Political Events Research Articles

Concerns about the deportation of friends or family members shape U.S.-born Latines' feelings about U.S. immigration policy with implications for collective action for immigrants' rights.

As citizens by birth, U.S.-born Latines are not subject to deportation. However, many have undocumented friends or family members who are. We examined whether concerns about the deportation of friends or family members shape U.S.-born Latines' feelings of anger and fear about U.S. immigration policy as well as identity conflict, variables associated with collective action for immigrants' rights. After establishing the effectiveness of our experimental manipulation in a pilot study (N = 378), we randomly assigned a national sample of U.S.-born Mexican and Central Americans (N = 1,244) to imagine the deportation of friends or family members or to a control condition. Participants reported their anger and fear about U.S. immigration policy, their sense of identity conflict, and their willingness to engage in collective action for immigrants' rights. Prior to the experimental manipulation, participants also reported their Latine identity centrality and fear of protesting. Concerns about the deportation of friends or family members increased anger and fear about U.S. immigration policy but not identity conflict. These feelings were independently associated with greater willingness to engage in collective action for immigrants' rights. The political consequences of the criminalization of undocumented status extend beyond undocumented immigrants themselves, strengthening feelings associated with collective action for immigrants' rights among their U.S.-born friends' and family members. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

Sovereign Credit Risk in Saudi Arabia, Morocco and Egypt

The purpose of this paper is to assess and predict sovereign credit risk for Egypt, Morroco and Saudi Arabia using credit default swap (CDS) spreads obtained from the DataStream database for the period from 2009 to 2022. Our approach consists of generating the implied default probability and the corresponding credit rating in order to estimate the term structure of the implied default probability using the Nelson–Siegel model. In order to validate the prediction from the probability term structure, we calculate the transition matrices based on the implied rating using the homogeneous Markov model. The main results show that, overall, the probabilities of defaulting in the long term are higher than those in the short term, which implies that the future outlook is more pessimistic given the events that occurred during the study period. Egypt seems to be the country with the most fragile economy, especially after 2009, likely because of the political events that marked the country at that time. The economies of Morocco and Saudi Arabia are more resilient in terms of both default probability and credit rating. These findings can help policymakers develop targeted strategies to mitigate economic risks and enhance stability, and they provide investors with valuable insights for managing long-term investment risks in these countries.

News Innovation Under Rapid Political Change: Influence of State-Society Relations, Organizational Culture, and Critical Events

ABSTRACT Extant discussions of news media innovation have largely focused on the impact of media technologies, market forces, and audience reception. This article examines how political dynamics in transitional societies shape news media innovation. It argues that, in such contexts, news media innovation can be understood as a contingent outcome driven by changing state-society relations, mediated by organizational factors, and punctuated by critical political events. The empirical analysis focuses on Hong Kong between the year 2012 and 2022. Based on in-depth interviews with 30 journalists from online and mainstream media organizations, this article illustrates how increasing pressure on press freedom and the growth of political contention inadvertently fed into the growth of online media, though the degree of innovation exhibited by specific outlets was influenced by organizational culture. Significant political events reconfigured media innovation by bringing about unexpected market support and major shifts in the state’s media control strategies. General theoretical implications are discussed.

Unsuccessful Effort of the Superpowers to Settle the Arab-Israeli Conflict in the Aftermath of the Six-Day War: The Gromyko-Goldberg Agreement

ABSTRACT In the aftermath of the Six-Day War between Israel and Arab countries, the Soviets and the Americans were locked in a diplomatic and propaganda battle in the UN over the future of the vast territories that Israel had conquered. Fearing that their Middle-Eastern clients, namely Egypt and Israel, could drag them into a direct clash, the two superpowers maintained secret contacts parallel to their power struggle in the UN in an effort to reach an agreement on principles to solve the Arab-Israeli conflict. Studies that analyze the diplomatic and political consequences of the Six-Day War tend to belittle or even ignore the tentative agreement reached between Soviet foreign minister Andrei Gromyko and Arthur Goldberg, the US ambassador to the UN. This article offers a new perspective on the neglected Gromyko-Goldberg agreement and a new interpretation of its indirect role in bringing the two superpowers to support UN Resolution 242 that formed the foundation for future diplomatic efforts to solve the Arab-Israeli conflict, including the peace agreement between Israel and Egypt signed in March 1979. The article also illustrates the negative impact of the Cold War on the two superpowers’ attempts to solve the Arab-Israeli conflict.

When alienated from society, conspiracy theory belief gives meaning to life

BackgroundConspiracy theory belief – explaining the ultimate causes of social and political events with claims of secret conspiracies – is assumed to arise from a desire to make sense of uncertainty, especially in times of crisis. However, there is no compelling evidence that conspiracy theory belief actually fulfils this function, particularly in terms of evaluating one's life as meaningful. We posit that the adoption of conspiracy theory belief can be explained as a fluid compensation when a more proximal source of meaning, a sense of belonging to society, is threatened. Thus, a positive association between conspiracy theory belief and meaningfulness should emerge when people feel alienated from society. We therefore tested the hypotheses that alienation from society correlates negatively with meaningfulness (H1), and that it moderates the relationship between conspiracy theory belief and meaningfulness (H2). MethodConspiracy theory belief related to the COVID-19 pandemic, meaningfulness (Meaning and Purpose Scales, MAPS), and perceived alienation from society were assessed in a representative sample of N = 974 German residents. ResultsAs expected, alienation from society was inversely related to meaningfulness and moderated the relationship between conspiracy theory belief and meaningfulness. According to the interaction, a positive association between belief in conspiracy theory and meaningfulness emerged when individuals experienced themselves as alienated from society. ConclusionThe results suggest that conspiracy theory belief might alleviate a lack of meaningfulness caused by experienced alienation from society. Individuals who felt discriminated against, treated unequally, or having their rights restricted were more likely to hold conspiracy theory belief, which was associated with a greater sense of meaning in their lives.

Contentious politics of welfare in rural India: The interplay between the Maoist insurgency and the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act

This paper examines whether the Indian government used the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (NREGA) to counter the radical mobilization of rural poor by the Maoist Naxalite movement. Employing an original district-level dataset from 2006 to 2014 and the GLOCON database on political events, it adopts a quasi-experimental method to analyze the strategy's effectiveness. The findings suggest that the government targeted districts with higher rural mobilization using NREGA as a counter-insurgency tool. However, the Naxalites effectively countered this strategy. Analysis of journals from the factions Liberation and People's March shows that the Naxalites actively claimed benefits under NREGA, transforming it from a containment tool to a governmental concession. This study concludes that the government's strategy was unsuccessful due to the effective counter-strategy by the Naxalites.

School of Law and its Role in Training Lawyers in the South of Kurdistan (1908-1945)

As a scientific foundation, the school of law in Bagdad played a significant role in the Ottoman era. The role of this school became more considerable after establishing the new Iraqi government in 1921. This was basically because the Iraqi government was taking steps towards institutionalizing the governmental institutions. With the advancement of people's daily life, new social issues emerged and all of which needed the enactment of new laws. This school was a great opportunity to educate and train a group of selected jurists who played a significant role in political events and developments. They additionally served the political and cultural movements. Taking part in political activities through political associations and parties have had a considerable influence on the political state of the country, as well as the education of the people. Furthermore, publishing newspapers and magazines was another accessible channel of them to promote cultural and intellectual aspects of Kurdish people’s life in Kurdistan of Iraq. In this study, we have employed the historical research method for recording events, and also objective review and analysis. Based on the analysis of this method, the role and impact of the school in training and educating Kurdish lawyers in the South of Kurdistan in the domains of political, cultural and administrative between the years (1908-1945) has been presented.

Multum in parvo. Eight examples from the Louros Archive

This paper begins with a brief overview of the late Professor Nikolaos Louros’ life, his residence, the eponymous Foundation for the History of Medicine, and his Archive. The main focus is the presentation of eight short entries from the Archive, which initially appear to concern medical matters. However, further research reveals their significance in shedding light on major political, social, and cultural events in Greece. The content of these eight notes includes: One and two - Louros’ instructions concerning the fate of his Archive after his death. Three - the peculiar circumstances surrounding the delivery of Queen Geraldine of Albania’s first son. Four - Louros’ appointment as director of the Evangelismos Hospital’s Department of Gynaecology. Five - a case of hymenorrhaphy. Six - events coinciding with the delivery of the Argentine Ambassador’s wife, Seven and eight - The tracing of Louros’ tomb.

The evolution of Franco-Spanish relations in the late XVIII - early XIX centuries.

The article examines the evolution of Franco-Spanish relations in the late XVIII – early XIX centuries. The subject of the study is the peculiarities of the development of relations between France and Spain, the analysis of various factors that influenced the diplomacy of the two countries. The object of the study is various treaties, armed conflicts and specific political steps characterizing Franco-Spanish relations. Special attention is paid to the role of the union of the two countries in the confrontation with Great Britain. The purpose of the study is to analyze the causes and consequences of changes in relations between France and Spain in the late XVIII – early XIX centuries. A special role in the evolution of Franco-Spanish relations is noted for the coup d'état of 18 Brumaire in France and the rise to power of Napoleon Bonaparte. The active foreign policy of Napoleonic France eventually resulted in a full-scale war on the Iberian Peninsula. The author uses chronological, historical-comparative and historical-systemic research methods in his work. These methods allowed to analyze the evolution of the Franco-Spanish relations in the late XVIII - early XIX centuries. Periods of military confrontation were interspersed with the time of the union of the two countries. There was a certain duality at the heart of the Franco-Spanish alliance. On an ideological level, most of Spanish society did not accept the ideas of the French Revolution. From an economic point of view, it was not profitable for Spain to enter into the Anglo-French confrontation. Ties with the Spanish colonies were disrupted. From the point of view of European politics, Spain, isolated by its geographical location, did not always benefit from an alliance with France, since it was an unequal partner in it. A special contribution of the author to the study of the topic is the proposed periodization of the history of Franco-Spanish relations of the late XVIII – early XIX centuries, its division into a number of stages. This makes it possible to better structure the work and identify the interrelationship of the changes that determined the nature of Franco-Spanish relations at each stage. The novelty of the research lies in the fact that in this work the evolution of Franco-Spanish relations in the late XVIII – early XIX centuries is considered as a whole and continuous process, the influence of domestic political events on changes in the foreign policy of the two countries is analyzed.

A Comprehensive Analysis of India-Nepal Relationship Since 2014

Despite assurances to the contrary, Nepal finds it challenging to keep a balance between China and India. Both China and India are fascinated by Nepalese. The tabloid debates a struggle amongst China and India for political dominance in Nepal. It examines the responses of China and India to the most recent political events in Nepal.

הפעילות הסוציאלית בקהילה היהודית בירושלים בתקופת המנדט

In this article, I analyze the factors that shaped social welfare activity in the Jewish community in Jerusalem during the British Mandate in Palestine. First, I review the attitude towards social welfare activity in the City Council—the body that preceded the Community Council—during the 1920s. Second, I examine the activities and efforts of the Social Welfare Bureau by way of the Community Council in the early 1930s. Third, I analyze on two levels the impact of political events in the Jewish Yishuv from the mid-1930s until late in the Mandate period on social welfare activities: on the municipal level, with emphasis on the impact of Jerusalem’s unique factors and characteristics, including the Sephardic Community Council’s political influence on community-social welfare activities; and at the national level of the Jewish Yishuv, which included the influence of the Fifth Aliyah and the Yishuv fundraising organizations on the activities of the Social Welfare Bureau in the 1940s. Based on the analysis of each of the aforementioned players, I propose that the nature and scope of social welfare activities in Jerusalem were the result of three combined influences: the Jewish Yishuv – initiatives originating from the National Institutions; the community influence – activities based on the Community Council’s status and a community-oriented outlook; and the local influence – norms and attitudes that were prevalent in Jerusalem before the British conquest. Therefore, I show in this article that the Jewish Yishuv framework is one of the components that shaped social welfare activity in Jerusalem.

Conglomerates at the court: The political consequences of mergers & acquisitions

Increasingly, corporations expand through the creation or acquisition of new subsidiary companies. Despite the commonality of the practice, little is known regarding how it influences corporations’ political behavior. This research note analyzes how subsidiaries shape corporations’ political interests and collaborations as they seek to influence the Supreme Court. To accomplish this, we construct a historical dataset of the acquisitions and mergers of a politically active sample of Fortune 500 corporations (spanning various industries and sizes) that we combine with their history of filing amicus curiae briefs to the Court. Through social network and longitudinal analyses, we analyze whether and how corporations change their targeted issue areas, collaborations, and political success following consolidation. While mergers and acquisitions have little effect on the quantity of actions or success before the Court, they expand the issues of political interest for corporations, and increase both their popularity and ability to broker information in their political network.

Дагестан в составе России: основные этапы и опыт политической, экономической и куль-турной интеграции

The article highlights the economic and political consequences of Dagestan's entry into Russia, starting from the end of the Caucasian War in the North-Eastern Caucasus and up to our time. This event had great progressive significance for the destinies of the Dagestan peoples. The peoples of Dagestan, who were at the stage of feudalism, were drawn into the economic, legal and cultural field of capitalist Russia, which predetermined the rapid development of bourgeois relations in the region in industry and the agricultural sector. Being part of the Russian Empire, and subsequently the USSR, Dagestanis took an active part in all significant socio-political events in the country. A particularly great flourishing of the economy and culture of Dagestan was observed in the 1960–1980s. After the collapse of the Soviet Union and a paradigm shift in the state and social structure of Russia, the peoples of Dagestan expressed their desire to remain part of it. In the new geopoliti-cal situation, Dagestan turned out to be the southernmost outpost of Russia, through which the Russian Federation protects its geoeconomic and geostrategic interests in the region.

Формирование доктрины российского либерализма в конце XIX века

The formation of Russian liberalism in the 19th century doctrinally followed the path of historically determined development in the context of the Western-centric paradigm. However, political events in Russia at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries made significant adjustments to the further development of liberal ideology. Based on institutional and historical-comparative approaches, a study was conducted of the theoretical heritage of Russian liberalism, its features were noted, and it was proven that the contribution of Russian scientists of the late 19th century can become the basis for developing a strategy for the further development of Russian statehood in the modern geopolitical situation.

The Impact of General Elections on Stock Market Volatility in Indonesia (2004–2023)

Elections are events that play an important role in the economic aspects of a country. Elections create uncertainty and potentially affect investor sentiment, causing fluctuations in Indonesian stock prices. A few months before the election, stock prices in Indonesia showed a significant increase in the Indonesia Composite Stock Price Index (IHSG). This occurs due to an increase in purchasing power for campaign needs and an increase in the government budget. The ARCH/GARCH model is a relevant analysis instrument in looking at market volatility. This study forecasts the close value of IHSG in the election year 2024 and analyzes the effect of elections on stock price volatility in Indonesia. This research resulted in the best model is GARCH (1,1) with RMSE 604.74, MAE 484.27, and MAPE 13.37. The forecasting results from November 23, 2023 - February 29, 2023 tend to increase, the average increase is 0.097%, the biggest increase from the end of November to the beginning of the first week of December 2023 by 0.229%. The relationship between IHSG value and political month is positive. The regression equation shows the IHSG value in months containing political events is 743,53 greater than in non-political months.

Mademoiselle de Montpensier: female politician and military leader during the Fronde

Importance. The history of women, the interest in which in national and foreign historiography does not wane, is a pressing problem for historians studying the Fronde in France (1648–1653). During the Civil War, active aristocratic women had the opportunity to express themselves as politicians and even as military leaders on an equal basis with men, and sometimes even overshadow them. An example of this is Mademoiselle de Montpensier who left a detailed account of her enterprises in her Memoirs. They are the main source of this research work and are supplemented by information from the “Memoirs” of another participant in the Fronde, Cardinal de Retz. The purpose of the work is to evaluate her actions in political and military events during the Fronde, to find out the reasons why the Duchess was able to become a political and military leader at a time when women did not have the right to be ministers or generals.Research Methods. To study the materials within the «Memoirs», methods of social history, the study of sources of personal origin, and historical and comparative methods are used.Results and Discussion. The analysis of the sources used shows that Princess de Montpensier was by no means a typical frondeur – her goals, means, and motivations were different from those used by many other “rebels”. Many aristocratic women became “oppositionists” for economic reasons – they joined parties in order to achieve personal goals, which were often selfish. The princess, young, active, physically strong and healthy, received a rich inheritance and solved political and military problems during the Fronde. The combination of personal qualities, wealth and high position in society gave her the opportunity to become the most famous and active frontwoman.Conclusion. To summarize, it should be noted that the memoirist purposefully sought to participate in the political life of France in the mid-17th century. and achieved success. She became a more significant politician than her father, Gaston d’Orleans, and took a significant part in the activities of the party of the Prince de Condé and in the campaigns of his army.

Navigating the Audience: Trump’s Persona Management Processes Across Political Contexts

Speakers can project different personae when engaging in stylistic practices, which can be characterised by a consistent or variable use of linguistic features. This becomes relevant when addressing how politicians attempt to position themselves in communicative interactions through their use of language. The present study takes a third wave approach to the analysis of Donald Trump’s sociolinguistic behaviour across various speech events by focusing on the indexical mutability of PRICE/PRIZE and R-Dropping. The results evidence intra-speaker variation in Trump’s populist speech style used for interactional and political purposes in that he alters his use of + mainstream and non-mainstream forms as he operates across speech events. Thus, Trump exhibits a different sociolinguistic performance across different contexts, where he also takes a different approach towards the management and projection of his public persona, and therefore, transmits different social meanings through his language use. The results further suggest that the context, format and audience of the political event and the social meanings indexed by the selected linguistic features are what condition Trump’s sociolinguistic behaviour. We conclude that Trump’s speech style is characterised by the meaningful choices he makes about the linguistic resource to be used in a specific context and its corresponding social meaning.

Pericles tirano. Aproximación a la gestión de la crisis sanitaria durante la epidemia de Atenas (430-426 a.C.)

Abstract Tyrant Pericles. Approach to the management of the health crisis during the plague of Athens (430-426 BC) The aim of this paper is to analyse the political and religious consequences of the Athenian plague of 430 BC. Regarding the political aspects, the work is focused on the popular judgement on the epidemic’s management and the consequent Pericles’ loss of political prestige. Moreover, the paper concludes that this popular response leads to the adoption of religious measures such as the introduction in Athens of Asclepius’ cult (421 BC). The facts mentioned above provide an alternative point of view of Thucydides’ epidemic main account.

Examining the Detrimental Consequences of Delaying Romania’s Full Accession to the Schengen Area: A Security-Centric Approach Aligned with Sustainable Development and Quality of Life

PURPOSE: To highlight the degree of perception among the young population in Romania (ages 18–35) regarding the impact of the decisions by some European Union (EU) countries to delay the full acceptance (air, maritime, and land) of Romania’s accession to the Schengen Area on various indicators characterizing the country’s sustainable development, national security interests, and the quality of life of the population. This study was deemed timely in light of the EU’s decision regarding the removal of air and maritime border controls with Romania starting on 31 March 2024 (“Romania’s accession to the Schengen Area, air and maritime”), while maintaining controls at land borders (non-acceptance of “land accession”), under the conditions of Romania fully meeting all the requirements imposed by European legislation, a situation considered by national authorities and the Romanian public as discrimination compared to European states, and causing significant disadvantages in terms of sustainable development and the country’s security interests. METHODS: The study was based on a questionnaire administered to 785 Romanian citizens aged 18–35 years. Data were collected during the period from 15 March 2024 to 15 April 2024, centered around the date of 31 March 2024, which marks “Romania’s accession to the Schengen Area, air and maritime”, through the elimination of EU air and maritime border controls with Romania. The main method used was statistical analysis (descriptive, bivariate, and multivariate), focused on detecting and assessing the degree of respondents’ awareness regarding the efforts of authorities for the full accession of Romania to the Schengen Area and the EU’s response to this effort; the negative impact of delaying the elimination of controls at the EU’s land borders with Romania (“land accession”) on national security interests, on the sustainable development of the country by relating to the objectives of the 2030 Sustainable Development Agenda developed at the United Nations Summit in September 2015, and on the quality of life of people in Romania. Additionally, the study was based on empirical research of the analyzed issues, in accordance with the available literature. RESULTS: The study reveals that, in the context of a very high level of awareness among respondents regarding the efforts of national authorities for Romania’s accession to the Schengen Area (75.26–91.30%) and access to credible information resources and materials about these efforts (65.10–73.05%), Romania’s status as a full-fledged EU member is a determining factor for motivating Romania’s full accession to the Schengen Area (83.33–93.48%). Furthermore, the decisions of some European states to delay full accession are perceived as subjective/unfair actions that are likely to limit/violate the access/facilities of Romanian citizens, as full-fledged EU citizens, to the values of the European democratic space (59.12–76.69%). Additionally, respondents believe that these decisions are likely to affect Romania’s security interests (43.61–56.52%), exacerbate the discrepancies between the living standards of Romania’s population and those of Western European countries (47.59–71.73%), and negatively impact the national implementation of the 2030 Sustainable Development Agenda objectives, as these objectives mostly target significant national infrastructures. Moreover, the WHOQOL-BREF measurement tool shows that these decisions negatively affect, to a large and very large extent, the quality of life of people in Romania (32.07–41.31%), with specific characteristics of the investigated domains (“Physical”, “Psychological”, “Environmental”, and “Social”), depending on the considered socio-demographic variables. CONCLUSIONS: We consider that the study conducted provides a scientifically documented information base regarding respondents’ awareness of Romania’s efforts to join the Schengen Area, their perception of the direct consequences on national security, sustainable development of Romania, and quality of life, as a result of the decisions by some EU countries to delay Romania’s full accession to the Schengen Area. Lastly, the study reveals the correlation between the dissatisfaction/frustration of the population caused by the decision to delay Romania’s full accession to the Schengen Area and the questioning of the social, economic, political, and security consequences induced by this decision.

Kish Island through the Books of Geographers and Muslim Travellers

The research is interested in studying the history of the Iranian island of Kish through the books of geographers and Muslim travellers, as these books are an important source of history, politics, economy, and culture. Kish Island played a prominent role in the history of the sea, especially the distinctive economic role through its strategic location, as it dominated maritime trade for a large historical era of the history of the sea, in addition to its political history full of political events, as it controlled the coastal cities and neighbouring islands in the Gulf, and became the capital of the sea and the seat of kings, especially its cultural role, as many modernists and classifiers emerged from it who supported the scientific movement throughout Islamic history.