Political Ethics Research Articles

Cressida Dick: a lesson in reformism and representation politics

Cressida Dick: a lesson in reformism and representation politics

НОВЫЕ КРИЗИСЫ, СОЦИАЛЬНЫЕ РАЗМЕЖЕВАНИЯ, ДИСКУРСИВНЫЕ КОНФЛИКТЫ И ПРОБЛЕМА ОБЩЕСТВЕННОГО ЕДИНСТВА В XXI ВЕКЕ

The author focuses on the idea that the new discourse of conflict characterizes the modern political space. Two main features characterized current crises in political relations inside and outside the countries. Firstly, social divisions that destroy the integration of national communities. Secondly, discursive conflicts, characterized by the opposite narratives and mutual bitterness of cosmopolitans and communitarians. These new patterns are the serious threat to social unity and democracy. Modern researchers see a danger in the new phenomena of the moralization of politics, the politicization of science and social polarization. Were marked as challenges in an era of uncertainty and anxiety. They are divided by the relations to the crucial issues such as: the limits of the open society (preservation or devaluation of borders); national sovereignty and the rights of minorities; climate changes (environment protection, restrictions for the industries), etc. Young urban citizens with higher education demonstrates cosmopolitan values. They do not identify themselves as social losers and use a globalization as an opportunity for development. They are those who identify themselves as Europeans and citizens of the world. The less educated social group of elders, living in rural areas, is firmly connected with their local and national communities and perceives the increasing of freedom as a threat to themselves. Even though citizens with communitarian positions constitute a heterogeneous group with a diverse socio-economic profile, all of its representatives share one common feature: the subjective perception of the danger of living in precarious conditions or lose their social status. The vertical conflict is between the cosmopolitan elites (with their privileged positions) and the communitarians. Stigmatization of elites as «anti-national», «immoral», and self-serving has become a typical device in the struggle of right-wing populist parties and voter support movements. These new patterns are marked as a threat to social cohesion and democracy. Researchers see a danger in the new phenomena of the moralization of politics, the politicization of science and social polarization. They are the main riscs in an era of uncertainty, uncertainty and anxiety.

Bernard Williams as a political philosopher (analysis of the current state of foreign and Russian research)

The article examines in detail the current state of foreign and Russian studies on the political theory of the famous British philosopher Bernard Williams. The history of the study of this theory is short and is actively developing at the present time, since the political and philosophical ideas of Williams for a long time remained in the shadow of his moral philosophy. The key themes of Williams 'political philosophy were the problem of self-determination of political philosophy, the relationship between the arguments of political moralism and political realism, the role of historical knowledge in political theory, in accordance with which the existing research areas of Williams' political ideas should be considered in the context of modern political philosophy.

NEM DWORKIN, NEM WALDRON: O DILEMA DA JURISDIÇÃO CONSTITUCIONAL SOB A PERSPECTIVA DO DIÁLOGO INSTITUCIONAL

In its own complex formulation, Ronald Dworkin maintains that constitutional jurisdiction does not weaken the concept of democracy. On the contrary, it is the judges who are best prepared to resolve problems of political morality. On the other hand, with very well elaborated arguments, Jeremy Waldron defends the dignity of the legislation, arguing that, where there is reasonable moral disagreement, the constitutional jurisdiction should step aside, under penalty of imposing an arbitrary solution due to lack of democratic legitimacy. Overcoming this dilemma is demonstrated in the topic that examines the theory of institutional dialogue.  

Neoliberalism

The criticism of neoliberalism is omnipresent. The term is seemingly self-explanatory, but its original use in public has been forgotten. Its form originated in the international movement of ordoliberalism in the 1930s, which used neoliberalism to describe its distinction from laissez-faire capitalism. This conceptual confusion has created considerable consequential problems that overlay today’s debate on the future of the market economy. The fact that the neoliberalism of the ordoliberals is today equated by its critics with the capitalism of the libertarians raises questions. Since the economic dogma of Milton Friedman, who was the inspiration for the so-called Chicago Boys in Chile, whose economic policy was first captured by today’s negatively connoted term neoliberalism, this approach needs to be looked at more closely. Should the ideas of the Chicago school of thought substantially distinguish themselves from the other currents of economic liberalism, a solution to the confusion of terms could be possible, giving a new twist to the debate on the market economy. Such a clarifiation would be of fundamental importance for the ethical question of the social orientation of the economic order, since ordoliberalism was in turn the godfather of the social market economy. Furthermore, this would have consequences for applied political ethics in the context of political theories of justice, whose theoretical constructs reflect the existing economic order as a fact of experience.

Georg Lukács and Revolutionary Realpolitik, 1918-19: An Essay on Ethical Action, Historical Judgment, and the History of Political Thought.

"Bolshevism as a Moral Problem" and "Tactics and Ethics" were discussions of political ethics closely related to Max Weber's contemporaneous "Politics as a Vocation." They diverged from one another in their historical assessments of possibilities for ethically responsible revolutionary action. They are best understood as developments of an approach to political judgment originally forged by Johann Gottlieb Fichte, whose concerns were associated by Weber with Realpolitik and which continue to animate discussions of "political realism." Overwriting these concerns as transitional moments in personal conversion narratives or the history of political thought has an inhibiting effect on historical and political judgment.

A BRIEF INTRODUCTION TO ALLAMA MUHAMMAD IQBAL’S POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY

In Iqbal’s political philosophy and practice, parliamentary spiritual democratic system is universalistic and particularistic in its range. Global in nature, it is anchored in the religion of Islam that gives it a universal look. In 1926, when he entered politics to realize this ideal in practice, his ideas started to reflect the political scenario of the subcontinent. Besides Islam, Iqbal had made use of a good deal of western political concepts of nationalism, democracy, secularism, sovereignty, ethics of politics and communism. But he neither fully appreciates nor discards out rightly all these concepts. On the other hand, he has expounded his own political ideals of Tauhid, Khudi, Marde Momin, Islamic democracy, Millat, etc. Through these patterns of thought, Iqbal try to train an individual, a society and a global Islamic order. This universal order as it is construed from the concept of ummah will strive for the promotion of pan-humanism, i.e., freedom, brotherhood, and equality of humanity. In this paper Iqbal’s political philosophy, his concept of Khudi, how he perceives an ideal society will be analyzed. It will also be highlight that how his political philosophy changed from one stage to another. Keywords: Allama Iqbal, Political Philosophy, Muslim Society in India, Islam, Nation-State

ETIKA POLITIK ARISTOTELES: Kohesivitas Etika dan Politik

This article specifically describes and analyzes the cohesiveness between ethics and politics from Aristotle's thought. More specifically, he has written his thoughts in a book entitled Politics which has presented the concept of building the basic structure of the state and how to manage and distribute social justice (goodness). In human life, ethics and politics seem inseparable from human civilization. This is because this is one of the fundamentalist parts of the human paradigm and is difficult to separate. If politics is understood, as a “match”; "war"; "justify all means" will certainly give birth to politicians who are hungry for power (demoralization); who inherited animalistic traits. Instead, politics is interpreted by Aristotle in essence as "an effort to produce justice". The methods used are descriptive-analytical and historical methods with the aim of describing and analyzing the background and thoughts of Aristotle's political ethics as a whole. The results obtained first, the purpose of a country is to realize and maintain goodness. Here, it is as if Aristotle connects politics with goodness, namely ethics. Second, politics is the most important science and the most exalted thought which includes many good, and that all sciences serve it.

Research on the Influencing Factors and Promotion Strategies of Students Sense of Gain in High School Ideological and Political Course

The sense of gain is an important criterion to measure the effectiveness of education. The sense of acquisition of senior high school students in ideological and political lessons refers to the direct or indirect positive subjective experience of senior high school students after they participate in the study of ideological and political lessons and their internal needs such as knowledge, ability, behavior and emotion are satisfied. The improvement of students sense of gain is a complex process, which is affected by many factors such as education subject, education object, teaching content and education environment. Based on this, the article starts from four aspects of enhancing students subjective initiative, improving educators ability, optimizing education content and creating a good education environment to explore the path of improving students sense of gain in high school ideological and political course.

The Third Path into the Twilight? Corruption in Socialist Yugoslavia

Corruption in socialist Yugoslavia was a specific phenomenon when compared to the inter-war period or to post-socialism. In contrast to liberalism, communist ideology did not support an understanding of corruption as a problem of its own but tended to see political and material “deviations” as originating from the same root – i. e., from a lack of political morale. The League of Communists failed to live up to its role as an educator of society, since it was trapped between declarative moral rigorism and the fact that material need and greed could be satisfied best by becoming a party member.

Stanowe komisje etyki w USA jako przykład organów obywatelskiego audytu etycznego - ustrój, kompetencje, znaczenie

State ethics commisions are an interesting example of political ethics control exercised by the citizens. Politicians prefer self-monitoring committees. They are rather reluctant to independent commisions, as evidenced by their attempts to limit its powers, or even to terminate it. Pleas of unconstitutionality made by persons subject to the jurisdiction of the commisions led to a questioning by state supreme court the powers of the commission. Commissions, however, have had some success. State ethics commissions are almost absent in the Polish constitutional legal literature. Objective of this paper is to present political issues related to activities of the commissions – the principles of creation, the constitutional status and competence. At the end the author has evaluated the activities of the commissions on the basis of their practical functioning. The author also attempts to look at this interesting institution from the Polish perspective, as possible source of inspiration for particular Polish solutions and regulations.

Hanso Jonaso atsakingos politikos vizija technologinėje civilizacijoje

The aim of the article is to reconstruct Hans Jonas’ vision of ethics for the technological civilization and to highlight the challenges that are faced in the attempt to provide an ontological grounding for such ethics. The attempt to develop the ethics of responsibility is inseparable from the affirmation of paternalistic political positions, which leads towards apologetics of total governmental control. In the face of dangers created by modern technology, Jonas argues that attempts to safeguard the existence of humanity are best served by a government that controls all aspects of life. Jonas maintains that in the face of various dangers created by modern technologies, a relationship with them, which is based on fear, becomes pragmatic and rational. A positive evaluation of fear leads towards reactionary political tendencies. Philosopher’s imperative is based on the duty to protect „genuine” human life, however, his vision of total technocratic government could lead to an absolute dehumanization of humanity. It is therefore concluded that Jonas‘ vision of ethics is incompatible with the political ethics of liberal democracy.

Etika Politik Terhadap Perilaku Korupsi di Indonesia (Studi Kasus DPRD Kota Malang)

This paper wants to discuss how political ethics can influence corruption behavior in Indonesia and more specifically in the legislative. To answer the formulation of the problem in this paper, the writer uses the researce library research method, which is conducting in-depth studies through journals, books and documents. Speaking of corruption is not just how we understand about state losses. But this is a matter of ethics, moral issues, behavior problems and national problems the death of political ethics makes deviant behavior of the stakeholders and also freezes political ethics among elites making a lot of great shocks that can be seen with so much corruption in this country

Private liability without wrongdoing

Rights-based theories of private law tend to be wrongs based and defendant focused. But many private law wrongs do not seem like genuine wrongs, at least when the background distribution of resources is unjust. A very poor person, for example, may be held legally liable for breaching a one-sided contract with a very rich person. When such a contract reflects and reproduces existing injustice, it is hard to view the poor person’s breach of such a contract as a genuine wrong against the rich person. Conversely, some obvious moral wrongs do not generate legal liability. There is, for example, no private law duty of rescue in the absence of a prior relationship in many situations in which most would agree that there is a moral duty of rescue. Thus, private legal liability seems not to track moral wrongdoing in significant respects, raising the question what instead justifies such liability. Instead of justifying private liability in terms of the defendant’s wrongdoing, as corrective justice and civil recourse theorists do, we should seek a justification in terms of the plaintiff’s moral permission to enforce her apparent rights. Switching our gaze from the defendant’s wrongdoing to the plaintiff’s moral permission to enforce her rights will not be normatively consequential if the plaintiff’s moral permission arises when and only when the defendant has wronged her. But, I argue, background injustice can drive a wedge between genuine wrongdoing and the plaintiff’s moral permission. Thus, by reconceptualizing private liability in terms of a plaintiff’s moral permission to enforce her apparent rights, private law may be justified by the essential role it plays in constituting non-ideal political morality.

Political Ethics In The Selection Of Local Head Candidates Fiqhi Siyasah Perspective

Political ethics serve as the foundation for anybody who aspires to be a leader. However, political life in the modern era is far from ideal. Numerous politicians employ a variety of strategies to further their goals without regard for ethical standards and principles. Politicians seeking power employ a variety of strategies, including making reckless political promises. The purpose of this study is to ascertain the public's opinion of the candidate pairs' political ethics, the elements that influence their application during elections, and the relationship between political ethics in the context of fiqhi siyasah and political ethics in Banggae District. This study employs a Normative Syar'i and Sociological Phenomenology approach. The data are derived from primary and secondary sources. The findings indicated that the public had a favorable opinion of the political ethics of the candidate pairs in the 2020 regional elections. Judging by the candidate pair's attitude in the community and their commitment to regional development and growth. Political ethics were affected by elements such as legal understanding, religious devotion, and level of education for regional head candidates in the 2020 regional head elections. Political ethics in the 2020 Pilkada in Banggae District are consistent with Fiqhi Siyasah in terms of conducting a campaign that is fair and adheres to regulations, as well as the attitudes and behavior of candidate pairs in the community.
 Keywords: Political Ethics; Regional Legislative Elections; Fiqhi Siyasah

“In the First Place, We Don’t Like to Be Called ‘Refugees’”: Dilemmas of Representation and Transversal Politics in the Participatory Art Project 100% FOREIGN?

100% FOREIGN? (100% FREMMED?) is an art project consisting of 250 life stories of individuals who were granted asylum in Denmark between 1956 and 2019. Thus, it can be said to form a collective portrait that inserts citizens of refugee backgrounds into the narrative of the nation, thereby expanding the idea of national identity and culture. 100% FOREIGN? allows us to think of participatory art as a privileged site for the exploration of intersubjective relations and the question of how to “represent” citizens with refugee experience as well as the history and practice of asylum. The conflicting aims and perceptions involved in such representations are many, as suggested by the opening sentence of Hannah Arendt’s 1943 essay “We, Refugees”: “In the first place, we don’t like to be called ‘refugees’”. Using 100% FOREIGN? as an analytical reference point, this article discusses some of the ethical and political implications of representing former refugees. It briefly considers recent Danish immigration and asylum policies to situate the project in its regional European context and argues that, similarly to its neighbouring countries, Denmark can be described as a “postmigrant society” (Foroutan). To frame 100% FOREIGN? theoretically, this article draws on Arendt’s essay, Trinh T. Minh-ha’s concept of speaking nearby, as well as the feminist concept of transversal politics (Meskimmon, Yuval-Davis). It is hoped that this approach will lead to a deeper understanding of what participatory art can bring to the ethical politics of representing refugee experience.

Limitation of Application for Cancellation of Election Results Regional Head in Justice Perspective

The type of research used in this research is normative legal research. The ratio of legislative norms limiting applications for cancellation of regional head election results contained in Article 158 paragraph (1) and paragraph (2) of Law no.10 of 2016 is to ensure that the cases submitted are cases that have significance with the electability of pairs of candidates for regional head and deputy regional head and to avoid the large number of dispute requests submitted by pairs of candidates for regional head and deputy regional head who feel aggrieved to the Court Constitution. Second, Article 158 paragraph (1) and paragraph (2) of Law Number 10 of 2015 is an open legal policy that forms the law as an effort to encourage the development of an increasingly mature political ethics and culture. The existence of the threshold norm of the difference in votes in reality is not in line with the principle of protecting human rights as mandated in Article 28D paragraph (1) of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, because it will hinder the rights of citizens to obtain legal protection and fair legal certainty. Not all cases of dispute over the results of regional head elections that are submitted to the Constitutional Court meet the threshold for the difference in votes in Article 158 paragraph (1) and paragraph (2) of Law no. 10 of 2016. The breakthrough made by the Constitutional Court as an effort to realize substantive justice for justice seekers, but this condition creates legal uncertainty.

Book Review: Review of White Evangelical Racism: The Politics of Morality in America

Book Review: Review of White Evangelical Racism: The Politics of Morality in America

Diskursus Khilafah dalam Kajian Fiqh Siyasah Klasik dan Kontemporer

Until now, the Muslim community in Indonesia is flooded with massive information about the discourse of the obligation to establish a caliphate. Some argue that establishing a caliphate is an obligation for all Muslims. This article discusses the caliphate discourse in the study of fiqh al-siyasa in the classical era and the contemporary era. The discourse on the caliphate in the contemporary era has warmed up after the collapse of the Ottoman Turks in 1924, the debate on theme of the caliphate in the contemporary era is about whether there is a standard form of government and Islam, the legal status of establishing a caliphate, and so on. This theme is different from the themes of the discussion of the caliphate in the classical era, in this era, themes the caliphate revolved around aspects of Islamic leadership values, such as procedures for choosing a caliph/leader, political ethics that must be held by leaders and other state officials.

Sungmoon Kim’s Democracy After Virtue

Sungmoon Kim’s <i>Democracy After Virtue</i>