Electoral Politics Research Articles

Paradoxical oddities in two multiwinner elections from Scotland

If you were a candidate in an election, would you prefer more support from voters or less? Put another way: would you prefer that your campaign staff persuade more voters to vote for you, or fewer? These questions seem silly, because of course you would want more support from voters. Surprisingly, when using certain voting methods it is actually possible for more voter support to produce a worse result for a candidate; such an outcome is a type of monotonicity paradox. In [1], we searched for various types of monotonicity paradoxes in 1079 single-transferable vote (STV) elections from a database of Scottish local government elections. The purpose of this article is to present in detail two of the most interesting elections revealed by our search. These two elections are arguably the most paradox-riddled real-world political ranked choice elections ever documented, perhaps rivalled only by four single-winner examples from the United States: the 2009 mayoral election in Burlington, Vermont ([2, 3]); a 2021 city council race in Minneapolis, Minnesota [4]; the 2022 Special Election for US House in Alaska [5]; and the 2022 District 4 School Director election in Oakland, California [6]. The first election we present is the 2017 council election in the Buckie Ward of the Moray Council Area, which demonstrated the most extreme instance of a committee size monotonicity paradox ever observed in an actual election. The second election is the 2012 council election in the Steòrnabhagh a Tuath Ward of the Nah-Eileanan Siar Council Area, which demonstrated upward and downward monotonicity paradoxes, as well as a no-show paradox. To contextualise these elections, as part of our discussion we indicate how often these kinds of paradoxes occur in Scottish local government elections.

The Zimbabwe political space

Zimbabwe's post-independence election processes have been predominantly male-dominated, with women relegated to the periphery as electorates or party ‘cheerleaders’. Since the Beijing conference in 1995, Zimbabwe enacted several laws to overcome bottlenecks that have impeded women's participation in political processes, with the 2013 Constitution serving as the ultimate template for promoting women's engagement in mainstream electoral systems. Nonetheless, women’s participation as candidates or leaders in electoral processes has declined significantly since the 2013 Constitution. The study brings to the fore, findings to respond to 3 fundamental research questions which are: 1) what is the interlinkage between economic, cultural, social, and physical spaces with the electoral processes, 2) what are the complex social inclusion factors in political spaces, and 3) what recommendations can be proffered to enhance inclusion of women in electoral processes. In answering the questions, the research draws on content analysis of reports from the Project on Preventing Violence Against Women in Politics Project (VAWP/E), face-to-face interviews, and focus group discussions to offer insights and investigate the opportunities provided by various legal frameworks to increase women's engagement in electoral and political processes in Zimbabwe. The article further systematically explores other important factors and elements that impede and contribute to women's full participation in electoral processes as candidates. This study contends that the availability of excellent legal provisions does not result in increased women's participation in electoral politics as candidates unless there is political will. The study further asserts that participation in social, cultural, economic, and physical spaces interacts in a complex manner and influences women's participation in Zimbabwe's electoral political processes as candidates. Because of the country's political polarisation and the impunity of perpetrators of political violence, the political arena is believed to be intimidating and discouraging, thus not ripe, for women to participate as candidates. The study recommends a wholesome approach to dismantling the complex interlinkages between cultural, social, economic, and physical spaces as obstacles affecting the inclusion of women in electoral processes as candidates. Thus, the study further recommends that existing legal instruments should be complemented by progressively dismantling the social, cultural, and physical forces prohibiting women's participation as leaders in electoral processes. Specific provisions in the Electoral Act may further be used to penalise failure by political parties to field a reasonable number of women as candidates in elections.

Book Review Sair, A. (2024). Dramaturgi Politik Elektoral: Memahami Perilaku, Wacana, dan Motif Politik di Aras Lokal. Intrans Publishing. 148 pp.

This book offers a thorough investigation of political dramaturgy within the context of the 2010 Regional Head Elections in Surabaya. It spans six chapters, exploring the historical and theoretical foundations of political dramaturgy and providing a detailed case study of its application in Surabaya's electoral politics. Drawing on Erving Goffman's concepts of dramaturgy, the book illustrates how political interactions resemble theatrical performances, encompassing both "frontstage" and "backstage" elements. The backstage arena includes all the necessary preparations for the actors' performances on the front stage, ranging from research to logistical and technical requirements. In contrast, the front stage focuses on the actors' skills in impression management, which involve face-to-face interactions and the use of technology to effectively communicate political messages and influence public opinion. Overall, this book highlights the importance of dramaturgical elements in shaping electoral strategies and provides valuable insights into the complex interplay of cultural, social, and political factors that affect the dynamics of electoral politics at the local level.Keywords: political dramaturgy; regional elections; electoral politics

The Impact of Transactional Politics on Papuan Ethnic Identity Politics in the Dynamics of the 2024 General Election in Manokwari Regency

The objective of this study is to investigate the perspectives of the Papuan ethnic group regarding the dynamics of identity politics in general elections, which frequently encompass aspirations related to identity politics. The term "Papuan ethnicity" refers to an identity within Papuan nationalism, symbolizing the mobilization and unification of Papuans. In the context of elections, the notion of Papuan ethnicity becomes a significant issue for electoral candidates, particularly for those who lack support from their fellow Papuans. Utilizing qualitative research methods and ethnographic approaches, this study explores the impact of transactional politics on the ethnic perspectives and political participation of Papuans during elections. It examines various factors, including the influence of political funding on voter preferences, the mobilization of ethnic groups for political backing, and the dynamics of inter-ethnic interactions within political disputes. The findings of this research aim to provide an in-depth understanding of the patterns of political aspirations in Papua and their implications for the consolidation of democracy in Indonesia.Keywords: identity politics, political aspirations, Papuan ethnicity, general elections

Political contexts and new electorates: The case of women in Norway

AbstractExtension of voting rights is basic to political representation, but getting the newly eligible to the polls is also essential to representative politics. What are the factors that contribute to the mobilization of new voters? Study of the entry of women in electoral politics remains limited due to lack of appropriate data. However, in the case of Norway, as in several other countries, separate records were kept on women's eligibility and voting turnout. This paper examines how social factors may condition the influence of a major determinant of women's turnout, political party competition, in parliamentary elections immediately following their enfranchisement in the case of Norway. The study is conducted at the commune level and uses spatial tools of analysis. It takes place across (a) regions with different socio‐cultural and political attributes, (b) different franchise extensions to women by socioeconomic status, and (c) genders. Findings suggest that social context, that is, women's location in different socio‐cultural/political settings and socio‐economic status may condition the effects of political party competition on women's turnout.

The party in the flats: Relationships between housing movements and the political party form in the 1970s Irish rent strikes

The complex relationships between housing movements and the political party form have not been theorised or explored in depth. This article investigates the potential role of political parties in both politicising housing struggles as well as in undermining the autonomy and militancy of grassroots housing action. It draws on theories of the relationship between political parties and mass movements using the concept of the ‘party as articulator’, which identifies the party’s key functions as unifying social forces, politicising mass movements and providing continuity and stability over time. These perspectives are applied to the mass rent strikes which took place in Ireland in the early 1970s. We highlight the failure of any single party to fully carry out the role of articulator which arises from the fact that none possessed both organic roots in the tenants’ movement while simultaneously articulating radical demands and politicising the rent strikes. The article also investigates the tension between grassroots housing movements and parties oriented towards electoral politics. It demonstrates that, in the case study, the weakness of the institutional left in Ireland meant that it was not possible to fully co-opt and demobilise the rent strikes by redirecting them towards electoralism. The article’s overall contribution is the development of a framework to understand the specific activities through which political parties might contribute to generalising and politicising housing movements.

I Kings 12:1-24 and The Challenge of Religion and Ethnicity in Nigeria

This paper examines the account of segregation in 1 Kings 12:1-24, where the Kingdom of Israel divides into two distinct entities due to political, religious, and ethnic tensions. By analysing this biblical narrative, the study highlights the destructive consequences of division based on cultural and religious differences. The paper draws parallels to the contemporary context of Nigeria, a nation marked by diverse ethnic and religious identities. It argues that the story serves as a cautionary tale for Nigeria, emphasizing the dangers of allowing cultural and religious differences to foster division and conflict. This is a qualitative study using the narrative method. Data was obtained from secondary sources and analysed using the content analysis method of analyzing qualitative secondary data. The impacts of the culture of religion and ethnicity reveal that it affects electoral politics, governance and representation, conflict and instability, social cohesion, education and socialisation, and economic inequality. Emerged themes include a) leadership and consultation, b) economic disparities and grievances, c) responses to grievances, d) secessionist movements, and e) the role of mediation and reconciliation. Nigerian leaders might draw a cue from Rehoboam's failures by encouraging communication, attending to the economic requirements of all areas, and using mediators to help settle disputes amicably.

Two worlds, one nation? Comparing the political spaces of Flanders and Francophone Belgium

Abstract The transformation of the Belgian party system has unfolded asymmetrically: while conservative and far-right parties have thrived in Flanders, the populist right vote has not (yet) been mobilized in Francophone Belgium. Focusing on the demand side of electoral politics, this article explores whether these disparities on the supply side mirror distinct political dimensions and cleavages in both regions. By using an innovative methodology of (class-specific) multiple correspondence analysis, we find that the Flemish and the Francophone political space are largely alike – both in terms of the composition of their political dimensions as in their cleavage structure. However, we also find that Francophones adhere to a distinctive welfare consensus, which prevents working-class embourgeoisement and likely moderates the electoral fortunes of the far right. Overall, our results challenge the common stereotypes of a ‘conservative Flanders’ and a ‘progressive Wallonia’.

Caste and Electoral Behaviour in India: An In-depth Analysis

Caste has long played a pivotal role in shaping electoral behavior in India, significantly influencing political outcomes since independence. This paper examines the intricate relationship between caste and politics, tracing its roots to the colonial era and analyzing how caste-based political mobilization has evolved in contemporary times. The rise of caste-based political parties, such as the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), and Samajwadi Party (SP), has redefined the Indian electoral landscape. Additionally, the impact of caste identities on voting behavior, the role of coalition politics, and the use of social media in targeting caste groups are explored. While caste-based politics has empowered marginalized communities, it also poses challenges to governance and social cohesion. The paper concludes by reflecting on the future of caste in Indian electoral politics, emphasizing the need for more inclusive governance.

It is about time! Exploring the clashing timeframes of politics and public policy experiments

Abstract Although existing studies on experimental policymaking have acknowledged the importance of the political setting in which policy experiments take place, we lack systematic knowledge on how various political dimensions affect experimental policymaking. In this article, we address a specific gap in the existing understanding of the politics of experimentation: how political timeframes influence experimental policymaking. Drawing on theoretical discussions on experimental policymaking, public policy, electoral politics, and mediatization of politics, we outline expectations about how electoral and problem cycles may influence the timing, design, and learning from policy experiments. We argue electoral timeframes are likely to discourage politicians from undertaking large-scale policy experiments and if politicians decide to launch experiments, they prefer shorter designs. The electoral cycle may lead politicians to draw too hasty conclusions or ignore the experiment’s results altogether. We expect problem cycles to shorten politicians’ time horizons further as there is pressure to solve problems quickly. We probe the plausibility of our theoretical expectations using interview data from two different country contexts: Estonia and Finland.

Heritage Diplomacy, Neo-Ottomanism, and a Local Quest for a New Place of Worship: The Politics of Mosque Building in Batumi, Georgia

ABSTRACT Over the past few decades, Turkey has funded numerous construction and building rehabilitation initiatives in foreign countries. Amidst such efforts, this article scrutinises the implications of Turkey’s heritage diplomacy tied to Ottoman architecture and how it has the potential to overshadow the desires of local populations. It points to one such case in Batumi, Georgia, where a replica of the 1868 Aziziye Mosque was proposed as a part of Georgia-Turkey cross-border heritage exchanges in the 2010s. Here, Turkey’s fostering of the project exacerbated local Muslim Georgian efforts to construct a mosque of their own in the city. The case demonstrates how heritage diplomacy can land poorly, shining light on a range of broader domestic impacts to urban planning and national identity, electoral politics and community social cohesion. Instead of seeing local Muslims as passive bystanders, the article demonstrates how they asserted their rights, building a temporary open-air mosque and redirecting the focus back towards their particular needs. The findings are based on a long-term study of the politics of urban development in Batumi using qualitative methods. They contribute to a growing body of scholarship in critical heritage studies, highlighting connections to public policy, diplomatic relations, and religious activism.

A COMPUTATIONAL ANALYSIS OF IDEOLOGICAL POSITIONS, EMOTIONAL STANCE, AND SUPPORT FOR PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES IN TURKEY

Using artificial intelligence, this article explores the intricate dynamics between ideologies, emotions, and political preferences of the electorate in Turkey. Utilizing a dataset of one billion posts from X (formerly Twitter), the study maps out political opinions, focusing on support for presidential candidates, ideological stances, and collective emotions around the pivotal 2023 Turkish presidential elections. We discuss the limitations of conventional survey techniques and introduce an ERC‐funded Politus project that processes digital trace data to offer timely insights into social and political trends. The study's findings, particularly around the “prayer rug (seccade) crisis,” underscore the complexity of electoral politics and the potential of digital trace data in capturing the evolving sentiments and ideological orientations of voters. Through this computational approach, the research provides a granular depiction of Turkey's ideological map and electoral behavior, contributing significantly to the discourse on political analysis in the digital era.

Current issues of legal regulation on political advertising in election campaigns in social media

It is indicated that today the role of the Internet with all the unlimited amount of digital content that is produced in its spaces every day is extremely difficult to overestimate. Nowadays, it is various social networks and other online platforms that have become not only a means of placing and distributing information, but also the main communication field, which over time has made a real revolution in the field of user interaction. The article is devoted to the issues of legal regulation on political advertising and election campaignd in social media and on other online platforms, aims to highlight the central problems, as well as to outline the spectrum of possible ways to solve such problems through the study of Ukrainian and international experience of working with the control of the information field, namely, in the part of campaigning activities of the relevant subjects in social media, on other online platforms during the election process. Special focus in the current study is made on the correlation of national and corporate regulation of issues related to the use of foreign online platforms services for posting information that is considered as political advertising. In addition, it outlines a range of problems that are currently outside the scope of legal regulation and are caused, on the one hand, by the rapid pace of digital technologies development, and on the other hand, by the nature and essence of such a phenomenon as election campaigns and political advertising means in general, namely in terms of a wide range of tools for influencing the audience. As a result, the need for cooperation between the state as a legislator and corporations as non-state entities that own and manage specific resources used for posting election campaign materials is emphasized. It was also concluded that there is a need to pay special attention to the improvement of the national legislative framework in terms of understanding political advertising as a social phenomenon and creating special requirements for the regulation of legal relations regarding such advertising placement in social media and other online platforms.

Candidates nomination strategy in a mixed electoral system: Evidence from the 2022 Italian general election

Abstract Despite the significant attention that scientific literature has dedicated to candidate selection mechanisms, relatively few studies have delved into which characteristics influence candidate positioning on the list. Social scientists have primarily focussed on factors shaping a candidate’s career rather than those affecting their placement on the list. Placement is a crucial factor in mixed or proportionally representative electoral systems with closed-list structures. Through a multivariate statistical analysis applied to an original dataset on candidates from major parties, this article aims to fill this gap in the literature by analysing candidates in the list during the 2022 Italian political elections. The results suggest that factors such as incumbency, previous national career, and the level of local rootedness favour placement on the list in positions where the chance of election seems more realistic. Conversely, gender favours placement in positions where the chances of election are less realistic. Additionally, dual candidacy in both the proportional and majoritarian parts also appear to have a positive effect; however, its interaction effects with other variables are less clear.

Democratic Equality and the Elected Avatars of the People

Abstract I argue that the use of elected political representatives undermines the political equality of citizens. Having elected representatives politically stand-in for individual constituents makes ordinary citizens the political inferiors of their representatives. This in turn creates democratically problematic social inequality between elected politicians and their constituents. I then offer an alternative to representative politicians that does not face the avatar of the people problem: representative mini-publics. Through these bodies, we can achieve a representative system without a class of political elites, where citizens share the responsibilities and powers of government as equals.

Do Fiscal Rules Tame the Political Taxation Cycles under Authoritarian Regimes: Evidence from China’s New Budget Law

Political budget cycles (PBCs) in Western democracies have been extensively examined. Yet, few studies have explored whether there exists a local political budget cycle under authoritarian regimes. Moreover, the question of whether fiscal rules effectively tame the political taxation cycles remains. Unlike previous studies, we bring the “business” back into the study of political “business” cycles. Using firm tax payments data in China, we confirm the presence of political cycles in local tax collection behaviors under the authoritarian system. However, in contrast to the fiscal manipulation behaviors during and before political elections in Western democracies, Chinese local leaders engage in opportunistic taxation behaviors in the early years after the Provincial Congress of the Communist Party (PCCP) when there are local leaders’ elections. The political taxation cycles disappeared following the implementation of China’s new budget law in 2015, demonstrating the effectiveness of fiscal rules in taming local political budget cycles in authoritarian regimes. This research extends the existing PBC theory to the context of non-Western democracies based on micro-level evidence.

Political Preferences Of Young Generation (Gen Y And Gen Z) Ahead Of The Contestation Of The 2024 West Java Governor And Vice Governor Elections

Gen Y (millennials) and Z are predicted to have a vital role in the conduct of General Elections, this cannot be separated from quantitative data-based considerations, specifically their very large proportion of the total number of Voters. Within the context of the 2024 West Java Governor and Vice Governor Elections, such figure is realized to reach 54 percent. Given such background, it is not surprising that all components of interest, in this case the electoral committees, electoral candidates, and including academics are competing in making a more detailed map of the political preferences and voting behavior of gen Y and Z. This study uses a qualitative method and critical discourse analysis approach. This study seeks to show a number of factors in relation to the political preferences of gen Y and Z in the implementation of democratic mechanisms, specifically General Elections. These political preferences of gen Y and Z are mapped out through survey data, those survey data are analyzed in depth through the theory of voting behavior. This study is expected to be a reference for electoral committees and electoral candidates in the formulation of strategic policies to improve gen Y and Z's participation and involvement in electoral politics.

Reforms of Political Finance: Strengthening Democracy by Reducing the Impact of High-Cost Politics

This study has two objectives: First, to examine high-cost politics in Indonesian elections; Second, to propose measures to strengthen the Ministry of Home Affairs’ authority in political finance supervision and enhance regulations to promote electoral transparency, using the recent Indonesian elections as a case study. Indonesia’s political process is characterized by high-cost politics, where candidates often face pressure to raise substantial funds to finance their election campaigns. Consequently, elections, meant to serve as a democratic platform for all Indonesians, frequently become subject to abuse by individuals seeking to attain power. The primary goal of this study is to gain a comprehensive understanding of the high-cost politics in Indonesian elections and its impacts on democratic integrity. The study utilized a normative juridical methodology, incorporating statutory and conceptual approaches. The findings indicated that transactional and money politics, along with high-cost politics in Indonesia’s elections, pose a serious threat to democracy. The Ministry of Home Affairs and the General Election Supervisory Agency must strengthen their legal instruments to monitor political party finances. Furthermore, political actors must be encouraged to reduce high-cost politics.

Women’s participation in Nigeria’s 2023 elections: a micro-level analysis

This study investigates a micro-level dimension of women’s participation in Nigeria’s electoral politics. It focuses on a particular local government area: Ikere, in Ekiti state in southwestern Nigeria, during the 2023 general election. The paper uses a qualitative approach to analyse the contributions of women towards the successes of their political parties at the polls, although they have not had full opportunity to contest as candidates. Key informant and in-depth interviews were conducted with respondents who were purposively selected from the leadership of political parties, academia, market and religious institutions, as well as interested onlookers. Additionally, campaign and mobilisation processes were observed during the period of this election. The study concluded that the wait for cultural and socio¬economic development to turn in favour of women’s numerical increase might not offer any realistic hope. However, the adoption of discretionary affirmative action strategies by party leaders could have a reverse effect and also reinforce prejudice.

Reconstituting the ‘good woman’: Gendered visual politics on social media during 2021 state election in West Bengal, India

This paper explores the visual politics of gender in electoral politics in West Bengal (WB). We examine how women political candidates visually construct their non-verbal political performance on social media, and how such visuals relate to social mores and societal expectations surrounding femininity. Drawing on theories of the social construction of gender and visual political communication, we conducted a content analysis of 1,033 visual artefacts from eight individual women candidates and 205 from the Facebook and X (formerly Twitter) pages of the four main political parties taking part in the January-April 2021 electoral campaign for state-level elections in WB. We analysed how these candidates construct gendered relationships with the electorate through different cues on the platforms, such as sartorial choices (traditional or Western attire), use of culture-specific religious symbols (sindoor or vermillion, bindi – forehead marking worn by married Hindu women), and gendered/non-gendered political actions like cooking or serving food, giving speeches or meeting constituents in political processions. Our findings about the visually performed politics show a combination of cultural, political, and gender signifiers, which are mediated and remain connected to societal expectations, and historical narratives. The candidates’ negotiation of these aspects, in turn, underscores a reproduction of colonial legacies and, in the present day, an ongoing production of societal differences. This study contributes to the growing body of literature on visual politics of gender, particularly in Asian contexts. It sheds light on the nuanced ways women politicians use social media to construct their visual identities, and how the deployment of body politics into the relatively ‘new’ online sphere reifies ‘old’ social, political, cultural symbolisms, and norms regarding gender. In this way, this article highlights the importance of considering pre-digital forms of gendered identity construction and visual representation when analysing the contested terrain of digital visibilities.