Political Clans Research Articles

EXPLOITATION OF WOMEN IN THE CHANGING POWER DYNAMICS

This research examines the role of women in political oligarchy and their potential to change power dynamics. Political oligarchy concentrates power in the hands of a few, often overlooking women's roles within this structure. Feminist intersectionality reveals that social class significantly influences women's involvement in oligarchy, with greater barriers for women from lower economic classes. Women's participation in politics, both as leaders and members of political parties, is crucial for representing their unique needs in policy-making. However, women in decision-making roles often face cultural and normative dilemmas, needing to overcome negative stereotypes. The feminist movement plays a vital role in addressing gender inequality by changing cultural norms and raising awareness of gender bias. Although the Constitution of Indonesia and international conventions affirm gender equality, implementation requires specific policies. This research employs a qualitative descriptive method, collecting data from literature, official documents, and news sources. Findings indicate that women's roles in political oligarchy are often tied to kinship relations, political clans, and dynasties. Despite affirmative action policies promoting 30% female representation in legislative candidate lists, this representation often serves to validate the interests of certain groups. Nonetheless, women's involvement in politics is a positive step toward gender equality. Addressing gender inequality and increasing women's participation in decision-making requires robust efforts to support women's rights and dismantle social and political barriers. Further policy implementation to support women's political representation is essential for a more inclusive and gender-equal society.

Background, Recruitment, and Perceived Factors for Winning: A Qualitative Inquiry into the Perspectives of Local Women Politicians (LWPs) in Northern Mindanao, Philippines

Despite being globally acknowledged as one of the more gender-equal societies, the Philippines faces persistent challenges in achieving gender parity, especially in political representation, which necessitates a deeper investigation into women's political participation at the local level. This study delves into the nuanced dynamics of local women politicians (LWPs), examining their political background, recruitment into politics, and perceived factors for electoral success. Utilizing a phenomenological research design, the study aims to articulate and comprehend the essence of LWPs' lived experiences. Grounded in Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA), the methodological framework facilitates a nuanced understanding of individual and societal realms. Six LWPs from Bukidnon, Northern Mindanao, participated in the study to comprehensively explore commonalities and distinctions in their political experiences. The findings revealed five themes of LWPs' political background: apolitical origins, entry into politics during young adulthood, involvement in philanthropy, membership in political families, and substantial political experience. The political recruitment of LWPs is revealed through the support of the church and the influence of political families. Additionally, LWPs' perceived factors for winning in electoral politics encompass three key themes: membership in a political family, philanthropic endeavors, and the prevalence of money politics. The lived experiences of LWPs resonate with prior research on "kinship politics" in the Philippines, illustrating how political power is bequeathed, inherited, and cycled within prominent political clans. This study contributes to the ongoing discourse on women's political participation by offering a comprehensive and nuanced exploration of the multifaceted factors influencing their engagement in local politics.

Kinship ties and female political participation: The case of Philippine mayors

Recent years have seen improvements in gender representation in the political sphere. One important contributor is the female politicians’ kinship ties to incumbent or previous politicians. There are concerns, however, that such improvements are merely nominal. I quantify the extent to which female politicians with kinship ties are more likely to serve as placeholders. I utilize the transitory nature of term limits among local Philippine officials and focus on Philippine mayors and their kinship ties to their predecessors. Using the universe of mayors that followed term-limited incumbents from 2004 to 2013, I find that female mayors are less likely to stand for reelection after one term than males. Further investigation reveals that the gender gap is primarily explained by the gap among mayors with kinship ties to their predecessors. The estimated gender gap is more than one-fourth of the average likelihood of running for reelection in the sample. I also find that the predecessors of female mayors with kinship ties are more likely to run for mayor after their gap term and win. The results are consistent with political clans disproportionately using their female members as placeholders. In addition, female incumbents with kinship ties are more likely to exit politics after one term than their male counterparts. This result suggests that the political participation of female kins of term-limited mayors is more transitory than males.

The Modality of Mulyadi Jayabaya’s Political Clan in the Lebak Local Election in 2018

This research discusses a number of strengths or capital possessed by the Mulyadi Jayabaya political clan in the electoral process at the 2018 Lebak regional head election, as well as having brought up his daughter in the 2018 regional head elections as a representation of one of the local political clans that has dominated the political-economic structure. The incumbent’s success in this electoral process has cemented the status quo among political clans. In addition, this victory cannot be denied because of the symbolic power that has been obtained by the incumbent. As stated in the study of Pierre Bourdieu (1986), who has seen that in the social arena there are always those who dominate and are dominated. Thus, to analyze the amount of capital owned by the Mulyadi Jayabaya political clan, the author uses a concept that has been conveyed by Pierre Bourdieu regarding capital, which consists of economic capital, social capital, cultural capital, and symbolic capital. This research addresses a number of capitals that are used ath the same time in an effort to maintain their power in fighting the empty column and civil society members who are members of the fight group for empty column because capital has a significant role, especially the political legacy that has been abandoned by the previous regent. As a result, incumbents and political clans build networks formally, such as with the bureaucracy, and with informal leaders, such as religious leaders, youth, and organizations, in the aftermath of clan member’s victories in the 2018 Lebak regional head election.

Cronyism, Oligarchy and Governance in the Philippines: 1970s vs. 2020s

Martial Law exacerbated cronyism and oligarchy by concentrating political power into the hands of one political clan. Technocratic industrial policy combined with political anti-oligarch rhetoric spurred the rationalization and liberalization of different economic sectors. Some traditional business oligarchs were quickly displaced by a new cohort of business leaders with strong ties to the Marcos administration. This was the basic recipe for malgovernance and one of the deepest economic implosions faced by the Philippines in the early-1980s that eventually led to the dictator’s removal via the 1986 EDSA revolution. While institutional reforms and subsequent economic recovery has been achieved by post-EDSA Presidents, economic and political governance challenges persist as the risks of cronyism and oligarchy only evolve over time. Reformists appear to have liberalized the economy and spurred economic growth, but they have made little progress to liberalize the political system. The tendency for political clans to concentrate power remains. This underpins the reform agenda to continue to rebalance economic and political power in favor of stronger inclusion and competition, in turn supporting inclusive development.

Large Business in Higher Levels of US Authority Example of D. Trump

This article discusses one of the key components of the mechanism of formation of the ruling elites in the United States - economic. Representatives of large business, financial circles and political clans, capable of fighting for power and possessing the necessary resource base and tools, form elite groups. The authors focus on the study of US large business as a supplier of cadres for the American political elites that determine US domestic and foreign policy. In their work, the authors set the following tasks: to analyze the mechanism of the formation of political elites in the USA; to consider the experience of Trump Organization in the context of the acquisition by her leader of the highest political status in the USA in 2016 and the prospects for his re-election to this post in 2020; to assess the role of large business in the formation of political elites in the United States. To achieve the objectives, the authors used a few methods of political science: structural, systemic, functional, comparative and historical methods. The methodology of economic science was also involved: the method of scientific abstraction, the method of normative and functional analysis. The study, in its conceptual basis, is based both on the theory of political elites and on the economic theory of competition.

Ігри з кордонами: політика ідентичності у східній Україні

У статті розглядається вплив ідентичності на сепаратизм на сході України, узагальнюються ключові моменти дисертації, поданої на ступінь магістра міжнародних відносин Кембриджського університету, 2015–2017 рр. Юрієм Бендером із коледжу Робінсона, під керівництвом доктора Рорі Фінніна, доцента кафедри українознавства Кембриджського університету.Моє недавнє дослідження подій, що призвели до відокремлення так званої Донецької Народної Республіки та Луганської Народної Республіки на сході України та їхні подальші спроби функціонувати як окремі автономні регіони, ґрунтувалося на дослідженні впливу економіки та ідентичності, підкріплених зовнішньою політикою Москви в країнах «ближнього зарубіжжя». Ключові економічні чинники тимчасового відокремлення «автономних регіонів» відбувалися на тлі зміни ідентичності та елітарної поведінки. Вивчення цих питань є життєво важливим для визначення того, чи мають «республіки» довгострокове автономне майбутнє. Пропонована стаття присвячена ідентичності, а економічні чинники розглядатимуться деінде. Досліджуються змінні та часто суперечливі множинні ідентичності, закріплені за регіоном Донбасу, історично багатого на просторові ресурси для політичних та економічних біженців. Однак у теперішній конфліктний час мігранти все частіше покидають Донбас, а не в'їжджають в зазначений регіон. Як це не парадоксально, але найбільш підприємливі та освічені громадяни, які демонструють найсильніші прояви ідентичності – саме того типу, який необхідний для створення ефективної держави, – найімовірніше виїдуть.Конфлікт розглядається через теоретичні призми, включаючи «Дике поле» історика Гіроакі Куромії, оскаржуване олігархами, злочинними угрупуваннями та політичними кланами; та євро-азіатський «Хартленд» географа Халфорда Макіндера, що історично боровся та відстоював східні та західні держави. Спираючись на напівструктуровані інтерв’ю, проведені під час моїх візитів до України, я прагну внести свій внесок у дискусію щодо майбутньої траєкторії проблемних східних прикордонних територій України та пролити світло на їхнє недавнє минуле. Детальне вивчення цього геостратегічного регіону може запропонувати рішення для ключових суб’єктів, включно з Росією, Україною та іншими членами міжнародної спільноти, щоб винести урок з конфлікту, що триває. Особливо важливим для політиків є питання змішаних ідентичностей, поширених на більшій частині східної України.

Spór o transakcję kolbuszowską w świetle traktatów polemicznych “Uwagi w sprawie Ordynacji Ostrogskiej” Tomasza Dłuskiego z 1754 roku i “Prawdy Objaśnionej” Piotra Hadziewicza z 1756 roku

The abolition of the Ostroh majorat (ordynacja) was one of the most disputed issues, which provoked sharp controversy in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the second half of the 18th century. It started with the Kolbuszowa transaction of 1753, a document that violated the will of the founder of the majorat and split previously indivisible possessions between the creditors of the last owner of the majorat, Prince Janusz Aleksander Sanguszko. It is believed that this resolution was adopted by the Prince due to difficulties he experienced. Incompetent management of the extensive estates x inherited from his mother, and huge debts slowly pushed Sanguszko into the financial abyss, which he tried to avoid by distributing inherited land. The article analyzes two treatises, the authors of which, representing the interests of different political clans, discuss the legality of Sanguszko's actions. The author of the first of these works, Tomasz Dłuski, justifies the position of the Czartoryski "Family", which was in favour of the Kolbuszowa transaction. His opponent, Piotr Hadziewicz, apparently linked to the camp of Grand Crown Hetman Jan Klemens Branicki, insisted on the indivisibility of the majorat. The paper presents the arguments of both authors.

Will Access to Information on Political Dynasties Alter Voting Behavior? Evidence From a Philippine Youth Voting Experiment

Many young democracies are characterized by the proliferation of political dynasties, i.e. elected politicians from the same clan spanning across time and across different elected positions. In the Philippines, there has been growing concern that political dynasties are on the rise, as more elected officials hail from political clans. Lack of information on political dynasties could be a potential reason behind this. Using a randomized control trial framework, this paper seeks to evaluate the impact of young voters’ access to information on political dynasties (i.e. the socio-economic correlates of this phenomenon) vis-a-vis their voting choices for top local government positions and the Senate in the Philippines. The two main delivery systems for the information are: a) a five-minute cartoon highlighting the main findings of a study on political dynasties in the Philippine Congress; and b) a lecture by one of the co-authors of that study. This paper finds some evidence that the lecture and the cartoon had an effect in terms of reducing votes for dynasties. Second, the lecture has a much greater impact than the cartoon in terms of its estimated effect on the voting preference of the participants. The study findings suggest that access to information on political dynasties has potentially large effects on electoral outcomes, should the result hold for a large share of young voters. Based on a simplified illustration, the lecture on political dynasties could potentially result in about less than half a million fewer votes for dynastic politicians for the top senate spot; and up to five million less votes for dynastic senatorial candidates for the 12 slots. Again, it should be emphasized that this is a mere illustration and not a projection of effects on actual elections. Nevertheless, the results are compelling in their potential magnitude, should these estimates hold true for the larger youth population.

Dynasties Thrive Under Decentralization in the Philippines

The association of political clans with traditional politics, vote buying, impunity and other detrimental practices in Philippine politics is well documented in the academic literature. And in very recent studies, political dynasties have also been shown to be associated with deeper poverty — where there are fatter dynasties (i.e. political clan members occupying positions together) there tend to be increased poverty and underdevelopment. This paper provides an update on the over-all leadership patterns in the country, incorporating the results from the May 2016 elections. Over-all, when considering the results of the 2016 elections, the Philippines’ local governments became even more dynastic with over 80% of Governors and around 78% of Representatives belonging to political clans. Based on the present trend, we estimate that almost 70% of the entire local government leadership will be dynastic by 2040.

Dynastic Political Networks: Insights from the Case of Western Samar, Philippines

Network analysis of familial links in politics provides a novel way of understanding strategies of alliance building and power consolidation among political dynasties. This paper demonstrates how network analysis can be applied to family-centric political networks in Western Samar, Philippines. It presents empirical evidence on how these networks emerged and evolved over time, as well as the possible roles played by specific actors (in this case politicians) in the network. It highlights the use of network representation to visualize how political figures elected during the period 1988-2016 are connected to each other; and how those connections and the political power of certain political clans evolve over time. We observe that murder and marriage could be among a set of strategies pursued by some Philippine political clans to consolidate power and perpetuate themselves in elected office. This study offers rich insights into the political networks built by dynastic clans in the Philippines, with possible applications of the methodology in other developing country democracies.

Term Limits and Political Dynasties: Unpacking the Links

This paper reviews the empirical evidence linking political dynasties to the imposition of term limits under the 1987 Constitution. It finds evidence that political clans have found a way around this Constitutional constraint, by fielding more family members in power -- giving rise to more fat political dynasties. Hence, we carefully argue that the introduction of term limits -- combined with the failure to introduce other ancillary reforms (notably an anti-dynasty law) -- may have brought about instead some unintended consequences. So it is not term limits per se that created fat political dynasties. We further argue that it is a non sequitur to argue that dynasties will be curbed by removing term limits. This is particularly true given fat political clans are already prevalent. Simply removing term limits at this point will secure the political foothold of many already fat political dynasties. Real reforms should be focused not on removing term limits, but on further strengthening those reforms that should have accompanied it -- including enhancing competition in the political sphere, such as by supplying alternative leaders, strengthening political parties and regulating political dynasties.

From Fat to Obese: Political Dynasties after the 2019 Midterm Elections

How did political dynasties fare in the 2019 midterm elections? This paper extends and analyzes the Ateneo Policy Center’s political dynasties dataset, covering the period from 1988 to 2019. It finds evidence that over the past 30 years (or 10 election periods), political dynasties have become fatter. Covering all local positions, the percentage of fat dynasties has increased from 19% in 1988 to 29% in 2017, growing at about 1%, or around 170 positions, per election period. In 2001, there were 1303 political clans with 2 family members, 257 political clans with 3 family members, and 157 political clans with 4 or more family members. These numbers have risen to 1443, 335 and 189, respectively, in 2010, and to 1548, 339, and 217, respectively in 2019. It is clear that fat political dynasties continue their domination and expansion in the Philippine political landscape; and this has serious implications on the state of competition in Philippine politics, governance and ultimately development outcomes.

KLAN POLITIK: STUDI TENTANG RIVALITAS CALEG KELUARGA PADJALANGI DAN HALID PADA PEMILU SERENTAK 2019

This study discussed the orientation, behavior and strategy implemented by two clans, the Padjalangi clan and the Nurdin Halid clan, which were more focused on their children namely Andi Izman Maulana Padjalangi and Andi Muhammad Zunnun Armin Nurdin Halid who carried out rivalry in the 2019 simultaneous elections, DPRD Dapil Province 7 Regency of Bone. This study also used qualitative methods with descriptive analysis. Data collection used observation techniques, interviews, study of documents using political clan theory, behavioral approaches, voters and social capital. The results of this study indicated three variables in answering the formulation of the problem, namely: Izman Padjalangi Political Behavior was firmness in leading and popular behavior and the Political Behavior of Zunnun Halid was his attitude which was more inclined to resolve the problem by way of deliberation. Izman Padjalangi's political orientation was an increase in human resources. And Zunnun Halid's political orientation was the application of education. Izman Padjalangi's Political Strategy was socialization and orders to choose him who comes from his parents. And Zunnun Halid's Political Strategy was to approach the middle of the community, community leaders, religious leaders, customs, politics, youth and be the segmentation that was aimed by Zunnun and Izman to gain support in the midst of society.

«О частичном делатышизировании Алтгубкома»: кадровая политика областного партийного руководства Сибири в отношении Алтайского губернского комитета РКП(б) (март – июнь 1924 года)

The functioning of any organization depends, in many ways, on the personnel policy. The implementation of the directives of the Russian Communist party and any changes in the political course required dedicated and efficient cadre. In scientific literature one can often come across the statement according to which the party authority successfully resisted political clans, formed at the local level, through intensive personnel replacements. This article aims to describe the human resource policy of the Siberian regional party administration towards to the Altai provincial Committee of the RCP(b) in March – June 1924. In particular, the author planned to find out whether employee transfers were actually effective, who made decisions about the replacement of the staff members and how they reacted to these replacements. Studying historical sources, that were found in the State archive of the Novosibirsk region and the State archive of the Altai territory, the author revealed the staffing structure of the Bureau of the Altai gubkom and analyzed the relationships bound the members of this organization. The research showed that the Altai gubkom secretary A. I. Podneck and the chairman of the provincial executive committee L. E. Goldich completely failed cooperation work, and this circumstance forced the Siberian krai committee of RCP(b) to start personnel replacements, which mainly meant sending away high-ranking officials-Latvians from the province. The paper concludes by arguing that in the first half of the 1920s, employee transfers were a universal means of fighting political clans. However, Siberian regional party leadership used them only as a last resort, because of the difficulties to find an appropriate successor for the dismissed official.

Herança familiar na política: retrato dos limites da democracia no Brasil contemporâneo

Resumo O artigo traz reflexão teórica sobre a herança familiar na política influindo nos resultados eleitorais ainda hoje, resultado de simbiose que envolve cultura do favor, marketing político e poder econômico. Condição que sugere atualização de nossas raízes coloniais patrimonialistas e registro do inconcluso processo de modernização burguesa. O objetivo da reflexão é contribuir com pistas para se compreender a crise institucional e política que provocou a perda do mandato presidencial de Dilma Rousseff em 2016 através de golpe parlamentar, midiático e jurídico. A análise pauta-se em estudo bibliográfico no contexto de pesquisa particular sobre clãs políticos familiares do Ceará. Ao considerar outros estudos sobre o Brasil, pôde-se constatar a abrangência da influência familiar em diferentes esferas do poder político. Nesses termos, conclui-se sobre a frágil democracia brasileira que é acentuada por novo ciclo neoliberal e perspectivas de perdas de direitos sociais e trabalhistas.

Clan politics and violent conflict in Nigeria: the Ebira Tao experience

This paper examines clan politics and violent conflict using Ebira Tao Nigeria as a focal point of study. Some scholars believe that cultural differences are responsible for inter-group conflict; hence, the study investigates this position. Instrumentalist theory of conflict was adopted as a framework and survey research method to gather data which were content analysed. 1200 copies of questionnaire were administered, but only 850 were retrieved and used. Findings from the study show that violence in Ebiraland is caused partly by clan-oriented politics that hinges on struggle for political power, clan headship and supremacy among the various clans in Ebiraland. The study suggests among others, the need for door to door campaigns to sensitize people towards the negative impact of violent-oriented clan politics.

A New President Aims to Change South Korea's Course

The reality is that powerful business and political clans are deeply embedded in Korean society and unlikely to disappear anytime soon.

TINGKAT KETERPILIHAN KLAN POLITIK KELUARGA RATU ATUT CHOSIYAH DALAM PEMILIHAN UMUM LEGISLATIF TAHUN 2014

Banten Province which stood by the passing of Law No. 32 on October 4, 2000. Ahead of the 13th anniversary of politics in Banten province was shaken by the arrest of Tubagus Chaeri Wardana (TCW) who is also the younger brother of Ratu Atut Chosiyah by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) in a hand-catching operation which then detained Ratu Atut Chosiyah in the bribery case Pemilukada Lebak Regency 2013. The implementation of legislative elections will be the first test of the shock experienced by the Family Politics Clan Ratu Atut Chosiyah. This research uses quantitative approach method. Hypothesis in this research is with the shocks on Family Clan Ratu Atut Chosiyah then the level of election of family member Atut Chosiyah in legislative election year 2014 become low. Allegations of political observers about the fall of the RAC family's political clan after the arrest of RAC and TCW by the KPK proved to have no realities. Legislative Election 2014 is true to prove to the audience that the Atut family political clan is not exhausted and still stands firmly. The people still trust their political rights to be channeled by members of the RAC Family Clans. Thus members of RAC family already have the stability and political existence in the eyes of the people of Banten. The RAC Political Clan termed by many observers as the Political Dynasty has turned out to be a self-repairing system even though some elements have problems. Have a good regeneration system where other family members can continue their political clan in Banten. Conclusions regarding the election level of members of the RAC core family clan in 2014 Legislative Election in their respective districts (1) H. Andika Hazrumy has a very high degree of election, (2) Hj. Ade Rossi Khoerunnisa has a high degree of election, (3) Andiara Aprilia Hikmat has a very high degree of election, (4) Tanto Warsono Arban has a very high degree of election, and (5) H. Aden Abdul Kholiq has a very low level of election. Therefore, all stakeholders of democracy in Banten Province should be more participative and more concerned about politics, and mobilize elements of democracy such as political parties, interest groups, academics, press, NGOs to become watchdogs of democracy in Banten, so that Atut Chosiyah political clan re-entrenched strongly in Banten does not violate the norms and rules of law applicable in Indonesia.

Mecca of Revolution: Algeria, decolonization, and the Third World Order by Jeffrey James Byrne

Reviewed by: Mecca of Revolution: Algeria, decolonization, and the Third World Order by Jeffrey James Byrne Carolyn Barnett Mecca of Revolution: Algeria, decolonization, and the Third World Order By Jeffrey James Byrne. New York: Oxford University Press, 2016. When it gained independence from France in 1962, Algeria immediately faced a mass exodus of the pieds noirs, the European inhabitants of French Algeria. Soon afterward, it encountered an influx of outsiders referred to as pieds rouges ("red feet"), a hodge-podge of leftists, revolutionaries and other idealists from around the globe attracted to the "Mecca of Revolution," Algiers, a city full of radical possibilities. In Mecca of Revolution, Jeffrey James Byrne traces the emergence and evolution of Algerian nationalists' connection to broader Third World and revolutionary currents and how Algeria shaped the evolution of the international system from the early twentieth century to the mid-1960s. The book is organized into five chapters which proceed in roughly chronological order. "Method Men," encompassing the emergence of the nationalist movement to the mid-point of the war, emphasizes the Algerians' greater focus on the praxis of revolution than on ideology and their early links with the international community. "Our Friends Today" discusses how, largely due to the collapse of the insurgency inside Algeria, the FLN embraced aggressive diplomacy in the West and East and began building deeper links with Cuba and with African independence movements, reflecting an embrace of the transformative power of Third Worldism as a concept. "Real Existing Third Worldism" explores the ambiguities and tensions that arose domestically as Ben Bella sought to implement a "specifically Algerian" brand of socialism and to play various foreign benefactors against one another so that Algeria would not become beholden to any particular outside patron. This course of action began to stir domestic opposition from those who resented the increasingly global and cosmopolitan orientation of the leadership in Algiers. "The Allure of Globalism" argues that independent Algeria's early foreign policy demonstrated that "Third Worldist ideals could indeed provide the basis for a practical and consistent foreign policy" (223). The final chapter, "Mecca of Impatience and Anxiety," argues that former Algerian President Houari Boumedienne—who overthrew Ben Bella—and his "political clan" took advantage of growing tensions between the project of building a nation-state and Ben Bella's aggressive pursuit of an activist version of nonalignment to bring down the leader they saw as a threat to collective decision-making. Several themes run through Byrne's work. First, he argues that Algeria's actions and those of other Third World powers demonstrate that the increasing globalization of politics reinforced the primacy of the nation-state as the organizing unit of the international system. In order to act effectively within the international system, Byrne argues, Algerian and other postcolonial (or aspiring postcolonial) leaders had to strengthen their claims to national sovereignty. Second, Byrne shows how the composition of the "Third World" ideology and community were the subject of significant contestation. In particular, by 1965, actors were divided as to whether the Third World was to be defined "programmatically," as "a movement with an agenda that was open to any who shared its political and economic goals," or as "the expression of an innate identity… limited to non-Western regions or races" (282). Algeria's leaders were partial to programmatic definitions, which suited their interests and reflected their convictions. Third, Byrne underscores that a balance of pragmatic and principled motives drove Algerian foreign policy decision-making. Algeria sought to protect its territory from the ambitions of Moroccan and Tunisian leaders, and it saw little hope of steering the course of events in the Arab east, where revolutionary regimes under Nasser in Egypt and the Ba'ath Party in Syria and Iraq were already pursuing competing visions of Arab nationalism. In Africa, by contrast, Algeria proved itself a leader of anticolonial activism and postcolonial political organization, although its selective provision of arms and training to insurgent movements across the continent contributed, in time, to increasing polarization. Relations with Cuba and Yugoslavia were strong largely because of ideological affinities, but the former had also to be contained so as not to threaten Algeria's precarious relationship with the...