordan's democratic system. The Paper contributed to empowering political parties, increasing their impact on political life, and reflecting the political leadership's commitment to ongoing democratic reforms.

Political PR in International Digital Communications: The Experience of the Eurasian Media Space

Digital media has become an integral part of the political life of citizens, as an increasing number of people around the world use digital media technologies for communication. Digital media contribute to the formation of socio-political factors that raise concerns about the spread of disinformation, information disagreements and political polarization.Aim. To analyze the tools, problems and opportunities of political PR in the context of digitalization of the media space in foreign countries and the EAEU countries.Tasks. To give significant ideas about the concepts of “political public relations” and “political communication”; to identify factors influencing political communication processes; to present international experience in the application of political PR in the context of digitalization of media; to formulate the possibilities for the development of Eurasian integration in the context of digitalization of the media space.Methods. The methodological basis of the scientific research was such modern general scientific research methods as: comparative analysis, statistical and structural-logical methods, content analysis of open sources of information.Results. The paper defines the role and importance of digital media in political PR activities, identifies traditional and modern factors of influence on political activity, as well as problems in the new digital reality. To build political communications with the audience, its impact and increase engagement, political organizations use new media technologies using multimodality. In practice, the digital inequality of the world population deprives a number of people of digital communication, and as a result, the necessary conditions for participation in the political and economic life of the country. The digital divide of the EAEU countries reduces the political communicative impact on citizens’ beliefs in the need to strengthen integration processes. It seems appropriate to introduce consistency in the formation of the Eurasian integration agenda and a single digital information field to increase the political culture of civic engagement in all EAEU member states.Conclusions. With the help of variation of resources, the necessary content is formed to create the necessary audience effect. Indeed, digital media has a number of advantages that have been proven in practice, however, political PR is influenced by the negative side of the development of digital communications — the spread of fake news, most of which cannot be traced to the source. Therefore, the transformation of digital opportunities, the distribution of political resources, the dissemination of political discourse and the structure of political opportunities in the digital age is the most relevant in the modern world. Using the example of the EAEU countries, it is proved that digitalization in the international media space causes the involvement of citizens of different countries in integration, generalization and formation of public support for the state.

THE MAIN FACTORS OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF POTTERY CRAFTS OF CENTRAL SOGD

This article describes the changes that occurred in the pottery craft of the ancient Central Sugdian world. In general, with the introduction of the Hellenistic culture into the Sogd region, the shape of pottery changes radically. Bowls, plates, and glasses of various sizes are produced, and most of the vessels are given red angob on the inside and outside, and the surface is scratched and polished on special pottery tools. Such dishes can be found not only in Central Asia, but also in the countries of the Caucasus, Afghanistan, Iran, India, and the Middle East. In this period, the impact of the changes in the political, social, economic, and spiritual life of Central Sogd on the pottery craft, as well as the main reasons and characteristics of the development of the pottery craft, and the impact of historical processes on these changes are discussed.

Special section introduction: epistemic politics in international and comparative political economy

ABSTRACT Economic orthodoxy has faced multiple challenges over recent years, ranging from the global financial crisis and economic populism to the Covid-19 pandemic and the spectre of stagflation. This has generated significant policy innovations, like quantitative easing and the furlough schemes, while heterodox economic ideas (briefly) gained notoriety. Yet these shifts have frequently been grafted onto pre-existing institutional and discursive templates, anchored by the assumption that they represent a temporary deviation from ‘normal’ equilibrium conditions. To make sense of these dynamics of crisis, change and continuity, this special section showcases an ‘epistemic politics’ approach that foregrounds the political life of economic knowledge. It is framed around three questions. What has been the role of economic knowledge and expertise in shaping policy and regulation over the past decade? To what extent have dominant economic ideas, theories and models been impacted by political conflicts and emergent issues? How have policy makers navigated economic crises and uncertainty through cognitive and discursive practices? This introductory paper sets out the ambition for the special section by defining our understanding of epistemic politics, before detailing the threefold contribution it makes to wider scholarship in IPE and CPE. It concludes with an overview of the five papers.

Tolerance as a Founding Value of World Peace

Societies today have a heightened awareness of their unity and the way in which each individual depends on the other in indispensable solidarity; however, within these societies bitter political, social, economic, racial and ideological disputes persist and with them the danger of a war that could jeopardize world peace. It is in this context that tolerance emerges as a fundamental ethical priority for building and maintaining peace in the world. Tolerance, therefore, does not imply neutrality of thought, on the contrary, each group has space to present their points of view and experiences for everyone's co-reflection, and everyone is asked to respect the essential norms to the functioning of pluralism. The advocacy of tolerance represents a project of emancipation and is based on the strength of human reason. The objective of this thematic proposal is to reflect on the mystery of man and the meaning of his social being through the prism of considering the moral value of tolerance in the political-democratic order and in social coexistence. Democracy, whose assumptions are condensed in the production of consensus in relation to the good of political life and the experience of citizenship, must recognize that social pluralism poses challenges to the idea of tolerance based on the ontology of the person. For a proper approach to the topic in question, which involve a triple joint: 1) The problem of intolerant democracies today; 2) Social pluralism and public security, and 3) Tolerance and world peace, priority will be given to the method of reviewing the vast and rich literature that discusses the subject in question. In conclusion, the study puts forward the thesis that in the face of various existential scenarios that negatively mark the recent history of many peoples and nations - such is the case of violent extremism in the world, electoral offenses and, consequently, barbaric demonstrations post-elections, the human-environment relationship - the moral value of tolerance continues to be an important factor in building world peace and must therefore be cultivated by everyone.

Suleiman Al-Nabulsi and His Position on Arab Nationalist Causes

This study addressed the position of Suleiman Al-Nabulsi on many Arab and national causes, as Al-Nabulsi is considered one of the men of Jordan had a prominent role in the Jordanian and Arab political life. His life reflected to a large extent the reality of political life and its interactions in the Jordanian arena and the Arab world at large ,this study aims to underline Al-Nabulsi ’s position regarding all causes at Jordanian and Arab national levels , such as the Palestinian situation, Arab unity, the Algerian revolution, the Baghdad Pact, the tripartite aggression against Egypt and other Jordanian and national causes, in addition to clarifying Al-Nabulsi ’s philosophy of national loyalty, which stems from principle of Arab existence unity. he is one of the prime ministers in Jordan who did not limit nationalism just at Jordan’s level , besides his role in the social reform that aims to attain more of democracy and opposition to foreign mandates which he considered as a form of colonialism (Al-Mousa, 1986, p. 57), and therefore it was natural that this philosophy will be in conflict with the philosophy of the state which aims to maintain its entity and independence ,the descriptive historical method was used that relies on the historical events as they appeared in their sources ,and to apply critical approach and analyze them in a scientific ,rational and neutral objectivity far from prejudice .the study reached many conclusions some of which are :the national philosophy of Al-Nabulsi that transcends the political and geographical boundaries of Jordan ,because he upholds the high values and ideals in his calculations ,and in fact he tried to subject reality to those values , also President Nasser’s ideas regarding unity has a great impact on his personality ,so he experienced a conflict between the loyalty to the country ,and the loyalty to Arab nationalism by president Nasser ,so naturally he saw no conflict between the two loyalties to the country on the one hand and the larger Arab nationalism on the other hand (Al-Mousa 1986 ,P 58 ), but the two loyalties complimented each other and he defended this concept until the last day of his life.

“I would not wish for anything better than to be invited to this unification of forces”: accession of The Republic of the Seven United Netherlands to the First League of Armed Neutrality (1780)

The Declaration of Armed Neutrality, proclaimed by Empress Catherine II on 10 March (O.S. 28 February) 1780, constituted one of the most significant Russian international legal acts of the eighteenth century. During the US War of Independence (1775–1783), which resulted in a war between Great Britain and a coalition of states, the primary objective of the principles set forth in the declaration was to safeguard the rights of maritime neutrality. This allowed ships of neutral countries to continue trade with the belligerent powers without impediment. As a result of the endeavours of Russian diplomacy, the First League of Armed Neutrality (1780–1783) was established. The Republic of the Seven United Netherlands was among the inaugural members. Historically, the Republic’s accession to the League of Armed Neutrality has not been a subject of extensive examination. Consequently, this article represents an initial contribution to the field of research on this matter. The study draws on the documents of the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, more specifically the reports of Dmitry Golitsyn, Envoy Extraordinary of the Russian Empire to the States General of the Republic. The envoy’s reports are written in French and have been translated by the author of the article. The study focuses on documents from the period between 1778 and 1781, providing a detailed account of the foreign and domestic political life of the Republic. The author addresses several key issues, including the perception of the Russian Declaration of Armed Neutrality in the United Provinces, the rationale behind the States General’s decision to join the League of Armed Neutrality, and the operational dynamics of the Republic’s political decision-making process. The author presents a compelling argument that the accession of the United Provinces to the First League of Armed Neutrality was a strategic move that aligned with the Republic’s long-standing policy of maintaining neutrality towards foreign countries, a stance it had adopted since the mid-1750s. Additionally, the author highlights the Republic’s interest in strengthening its ties with Russia, which was a significant factor in its decision to join the League. Nevertheless, the opposition of England and the subsequent outbreak of the Fourth Anglo-Dutch War prevented the United Provinces from becoming an active participant in the League of Armed Neutrality.

EUROPEAN SCEPTICISM AND ANTI-AMERICANISM IN THE EURO-ATLANTIC POLITICAL PROCESS IN THE EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURY

The article is devoted to a comparative analysis of the development of European scepticism and anti-Americanism in the public political process in the United States and the European Union. In the countries of the European Union, the term European scepticism refers to a negative attitude towards the process of European integration and its functional result in the form of the European Union. In the United States, mostly in ultra-conservative circles, European scepticism refers to a critical attitude towards the EU as the embodiment of the liberal democracy project. Anti-Americanism as an ideological attitude is present not only in European far-left political circles, but also in European far-right political circles. In the United States, the ideology of anti-Americanism was clearly manifested in the Black Lives Matter movement. European scepticism and anti-Americanism are actively used by Russian and Chinese propaganda as signs of an allegedly inevitable crisis of the ‘collective West’ and a ‘natural transition’ to a multipolar world in which Western democracies will not be crucial for further development. The conclusions emphasise that populist diseases of liberal democracies are actively used by autocracies to discredit the democratic experience of political life. At the same time, Russia, Iran, and China are trying to take advantage of discourses on scenarios of the US isolation from active foreign policy and the European Union's self-restrictions in pursuing its own common foreign policy and impose their own versions of ‘hybrid wars’, pushing Western influence out of key regions of Eastern Europe, the Middle East, and Southeast Asia. In view of this, the transfer of ideas of anti-Americanism and European scepticism from the circle of leading trends in public political life to its deep periphery can actually ensure greater stability not only for liberal democracies, but also for modern international relations.

Digital supply chains for ecosystem resilience: a framework for the Italian case

AbstractContingency where exogenous and dramatic factors (i.e. Covid) impact not only on political and social life but also on economy is changing the way business is managed. Grounded on recent works studying the relationship between digitalisation and resilience, this work aims to systematize the links between the two dimensions at Supply Chains (SC) and at ecosystem level. A conceptual framework for manufacturing companies and policy makers is proposed to cope with disruptions thanks to digital technology implementation. The work is based on the results of an explorative analysis held with the support of practitioners from the manufacturing sector, IT providers and policy makers in Italy to systematise results and to demonstrate that public–private partnership can help to face disruptions. This paper contributes to the theory of ecosystems to establish a systemic framework to go beyond the border of each SC proposing a cross-collaboration model.

Longing for a Broken Politics to Be Healed: A Book Symposium of Michael Wear’s The Spirit of Our Politics

Michael's Wear's 2024 book, The Spirit of Our Politics, inaugurates a unique and meaty symposium in the JSFSC that focuses on practical theologies of spiritual formation issues of public life. Wear's book delivers a discerning application of Dallas Willard's perspective to areas of political life. Symposium contributors include Michael Wear, Todd Hunter, Kyle David Bennet, Kaitlyn Schiess, and Chine McDonald. Guest Editor Joseph E. Gorra introduces the symposium, offers context on Wear, his book, and a call for further contributions in his Afterword. After Wear's book précis, Hunter, Bennett, and Schiess weave important themes of pneumatology, family spirituality, and ecclesiology as practitioner factors shaping the vitality of a Christian spiritual formation of public life. McDonald underscores the importance of incarnation, imagination, and invitation when leading institutions of public life. All contributors underscore how spiritual formation is central to civic renewal. Michael Wear's response integrates important themes among the papers, underscoring that Christian spiritual formation does not take place in isolation from actual contexts of public life.

Polite Social Practices in 18th-century Scotland

This article explores the role and influence of elite women in 18th-century Scotland, focusing on their engagement with polite social practices during the Scottish Enlightenment. The Scottish Enlightenment, characterized by its integration of various disciplines and emphasis on both theoretical and practical knowledge, was a period of significant cultural intellectual development. Central to this movement was the concept of politeness, which shaped the social interactions of the elite and played a crucial role in their personal and societal advancement. Elite women were integral to the social fabric of this era, participating in mixed-gender activities and shaping the cultural landscape through their involvement in social gatherings, education, and print culture. Despite being formally excluded from public office and direct political power, these women exercised significant influence through social networks, family ties, and patronage, subtly navigating the political and intellectual currents of their time. The study highlights how these women, while adhering to socially accepted norms, found ways to circumvent formal exclusions, thereby contributing to the broader cultural and political life of Scotland. Their participation in polite sociability not only facilitated their integration into elite society but also played a vital role in the broader program of social improvement that characterized the Scottish Enlightenment. This article underscores the complex interplay between gender, power, and politics, revealing how elite women helped shape “The Golden Age” of Scotland through their engagement in polite social practices.