Political Center Research Articles

Perceptions of the health impacts of climate change among Canadians

BackgroundUnderstanding public perceptions of the health risks of climate change is critical to inform risk communication and support the adoption of adaptive behaviours. In Canada, very few studies have explored public understandings and perceptions of climate impacts on health. The objective of this study was to address this gap by exploring perceptions of the link between climate change and health.MethodsWe conducted a survey of Canadians (n = 3,014) to address this objective. The 116-question survey measured prior consideration of the link between climate change and health, affective assessment of climate health impacts, unprompted knowledge of climate health impacts, and concern about a range of impacts. ANOVA tests were used to assess differences among sociodemographic groups.ResultsOverall, Canadian’s have a similar level of concern about health impacts of climate change compared with concern about other impacts (e.g. biophysical, economic, and national security). Among health-related impacts, respondents were more concerned about impacts on water, food and air quality, compared with impacts on mental health, infectious diseases and heat-related illnesses. There were differences among sociodemographic groups; women were significantly more concerned than men about all of the health-related impacts; respondents with a high school level of education were significantly less concerned about all health-related impacts compared with respondents with more education; and respondents on the political left were more concerned with those in the political centre, who were more concerned than those on the political right.ConclusionThere is emerging literature suggesting that framing communication around climate change in terms of the health risks it poses may increase perceptions of the proximity of the risks. These results suggest that it is important to be specific in the types of health risks that are communicated, and to consider the concerns of the target sociodemographic groups. The differential knowledge, awareness, and concern of climate health impacts across segments of the Canadian population can inform targeted communication and engagement to build broader support for adaptation and mitigation measures.

A Spatial Study of the Relics of Chinese Tomb Murals

China has numerous relics from tomb murals. Over 70 years (1949–2019), 1495 relic sites were excavated. Distributed across more than two-thirds of China’s provincial administrative regions, the relics of tomb murals span from the Han Dynasty (206 BC–220 AD) to the Qing Dynasty (1644–1911). In previous studies, scholars focused on the qualitative analysis of tomb murals. In this paper, we applied GIS tools to visualize these relics and analyze their density values for the first time. In terms of academic standards, we propose the material distribution index, the regional distribution index, and the temporal distribution index for relics. The academic innovation of this paper is threefold. First, with regard to the distribution of relic sites, this paper draws a distribution map of the relic sites of Chinese tomb murals and explores the preliminary significance of these relic sites in the culture of the Yellow River basin and its ancient political center. Second, in terms of synchronic viewpoints, this paper designs a material distribution map and a kernel density distribution map based on the distribution map of relic sites. Third, from a diachronic viewpoint, this paper sketches the secondary-level distribution map of six historical periods for the overall kernel density distribution map of relic materials in nine provinces, whereby it outlines the general trend of the development of Chinese tomb murals and the contributions of nine provinces. In brief, with the use of the GIS tool, this paper obtains information on the distribution of relics and reveals the characteristics of tomb murals in terms of their regional and temporal distributions through the ranking of various density values. This paper aims to construct a frame of reference for testing traditional theoretical achievements from the two perspectives of information acquisition and theoretical analysis.

Перспективы развития государства в XXI веке

Scientific forecasting and long-term planning of social development cannot ignore such a key structural component of modern society as the state. This article describes the prospects for the development of the state in the XXI century, the main factors of state transformation, and the most common interpretations of their consequences. The list of factors includes globalization, scientific and technological progress, competing multinational companies, and various supranational structures. The research revealed four scenarios. (1) The state gives place to new management systems. (2) The main political centers remain either as executive units of supranational structures, or as relatively independent macro-formations. (3) National states degenerate into new political forms under the influence of modern social factors. (4) New autarkies or neo-autarkies appear on the territories of contemporary states. Most forecasters foretell those states are bound to lose their independence of internal and foreign policy on a planetary scale. Some of them see a process of transition to new non-state models of society management. Others declare that states will grow in strength in the historical perspective, reaching the form of autarky, and on stronger grounds than ever before. The future of the state in this century depends not on political relations, but on the transformation of personality, values, and connections. The future of the state as an independent subject of domestic or foreign policy depends on its ability to respond to the challenges of modern civilization.

Leaders or laggards in climate action? Assessing GHG trends and mitigation targets of global megacities

Urban areas account for between 71% and 76% of CO2 emissions from global final energy use and between 67–76% of global energy use. The highest emitting 100 urban areas (defined as contiguous population clusters) account for 18% of the global greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions. To date there is no comprehensive study of megacities (10 million+ population) analysing their historic population, economic and emission patterns and contributions to global GHGs. A key challenge is that a majority of these megacities (33 out of 41) are located in developing countries, making it challenging to track their rapidly mounting emissions. In this research, we capitalize on recently released open-access datasets—the Global Human Settlements Database (R2019A) and the World Urbanization Prospects (2018) for analyzing megacity development and GHG trends, vis-à-vis the mitigation targets outlined in their climate action plans. We find that as leading political and economic centres in their nations, though most megacities have initiated climate action plans, the aggregate impact of megacities on global emissions is limited. Based on this evidence, we explore how rapidly growing megacities can hedgehop to effectively reduce their GHG emissions while urbanizing and developing economically.

Research on the Development Strategy of Red Archives in the Digital Era-- Taking Yancheng Red Archives as an Example

[Purpose/Significance] Red archives are the true records of the development of the Chinese nation. The development and utilization of red archive resources are conducive to the development and inheritance of patriotism, the requirements of national development and social progress, and an important embodiment of the combination of national spirit and the spirit of the times. The development of red archives is of great significance to the country, archives departments, and the public. Yancheng City, Jiangsu Province established the New Fourth Army Headquarters on January 29, 1941, becoming the political, cultural, and military center of the Central China Anti-Japanese Battlefield. The Office of Yancheng Municipal People's Government pointed out that the exchange and cooperation with institutions of higher learning, scientific research institutes, archives, libraries, and other units should be strengthened to strengthen the rescue protection of the resources of old chronicles of previous dynasties, and all sectors of society should be encouraged to give play to the resources of old chronicles and continue Yancheng culture. [Method/Process] Through literature research and collection of typical cases of Yancheng Red Archives, this paper reveals some problems existing in the development of Yancheng Red Archives in the archives management department, such as the emphasis on excessive storage, weak awareness of red archives protection, single development, single implementation subject, etc. [Results/Conclusion] Based on the problems found, this paper puts forward the development strategy of Yancheng Red Archives, namely, changing traditional concepts and focusing on resource utilization; Enrich communication forms with the help of all parties; Integrate multiple main forces of red archives; Innovate the application of emerging technologies and promote the promotion of achievements.

Representative Assemblies in Early Modern European State‐Building: Evidence from Four Experiences

The article reassesses the role played by parliaments and other representative structures in the European state‐building processes. It points to a need of going beyond the traditional antagonist conception of the relationships between rulers and social forces rooted in comparative historical political science, substituting it with a theory grounded in the concept of political exchange. A preliminary analysis of four cases (Brandenburg‐Prussia, Dutch Republic, Poland, and Sweden) is conducted, with the purpose of singling out the “internal” determinants — that is, institutional properties of the assemblies — that allowed them to integrate into the institutional framework of the states in formation, or that hindered such an integration. These determinants are found to consist in three main factors: organisational centralisation, working autonomy, and a significant interdependence relationship with a distinct and relatively autonomous governmental centre.

Politics from the Pits: Artisanal Gold Mining, Politics and the Limits of Hegemonic State Domination in Zimbabwe

In post-2000s Zimbabwe, artisanal and small-scale gold mining (ASGM) has become one of the major economic activities that provides income and livelihood opportunities to millions of people. The article attempts to make sense of how such mining activities intertwined with the country’s political economy and became implicated in shaping the dynamics of local and national politics. Taking the case of Kwekwe district, situated at the heart of the country, the article argues that ASGM as a socio-economic and political activity and a general way of life became the core of contemporary local Zimbabwean political relations, interactions and participation, and indeed a potent motor in party–state expansion and power consolidation. The new arrangements of politics, while facilitating the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union(Patriotic Front) (ZANU[PF])’s strong hold on power and territory in the face of powerful opposition politics represented by the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), also encouraged local actors to expand their own statuses and influence away from political marginality towards the traditional political and elite centres such as the capital, Harare. The article shies away from literature that has emphasised state domination and subordination; this is in order to demonstrate that the relationship between the new political actors (buoyed by gold extraction) and the state is a flexible network of bargains and negotiated fusions, exchanges and appropriations. Largely ethnographical, it engages with an aspect of artisanal mining and politics in Zimbabwe that has yet to receive systematic scholarly attention.

FEATURES OF THE FUNCTIONING OF THE UKRAINIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH DURING THE RUSSIAN-UKRAINIAN WAR

The article explores the functioning of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church (UOC) against the backdrop of the Russian-Ukrainian war. It highlights the unique position of the UOC, which finds itself at the intersection of various political centers' interests and faces pressure both from the Russian Orthodox Church and the Ukrainian government. The article presents the process of current internal changes within the UOC and their consequences, such as complete separation from the Russian Orthodox Church and extensive humanitarian assistance to Ukrainians affected by armed conflicts. The dynamics of the relationship between the UOC and the Ukrainian government are discussed, as well as the current state of these relations. The article discusses the reasons why the church seeks independence and thoroughly analyzes the new Statute of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church. The new statute reflects the need for a more flexible structure, enabling the UOC to make its own decisions without external influence. This step has caused dissatisfaction within the Russian Orthodox Church, which considers the UOC as its canonical territory. The informal pressure on the UOC from the Russian Orthodox Church is also described and analyzed in the article. Additionally, the article thoroughly examines the complex relationship between the UOC and the Ukrainian government, often characterized by tension. In some cases, the Ukrainian authorities resort to unlawful methods of pressuring the Ukrainian Orthodox Church, drawing criticism from believers, foreign journalists, and politicians. One of the key parts of the article is the analysis of legislative initiatives concerning the UOC. In the current political climate in Ukraine, there have been initiatives aimed at limiting the role of the UOC or even excluding it from society. The article examines the content of these bills and their potential consequences for religious freedom. Overall, the article provides a comprehensive study of the current situation of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church amidst the Russian-Ukrainian war. It emphasizes the need to understand the intricate relationships between the UOC, the Russian Orthodox Church, and the Ukrainian government to present readers with an objective picture of events and their implications for believers and society as a whole.

Political Centralization, Federalism, and Urbanization: Evidence from Australia

AbstractThe dominance of capital cities (urban primacy) is an enduring characteristic of Australian states. There has been limited empirical research examining the drivers of primacy in states despite some being extreme examples of the phenomenon, both in magnitude and scale. In light of institutional theories of settlement patterns, we developed a profile of Australian urbanization using a century of time-series data, descriptive statistics, and an empirical model of city populations. In Australian states high measures of primacy have endured with little evidence of disruption despite the enormous size of these states, their wealth, and population growth – factors associated with declining and low primacy. Statistically, state capital city status has a significant effect on city population size variation, with results suggesting primacy in states is in part a product of Australian federalism. This contrasts with views that suggest Australia’s scarcity of large non-capital cities is due to isolation, low population, and environmental determinism. The findings in this paper have major implications relative to national and/or state strategies that aim to decentralize population away from the primate cities.

Факторы своеобразия партийно-электорального ландшафта в регионах России

Introduction: in the 2000s, political centralization and political space unification trends prevailed in Russia. Under these conditions, dissimilarity of the party-electoral landscape in the Russian regions is manifested in different voting for the main parties in federal and regional elections. Objectives: to identify how stable the dissimilarity of the partyelectoral landscape is reproduced in the constituent entities of the Russian Federation, as well as to determine what factors affect the degree of the party-electoral landscape dissimilarity. Methods: quantitative analysis of votes for the main political parties in federal and regional elections in 2007–2021; calculation of dissimilarity index; correlation analysis of dissimilarity index values between different electoral cycles; regression analysis of factors (socio-cultural, historical, geographical and socio-economic specifics of the region) influencing the dissimilarity index values, i.e., the specifics of the party-electoral landscape of the regions. Results: in general, the regions reveal an average degree of correlation in the index of dissimilarity values between electoral cycles. Regression models account for about half of the variations in the values of dissimilarity index. Conclusions: in most regions, the degree of dissimilarity of the party-electoral landscape is reproduced relatively stable throughout the entire period under review. The analysis of the factors influencing the variability of the degree of the partyelectoral landscape dissimilarity in the constituent entities of the Russian Federation allows to conclude that the socio-cultural specificity of the region has a key impact. In addition, historical and geographical specifics are of significant importance.

Москва и Петербург в романе Л. Н. Толстого в свете учения о Третьем Риме

The article touches upon the question of L. N. Tolstoy’s understanding and interpretation of the doctrine of the Third Rome, which he implements in the novel “War and Peace.” Being familiar with state doctrine and ideology, Tolstoy presents his vision of the concept in the novel, considering Moscow as a symbol of the Third Rome, and St. Petersburg as the First one. Moscow for Tolstoy is the bearer of “peace” and life in many senses, while St. Petersburg is a city of war and death. The author of the article proves that Moscow for Tolstoy is not a political center, but the center of the Russian people, its traditions and history. Its core is not the Kremlin, but the Rostov family — an old Russian aristocratic family. “Moscow The Third Rome” is an ethnic center that organizes the struggle of life against death and those who are its conductor.

HESYCHASTIC TRADITION AS A SOURCE OF UKRAINIAN CORDOCENTRISM

The statement of basic materials. The history of the adoption of Christianity by Kyivan Rus from the very beginning shows close ties with the monastic republic on Mount Athos. Researchers testify that Mount Athos was already the center of enlightenment and culture of Kyivan Rus. Only in this way does it become clear that Antony Pecherskyi was not a historical accident that suddenly fell from the sky like a star. Not only in Kyiv, but also in other cultural and political centers, monasteries appear in the context of the Athos heritage. XV century became catastrophic for the Byzantine Empire. But Athos retained relative autonomy. In the 16th century it is Volyn that becomes the spiritual and educational center of connection between the Ukrainian land and Mount Athos. The decline of Byzantium also affected the history of Ukrainian lands. The gradual strengthening of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth led to the beginning of projects to absorb Orthodox culture. The Union of Brest in 1596 provoked a movement of Orthodox spiritual and cultural resistance. And Athos, with the tradition of the Hesychasts, fulfilled his spiritual mission. The Athos influence on the literary works of Ukrainian figures was direct. S. Shumylo claims that Elder Ioann Vyshenskyi was the brightest personality of the Orthodox movement in Ukraine in the 17th century. His spiritual and literary work is a century ahead of the forerunners of the “philokalic revival” in Orthodoxy of the 18th-19th centuries. The works of I. Vyshenskyi are deeply imbued with ascetic and hesychastic motifs. But he was not only an experienced practitioner of the incessant Jesus prayer, but also tried to instill the hesychastic tradition in his homeland. It was from this that he wanted to build a spiritual and educational system in Orthodox monasteries according to Athos customs. The Ukrainian hesychastic revival had not only a religious and cultural-political influence. He was a statesman. The direct influence on the formation of Ukrainian statehood is confirmed by the blessing and, in fact, the legitimization of the “holy war” for the defense of Orthodoxy by the well-known Aphonite Patriarch of Constantinople Athanasius, who twice met with Bohdan Khmelnitsky and who ended his life in the Cossack Mgar monastery. The participation of Aphonites not only in the spiritual, but also in the political life of Ukraine was systematic and widespread. The 17th - 18th centuries also had a significant influence of the hesychastic tradition on all levels of Ukrainian society, from the spiritual and political elite to the masses. This is what can explain the phenomenon of H. Skovoroda.

The Family and the Nation: The Centrality of Gender Politics in the Rise of European Illiberalism

The Family and the Nation: The Centrality of Gender Politics in the Rise of European Illiberalism

ОСОБЛИВОСТІ КОНЦЕПЦІЙ АМЕРИКАНСЬКОЇ МРІЇ ТА КИТАЙСЬКОЇ МРІЇ: КОМПАРАТИВНЕ ДОСЛІДЖЕННЯ

The article examines two concepts that are often used in the political environment of the United States of America and the People’s Republic of China. These are the American dream and the Chinese dream, which determine the domestic policy of the two centers of modern politics. The historical prerequisites of the American and the Chinese dream formation are analyzed and the most characteristic differences between the concepts of the Chinese and the American dream are identified. It is proved that, despite the closeness of the interpretation, the concept of the Chinese dream differs significantly from the American one in many respects. The differences in these concepts are due to historical factors, cultural development and geographical location, as well as China’s orientation to its own strength, in particular, the Chinese nation; the American dream is realized at the expense of the citizens of the United States, representing mostly different ethnic groups: they are given all the opportunities to realize their needs, including financial ones. As a result, Chinese dream rests on the power of the masses, the American dream on the nomination of an individual. t is determined that the ideas of the American and Chinese dreams play a significant role for both the American and the Chinese establishment. For the first, it is important to use the American dream and its realization as a tool of increasing the political support, while for the second, it is primarily the ideological unification of the Chinese nation.

The Newest English Translation of the Tbilisian Maqama

Tbilisian Maqama is the 33th story in the book of the prominent Arab writer al-Hariri (1054-1122). Two permanent characters of the Maqama-cycle – the narrator and the main hero meet each other in the Tbilisian mosque. Maqamas were translated into English several times, but those were mostly exact translations. The newest translation (Imposters) issued by the New York University Press in 2020 is the imitation and a very interesting interpretation of the original version. The fact that one of the fifty maqamas of al-Hariri is called “Tbilisian” mustn’t be a pure accident. It seems that Tbilisi was regarded as one of the main political, trade and cultural centers in the Middle East, but American translator doesn’t pay much attention on it. In the newest translation Tbilisi is mentioned in the text and in the notes as well, although the title of Tbilisian Maqama is remade according to the bestseller by L. Rosten (The Joys of Yiddish) as The Joy of Yarabic. There are approximately fifty words or expressions in Yinglish in the translation. What is the common between the Tbilisian Maqama created in the 12th century and the Yiddish-inflected American English (resp. Yinglish) spoken in northeastern of USA?! It’s impossible to make the ordinary reader of the 21st century to read the classical text with its simple plot and didacticism, complicated language and rhythmed prose, high style and Quran citations. Translator Michael Cooperson tried to make his work interesting for the English-speakers by the possibilities of global English. In his translation English is represented as a rich language of the classical literature, on the one hand, and as a widespread spoken language, on the other. All of the fifty maqamas are translated into different styles. Cooperson uses classical English writers’ idioms and many slangs. The imitation of the Tbilisian Maqama is full of associations connected with the main character and the plot of this story. Cooperson chose the language of American Jews here because the main hero’s simulation as if he is disabled, his complains about poverty and illness reminds him the monologues of the 20th century American Jewish performers Henny Youngman, Don Rickles and Rodney Dangerfield. All of them used Yinglish in their performances. The translator mentions also the Imposter-like story “A Yom Kippur Scandal” originally written in Yiddish by Sholem Aleichem (1859-1916) which presents a swindle man like the hero of maqamas. Apart from this, here are allusions from the Old Testament, the texts of Yiddish theater songs etc. Some poems not translated but replaced by original versions written in Yiddish preserving the context and mood. Cooperson tried to create the analogue of the “linguistic acrobatics” of the original version. The literary pieces of the Middle Ages are often translated separately for the academical purposes with more scrupulosity, special commentaries etc., and separately for ordinary readers with some changes. But in the newest popular translation of Tbilisian Maqama the interpretation of the origin’s language needs no less definitions, explanations. This translation is Transculturation. It’s domestication – as Cooperson notes, he couldn’t find better way to integrate this classical piece in the receiving culture. The newest translation with its linguistical and stylistic diversity can be assessed as post modernistic translation as well.

The Elite of Sýrnesgarðr: On the Social Stratification of the Population of the Gnyozdovo Archaeological Complex, 10th — Early 11th Centuries

This paper analyses the socio-historical topography, the dynamics of urbanization transformations, and social stratification of the population of the early medieval metropolis in the Upper Dnieper area of the tenth — early eleventh centuries known as Sэrnesgarрr, nowadays the Gnyozdovo Archaeological Complex. It was one of the largest political, trade, and craft centres of the Viking Age within the spread of Old Russian archaeological culture. The high degree of archaeological knowledge of this site makes it possible to try and find a solution to the difficult problem of reconstructing the social hierarchy of its urban community referring to the data known to the scholarly community. The society of *Sýrnesgarðr was a developed ranked or even early stratified society with a pronounced three-level hierarchy. The upper stratum used special labour-intensive burial rites with rich grave goods accompanying the deceased; the middle stratum marked its burials with weapons; and the majority of the ordinary population practised various forms of “standard” burials without any exclusive features. The analysis of the chronology of the burials of the elite reveals two generations with different cultural attitudes, economic practices, and behavioural patterns. The first generation of the first half of the tenth century used burial rites in “great mounds” and/or in boats (or “rooks”). The second generation of the middle to second half of the tenth century used burial rites in “wooden chambers”. The change of the “ruling class” of “great mounds and boats” to a new privileged group of “wooden chambers” took place around the 940s–960s, either because the city was conquered by the troops of the Rurikid polity, or, more likely, because of an internal conflict between the two privileged groups.

Academic Issues of Research of Historic-Cultural Heritage of Medieval Ganja

Historic-cultural heritage of Ganja city belongings to such thinkers of Azerbaijan as Nizami Ganjavi, Mahsati Ganjavi, Siti Ganjavi, Raziya Ganjavi, Mirza Shafi Vazeh and others. In this research work were studied the teaching of different sciences in Ganja during Middle Ages period, the services of prominent scientists, thinkers and teachers of that period, who worked in madrasa and used rich libraries. In particular, given the importance of the city as a socio-political, economic, scientific and cultural center during this historical epoch. By the way, during this historical period Ganja as an important political and cultural center was visited by famous scholars of this period, as well as important historical information about their teaching and scientific activities have been studied for many years. In scientific article on the basis of available scientific sources, historical documents, written sources, are considered the merits and patronage of national statehood, which played an exceptional role in the development of the traditions of our national statehood, in the formation of prominent figures in science and culture. Also in this study, based on historical and ethnographic sources, have been determined the significance of the scientific, literary and cultural development of Ganja in the revival of the characteristic features of the Renaissance period.

The empress and the humanist: profit and politics in the correspondence of Anne of Świdnica and Petrarch

ABSTRACT This article presents a reassessment of Anne of Świdnica (1339–62), Holy Roman Empress and queen of Bohemia, based on a reading of Petrarch's De laudibus feminarum. By reinterpreting their correspondence as an act of gift-giving within a framework of court patronage, it makes a case for her calculated effort to benefit her public image by corresponding with Petrarch, while he, in turn, benefited by representing himself as an intimate of the imperial family. It also situates his letter within the context of the ongoing political exchanges between Petrarch and the Prague court, and suggests that he sought to harness Anne's influence for his political agenda. What emerges is a new vision of Anne, one with greater learning and agency.

Eurasian Mirror: New Perspectives on The Russia-China Border

In parallel to the postsocialist transformations and growing geopolitical significance of the Russia-China relationship, recent years have seen a surge of interest among Anglophone scholars in the Sino-Russian border and the borderland region around it. Working against a perspective focused on the language and decision-making of the political center, the books under review train their ethnographic and historical focus on specific local case studies to illuminate the Russia-China border as a site that produces, reveals, and sustains difference. At the same time, the border region emerges as a zone where the agency of the particular, the local, and the exceptional can assert itself against dominant, normative, or centralizing forces. Read together, these studies present the Sino-Russian border as both the key to the relationship and the space of its exceptions.

The Confusion of the Political Center with the Left: A Note on Some of the Implications

The Confusion of the Political Center with the Left: A Note on Some of the Implications