Political Characteristics Research Articles

Emotional Intelligence And Polite Character Of Elementary School Students: A Correlation Studies

The moral and mental degradation of students indicates low emotional intelligence in various countries, including Indonesia, with indicators of loss of manners, bad language, bullying, brawling, etc. This study aimed to determine the influence of students’ emotional intelligence levels on the manners character of 5th-grade students of Madrasah Ibtidaiyah al-Islam Balesari, Magelang, Indonesia. The study used a quantitative approach with a quasi-experimental method and a nonequivalent control group design. Sampling was done by a random sampling technique with a purposive sampling type. Data were collected through observation, questionnaires, and documentation with simple linear regression analysis assisted by SPSS 16 software for Windows. The results show that the average value of emotional intelligence in the experimental class is 79.4% (high-level category), while the control class is 72% (medium-level). On the other hand, the character of manners in the experimental class is 79% (very good category), and in the control class is 72% (sufficient category). The results indicate that there is an influence of students’ emotional intelligence on their manners and characters. The results of a simple regression test in the experimental class are Y = 11.354.–0.861 with a significant value of 0.00. The significance value is <0.05 (0.00<0.05), then Ha is accepted and Ho is rejected. The results of a simple regression test in the control class are Y = 17,323- 0.760 with a significant value of 0.00, the significance value <0.05 (0.00 <0.05), then Ha is accepted and Ho is rejected. The research findings concluded that the higher the level of emotional intelligence, the higher the manners of character, and vice versa. Further research needs to be conducted to explore the influence of emotional intelligence on the students’ character as a whole

WOMEN’s PARTICIPATION IN REPRESENTATIVE BODIES OF THE NATIONAL REPUBLICS OF THE VOLGA FEDERAL DISTRICT

This article analyzes the female composition of the deputy corps of the national republics of the Volga Federal District. The main political and socio-professional characteristics of women deputies are described. The results make it possible to determine the forms of women's entry into the deputy corps of the national republics of the Volga Federal District, as well as the existing models of women's political representation, typical for the republics of Bashkortostan, Mari El, Mordovia, Tatarstan, Udmurtia, Chuvashia.

Exploring the hybridization from policy learning on the forest-certification schemes in China

The policy of forest certification in China is a collaborative tactic for environmental entities to influence local politics based on the declaration of a national “Five-Year Plan” by President Xi Jin-Ping in the 2010s. This is due to the homogeneous impact led by the Forest Stewardship Council (FSC) to hybridize Chinese forestry management with organizational autonomy, policy participation, and power-sharing. While the Chinese public agencies learned professional knowledge and institutions from the IOs, they also required the FSC to embrace the Chinese characteristics of local politics, standards, and the legitimacy of international principles. Two findings from the research are revealing: First, the FSC and IO’s central role of civil empowerment enhanced the China’s power-sharing with local stakeholders for cultivating the China certification scheme; second, the FSC’s principle modification embraced the Chinese characteristics to reform the policy hybridization mechanism under the political culture of Administrative Absorption of Society. The innovative purpose of this research is to employ the homogeneous and heterogeneous dimensions to explore the influential factors of policy hybridization from a network perspective.

A Look at Power Issues in Collaborative Program Evaluations Under Michel Foucault´s Conception of Power-Knowledge

Power has always been an element of the program evaluation field, however, it has traditionally been attributed a negative connotation. With that in mind, power is seen as a force possessed to some extent by different stakeholders that can be imposed over others, and by which certain views, ideas, and decisions can be adopted. Given that program evaluation has a political character in which power is always present, we seek to explore a different notion of this concept. In this paper, we intend to take advantage of Michel Foucault's ideas to explore power in the program evaluation field. We illustrate the introduction of these concepts in collaborative evaluations and in doing so, we also explore power as well as power-knowledge relations, adopting a transformative perspective on power. The introduction of these concepts in collaborative evaluation is useful in illustrating how they can be used in non-collaborative evaluations.

MOVING FROM ENDORSEMENT TO ACTION: ALIGNING AFU EFFORTS WITH UNIVERSITY STRATEGIC PLANS AND GOALS

Abstract The Age-Friendly University global initiative has the opportunity to unite nations around the world towards making higher education spaces inclusive of older adults. Once a university joins the AFU Global Network and endorses the 10 guiding principles, the real work of living up to the principles begins. Each institution has unique geographical, political, social, and financial characteristics that require tailored approaches to this work. At our regional comprehensive university, we completed three separate analyses (external, internal, future directions) as part of our Environmental Scan. The goal of the Environmental Scan was to understand the initial strengths, weaknesses, and opportunities to age-friendliness and inclusiveness for older learners within our campus community. We utilized a multi-pronged data collection approach, including individual stakeholder interviews, online surveys of older leaners, policy analysis, and internal and external audits. Many aspects of data collection for the environmental scan occurred concurrently with data analysis. Data from each of the eight data collection methods were used to generate key findings and recommendations and will be presented. Furthermore, we found that aligning our recommendations with the University’s marketing and enrollment efforts as well as the University’s goals relating to diversity, equity and inclusion allowed for greater administrative support for strategies to increase age-friendliness on campus. with implications for similar work at other institutions. The Age-Friendly University global initiative has the opportunity to better support the inclusion of older adults in higher education. Our Environmental Scan of age-friendliness, from inception to completion will apply to institutions across the globe.

(Un)certainty After Return

Abstract Migration in Cameroon is often linked to specific expectations towards migrants, particularly with regard to sharing accumulated resources. To understand how differences in post-return experiences are created, this study, which is a summary of a PhD research project on the post-return experiences of Cameroonian migrants, takes a holistic approach by considering the socio-cultural, economic and political characteristics of the Cameroonian context. These factors were examined at four levels: (1) the expectations of the local community towards returned migrants; (2) family perspectives towards return; (3) tactics in navigating the socio-cultural, economic and political uncertainties after return; and (4) the formal support structures available for returnees. In addition to increasing scientific knowledge, this study leads to clear recommendations for policy and practice.

Socio-economic development of the Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Region

Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Region (GBAO) occupies the entire eastern part of Tajikistan, being the largest region of the country in terms of area. Almost the entire territory of GBAO is occupied by highlands, where the Pamir highland system is located. The article highlights some of the causes of the problems that caused the crisis in the region. A review of investment projects of international organizations on the territory of GBAO was carried out. It has been established that the leading sector of the region’s economy is agriculture and industry. The problem of attracting investments for the Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Region remains relevant and periodically rises at all levels. Nevertheless, no signifi success has yet been achieved. Experts associate barriers to investment in the region with economic, geographic and political characteristics, as well as the lack of capacity of local entrepreneurs to work with large-scale funding.

The psychological and political correlates of conspiracy theory beliefs

Understanding the individual-level characteristics associated with conspiracy theory beliefs is vital to addressing and combatting those beliefs. While researchers have identified numerous psychological and political characteristics associated with conspiracy theory beliefs, the generalizability of those findings is uncertain because they are typically drawn from studies of only a few conspiracy theories. Here, we employ a national survey of 2021 U.S. adults that asks about 15 psychological and political characteristics as well as beliefs in 39 different conspiracy theories. Across 585 relationships examined within both bivariate (correlations) and multivariate (regression) frameworks, we find that psychological traits (e.g., dark triad) and non-partisan/ideological political worldviews (e.g., populism, support for violence) are most strongly related to individual conspiracy theory beliefs, regardless of the belief under consideration, while other previously identified correlates (e.g., partisanship, ideological extremity) are inconsistently related. We also find that the correlates of specific conspiracy theory beliefs mirror those of conspiracy thinking (the predisposition), indicating that this predisposition operates like an ‘average’ of individual conspiracy theory beliefs. Overall, our findings detail the psychological and political traits of the individuals most drawn to conspiracy theories and have important implications for scholars and practitioners seeking to prevent or reduce the impact of conspiracy theories.

Место систем торговли квотами на выбросы в современном инструментарии политики низкоуглеродного развития

At the 2021 Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change in Glasgow, many leading economies have cemented the intention of achieving carbon neutrality by mid-century (2050-2070). However, the geopolitical and economic crisis of 2022 threatens to reduce the priority of decarbonization policy and postpone the introduction of more restrictive measures. In the face of growing constraints, the choice of climate policy instruments becomes even more complex and important. It is necessary to analyze different options from the low-carbon development policy toolkit, to understand their strengths and weaknesses, and their potential to be used to build a comprehensive policy. This article analyzes the strengths and weaknesses of emissions trading systems (ETS) as a tool for direct carbon pricing - a measure that experts from international organizations, as well as the academic community, believe is essential for achieving climate goals. Despite the fact that carbon taxes (the second option of direct pricing) is easier to implement and administer, many jurisdictions still opt for an ETS. Several factors influence the choice of ETS as a decarbonization tool: if optimally designed, a market-based mechanism provides cost-effective emission reductions, there is potential for linkage into a larger systems, the flexibility of the instrument can also provide additional benefits, China’s national ETS is a good example of exploiting the ETS’ flexibility. Political and administrative characteristics (EU, Germany, UK, California), Kyoto, Brussels, and OECD effects (Mexico and other jurisdictions) play an important role in the choice in favour of ETS. The experience of complex and comprehensive low-carbon development strategies already being implemented shows that it is not necessary to place the ETS at the center, making it the cornerstone of policy. The role of ETS in the entire set of decarbonization measures can be central, supportive, or enabling. ETS can have different objectives and stimulate not only direct emission reductions, but also technological transformation, energy transition. For Russia as a federal state, conducting pilot projects with different instruments of carbon pricing implemented in different regions seems to be the best solution for the near future and finding the right instruments for the Low Greenhouse Gas Emissions Development Strategy.

Non-linear method of information risk assessment based on the group method of data handling

The rapid growth of digitalization of all life aspects leads to the emergence of new forms and methods of waging wars –information confrontation both in the economic, political and military characteristics of world politics and economics. Another trend is an increase in the number of attacks on critical infrastructure and strategic industrial facilities, where malicious systems bouts can affect life-supporting systems and lead to the emergence of global man-made disasters. This became specifically massive during the Russian aggression on Ukraine. Thus, information security risks are among the three most likely risks that significantly threaten national security of Ukraine. Hence, the fight against information attacks is a key task of the state. It should be noted that in order to develop a rational system for combating information attacks, it is extremely important to identify the most significant threats. And this can be done if an effective information risk assessment system is made. The rationale of the article is based on the fact that the issue of assessing information risks is becoming increasingly significant both for business and the state as a whole. Today, the development and effective operation of information security systems is impossible without analyzing and managing the risks of such a system. After all, the main task of this field is the impartial identification of threats and assessment of the most significant information risks for the organization, which further allows solving the scientific and practical problem of minimizing information risks. Existing methods and techniques for assessing information risks mostly use linear approaches, which can lead to significant methodological errors. Therefore, the application of non-linear methods for assessing information risks is relevant both in theory and in practice, which is the scientific problem of the article. The subject of the article is to develop methodological provisions of a non-linear method for assessing information risks, and the goal is to increase the reliability and adequacy of models for calculating information risks. It should be noted that the proposed method of non-linear assessment of information risks has sufficiently relevant statistical indicators for assessing the adequacy of the obtained non-linear functionality, which can be the basis to conduct assessment of information risks in advance, counteract and eliminate them. Key words: national security, cyber security, information risks, group method of data handling.

Political integrity as irrational and hypocritical values

The progressive and transformative Constitution of Kenya, 2010 brought with it Chapter Six on leadership and integrity which outlines the integrity standards required of persons holding or intending to hold public office in both elective and appointive positions. The chapter has been deemed a reflection of the aspirations of Kenyans who are desirous to clean the country’s politics that has been riddled with corruption and abuse of power. This article particularly focuses on the integrity fitness of those seeking elective offices with the aim of interrogating and attempting to bring out the controversies surrounding political integrity in Kenya. This study is premised on the hypothesis that the integrity definition adopted by the Kenyan courts is too stringent and needs to be moderated to allow for moral frailties necessitated by liberal democracy. This moral stringency is presumed to be the reason why the integrity test is seen as limiting political rights and is not currently applied to qualify or disqualify persons running for elective office as envisaged by the Constitution. This article proceeds to make a contribution in this area of law by defining integrity in politics based on the distinctive character of politics which require ethics unique to politics and how its application need not be seen as infringing political rights by showing how democracy is adapted to a country’s unique circumstances and priorities without undermining the fundamentals of the ideal.

Application of a sustainable location index approach to landfill site selection in Monterrey, Mexico.

Landfilling is the main method to manage municipal solid waste (MSW) in Latin America due to the economic, technological and political characteristics of the region. The disposal of MSW in landfill sites may affect the quality of the environment and compromise a considerable share of the municipal budgets. The selection of suitable sites reduces the environmental and economic impact of landfills. In the present study the sustainable location index (SLI) is proposed as a methodology to assess environmentally, and economically, sanitary landfill site selection in the Metropolitan Area of Monterrey, a representative large-size city of Latin America. EVIAVE methodology was modified to include administrative and economic dimensions, which are assessed as a sustainable approach using together the SLI integrated with geospatial and multicriteria analysis tools. The assessment showed that the zones with the lowest SLI changes drastically when the importance of the economic or environmental factor varies. This result suggest that the inclusion of sustainability in landfill site selection decision-making is complex and it may requires the inclusion of local particularities such as municipal budgets, policies of MSW management and public perception about environmental deterioration.

Political and productive capacity characteristics as outward foreign direct investment push factors from BRICS countries

This paper investigates the primary push factors that constitute home country-specific characteristics of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa (BRICS) and enhance their abilities as emerging market economies to engage in outward foreign direct investments (OFDI). The motivation behind this study was the need to fill the gap in the existing literature on the push factors from BRICS. A panel autoregressive distributed lag model was employed on these countries from 2000 to 2018, followed by an impulse response function analysis using a unique data set from a productive capacity index (PCI) and a derived index obtained from each country’s political risk ranking. A robust relationship was detected between OFDI and all of its short- and long-term push factors. The results reveal the relative strength of the long-term impact of the productive capacity and political stability indices supported by the divergent effect of their shocks on OFDI. This substantial contribution highlights the policy implication of how governments should promote their productive capacity and political stability to sustain a healthy investment environment for firms to expand their investments abroad.

Matching program complexity with institutional funding realities in democracy, human rights, and governance program evaluation

AbstractThis chapter introduces the evaluative perspective of a funder – the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) – that advances a portfolio of highly diverse and multifaceted democracy, human rights, and governance (DRG) projects. The chapter explores the underlying political character of democracy assistance work – which is therefore viewed by some as partisan – and second, the variable dynamic forces intrinsic to complex operating contexts, both of which affect how the NED is able to both standardize and provide flexibility in grantee evaluation. This analysis draws attention to the challenges and opportunities inherent to grantmakers operating on a global scale as well as structuring adaptable evaluation methodologies commensurate with that scale of work yet relevant to grantees.

How Contextual Features Shape Incivility Over Time: An Analysis of the Evolution and Determinants of Political Incivility in Televised Election Debates (1985–2019)

Concerns are frequently raised about politicians’ increasing use of incivility. Yet, there is little longitudinal empirical work testing whether politicians’ use of incivility is actually rising, and little is known about the determinants that affect the prevalence of incivility. This study analyzes incivility over time and proposes a multi-layered framework of theoretically-driven incivility-inducing determinants. A quantitative content analysis of 4,102 speech acts in 24 Belgian televised election debates over the course of 35 years (1985–2019) shows that politicians’ incivility did not increase but occurs in a volatile pattern with ups and downs over the years. Confirmed by our analysis of the studied determinants, incivility shows to be highly context-specific. Particularly, incivility levels are affected both by characteristics of politicians, such as populism, incumbency, and gender, and by debate determinants, such as the topic under discussion, the number of politicians simultaneously debating each other, and previous incivility occurrences in the debate.

Searching for politics: Using real-world web search behavior and surveys to see political information searching in context

Search engines are one of the most trusted and used sources of political information. Yet there is limited research on how often people search for political topics in the real world, the search strategies they use to find information, and the results people select. We use a combination of survey and online behavioral data to illuminate how often people search for political content, what queries they use, how autocomplete affects political queries, how searches vary by political characteristics, and what types of results people view. We holistically investigate the political search process of 45 politically diverse individuals in the U.S., selected from a larger sample of 564, by observing 6-months of their online behavior. While politically interested people do most political searching and tend to favor their own side in the queries they compose and the results they visit, it is not overwhelmingly so. In fact, there is a substantial amount of cross-party searching and result visiting. Autocomplete and trending topics play a small role in political search overall. People visit a wide variety of results after searching for political information beyond national news sites. These findings extend our understanding of political search and have both theoretical and practical implications.

Awareness of COVID-19 at the Local Level: Perceptions and Political Consequences.

Although the COVID-19 pandemic has affected all Americans, its effects have been unequally distributed across geographic areas. These variations in the pandemic's severity-and public perceptions thereof-likely have political consequences. This study examines the factors that shape perceptions of COVID-19 at the local level and assesses the consequences of these perceptions for public opinion and political behaviors. The authors use questions from the 2020 Cooperative Election Study linked with county-level COVID-19 rates to examine predictors of respondents' perceptions of the pandemic's severity in their county, including demographic, political, and informational characteristics. The study also examines whether these perceptions are associated with public opinion and voter behavior. Respondents' perceptions are correlated with case rates. Liberals and Democrats estimate the pandemic to be more severe than Republicans and conservatives do, as do CNN viewers compared to Fox News viewers. The study found only limited evidence of a relationship between perceptions of the pandemic in a respondent's county and political outcomes. The results add to the accumulating evidence that both news media and political predispositions shape perceptions of COVID-19, and they raise important questions about whether and how the pandemic has shaped-and will continue to shape-political outcomes.

Impacts of Cross-Border Interaction from the Perspective of Cross-Border Cooperation Actors

Cross-border cooperation represents a "laboratory" of the international integration process, in which synergy is created between the diverse political, economic, cultural and social characteristics of the actors involved. The present paper examines perceptions of local cross-border cooperation actors in Slovak-Ukrainian borderlands. It is aimed 1) to identify their perceptions regarding the impact of more intensive cross-border interaction and expected impacts of the Association Agreement and 2) to verify the relationship between their views on the effects of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement implementation, as well as on deepening cross-border interaction and their tendency to perceive the EU, Ukraine or Slovakia as reliable partners. The empirical research and the statistical analysis were based on the approach proven within the EXLINEA research project. The results have revealed that the more intensive cross-border interaction has, as perceived by local actors on both sides of the border, a rather positive impact on borderlands. At the same time, perceptions regarding the reliability of Ukraine's partnership with Slovakia and the EU are seen as relatively significant correlates of attitudes of local cross-border cooperation actors. Namely, their attitudes to the effects of cross-border economic interaction, cross-border cooperation and the impacts of the Association Agreement implementation.

순수 적대공간의 조건: 라끌라우와 한국의 영속적 위기 상태

This article aims to conceptualise characteristics of South Korean politics and society, by elaborating the concept of “pure space of antagonism”. This concept is a result of critical readings and interpretations of Ernesto Laclau’s texts about “empty signifiers” and populism. We define it as an abstract state in which external conditions of antagonism, especially what Laclau called “institution” and “conceptual determination,” are completely removed. South Korean social fields that are close to such a state, reveal an extreme form of social antagonism, the effects of which were not expected by Laclau. He considered antagonistic frontiers as an essential condition for the formation of “the people” who stand against an oppressive, hierarchical or not-well-structured institutional system. However, this article focuses on the destructive effects of the pure space of antagonism, which are made when a non-antagonistic political community disappears or it is not separated from social antagonism. Antagonistic frontiers can constitute the people against elites and, as we can see in South Korea, they can also make an underdog exclude other underdogs or minorities. Therefore, we must establish a space proper to institutionalised politics, which does not depend upon antagonistic and hegemonic space.

Nicolae Ceauşescu and the Jiu Valley miners' strike of 1977

The miners' strike of 1‐3 August 1977, in the Jiu Valley, Romania's largest coalfield, was a rare example of popular revolt against the regime of Nicolae Ceauşescu, although it did not take on an explicitly political character. This article places the strike in its international and domestic, political, and especially economic, contexts. The miners' unrest was the result of deteriorating living and working conditions, as the regime, increasingly in debt to western banks and hit by the global economic downturn, accelerated industrial investment at the expense of other sectors. This mass strike, which mobilised around a third of the miners in a proletarian 'bastion', shook the regime, and even brought Ceauşescu to visit the Jiu Valley in person, and it extracted a range of concessions. However, as archives of the Securitate secret police show, masked methods of repression were used against the miners and their leaders, while concessions were quickly reneged upon. This strike against a 'workers' state' anticipated further breaks in the social pact between the regime and the Romanian people, culminating in the fall of Ceauşescu in December 1989.