Political Apathy Research Articles

Transformations of fascist imperialism: Greece from Le soldatesse (1965) to Mediterraneo (1991)

Abstract The article demonstrates the power of sociopolitical and cultural contexts that dictated the interpretations of fascist imperialism in the two most important films dealing with the wartime occupation of Greece. Analysis of both films is positioned in relation to the history of the wartime occupation, when Italian soldiers were moved by racist assumptions, rejected Greek culture and willingly perpetrated crimes against the Greek people. From war’s end to the early 1960s, official memory of brutal fascist imperialism had been obscured by a powerful myth that the Italian people had been good anti-fascists and sympathetic victims during World War II. But events of the early 1960s created a political crisis that demanded re-evaluation of the power and dangers posed by Italian fascism. The article explores the means by which Valerio Zurlini’s 1965 Le soldatesse/The Camp Followers attempted to awaken national memory of imperial exploitation and inspire in audiences both a powerful collective guilt and consciousness of the urgent necessity to combat neo-fascism. The article also exposes the influence of the sexual revolution on this film’s depiction of consensual heterosexual sex as the primary mechanism for peaceful Italo–Greek relations. It was this sensual approach to empire and not the anti-neo-fascist political mission that tied The Camp Followers to Gabriele Salvatores’ 1991 Mediterraneo. Inspired by the new political apathy and consumer culture of the 1980s and early 1990s, Mediterraneo created an imaginary fascist empire devoid of racism and the ideological commitments that divided Italian from Greek. The new film created the possibility of an Italian imperialism defined by leisure, an alteration of history that could only seem reasonable in a world redefined by sensual consumerism. The stark differences between these two films’ depictions of Italians in the fascist empire reflects a larger transformation of Italian national identity.

Engaging "Apolitical" Adolescents: Analyzing the Popularity and Educational Potential of Dystopian Literature Post-9/11

Although dystopian novels have been prevalent under the young adult banner for decades, their abundance and popularity post-9/11 is noteworthy. The 21 st century has found academics and laypersons alike discussing the supposed political apathy of young adults and teenagers of the Millennial Generation. However, despite this common complaint—and contrary to ample research that indicates that this age group has traditionally been uninterested in global politics—the reading preferences of this generation indicate that this label of "apolitical" may not be as fitting as some believe. In fact, the popularity of young adult dystopian literature, which is ripe with these political themes, suggests that this group is actually quite interested in these topics, although they often turn to the safe confines of fiction to wrestle with them. This article explores the potential educational uses of these young adult dystopias and argues that reading these texts may be a small step in the direction of engaging students in social justice issues and, perhaps, sparking more overt political action.

An Indian summer: Corruption, class, and the Lokpal protests

In the summer of 2011, in the wake of some of India’s worst corruption scandals, a civil society group calling itself India Against Corruption was mobilizing unprecedented nation-wide support for the passage of a strong Jan Lokpal (Citizen’s Ombudsman) Bill by the Indian Parliament. The movement was, on its face, unusual: its figurehead, the 75-year-old Gandhian, Anna Hazare, was apparently rallying urban, middle-class professionals and youth in great numbers—a group otherwise notorious for its political apathy. The scale of the protests, of the scandals spurring them, and the intensity of media attention generated nothing short of a spectacle: the sense, if not the reality, of a united India Against Corruption. Against this background, we ask: what shared imagination of corruption and political dysfunction, and what political ends are projected in the Lokpal protests? What are the class practices gathered under the “middle-class” rubric, and how do these characterize the unusual politics of summer 2011? Wholly permeated by routine habits of consumption, we argue that the Lokpal protests are fundamentally structured by the impulse to remake social relations in the image of products and “India” itself into a trusted brand. Taking “corruption” as a site at which the middle class discursively constitutes itself, we trace the idioms and mechanisms by which the Lokpal agitation re-articulates the very terms of politics, citizenship, and democracy in contemporary India.

The perils of polarization and religious parties: the democratic challenges of political fragmentation in Israel and Turkey

With their “deeply divided societies”, distinctive electoral rules and pivotal religious parties, Israeli and Turkish politics offer crucial cases to probe into “polarization” processes and the ways in which religious parties play a role in them. Using a large sample of public opinion and experimental survey data, the analysis shows how polarization can be marked by some contravening trends. Despite declining social trust, religious party supporters do not denounce any institutions categorically; yet disregard some opposing parties as viable political alternatives. The political positions of religious partisans differ from their party leadership. Supporters assign different levels of significance to polarizing issues and carry the potential of forming issue-based coalitions across different ideological groups. Although they acquire news and political information from different venues, most partisans tend to process factual information through partisan lenses, reinforcing partisan ideological commitments. While religious party supporters increasingly reject the existing markers of politics and show signs of political apathy, they do not withdraw from politics. With their multifaceted commitments, religious party supporters do not fall into mutually exclusive political groups. Given the tendency of the political elite to exacerbate divisions for political expediency, it is ultimately the ability of individuals to engage in politics beyond the confines of party politics that presents an escape from these polarization traps.

Stumbling upon news on the Internet: Effects of incidental news exposure and relative entertainment use on political engagement

Contemporary concerns that the Internet might lead to political apathy are based on suggestions that people would use the Internet for entertainment purposes rather than news consumption. However, what if someone stumbles upon news when surfing the Internet? Would this incidental news exposure online be helpful in promoting citizens’ political engagement? This study tests whether and how incidental news exposure (INE) and relative entertainment use (REU) on the Internet are associated with political participation. Drawing from US national data, results revealed a significant and positive relationship between INE and offline and online political participation while REU was negatively associated with offline and online political participation. More importantly, the role of INE in facilitating citizens’ online political participation was stronger for those who consume less entertainment online, indicating that incidental news exposure may increase existing gaps in political participation between people who prefer news and people who prefer entertainment online.

Documentaries and celebrities, democracy and impunity: thawing the revolution in twenty-first-century Mexico

Between 1990 and 1999, Mexico produced five feature documentaries; between 2000 and 2009, it produced 64. This article examines new trends in non-fiction filmmaking in Mexico during the mid-2000s to the early 2010s, mapping a number of factors, from presidential elections to exhibition practices. It frames the surge in social documentary, especially in commercial venues, as a result of political activism and economic changes. The new connections between film production and distribution point to a renewed enthusiasm in the shaping of a space to contest Mexico's exhausted nationalism and leadership, and a thawing of political apathy and fear-induced paralysis. The essay gives special attention to the films En el hoyo (Juan Carlos Rulfo), Fraude: México 2006 (Luis Mandoki), and Presunto culpable (Roberto Hernández), as examples of documentary's changing relationship to commercial exhibition.

Youth, Facebook and politics in South Africa

Abstract Social networking sites, Facebook in particular, are growing in popularity in South Africa. With the increasing affordability of mobile handsets, users are able to access the mobile Internet and connect via mobile social networking applications. This article explores how Facebook is used by South African youth, with particular reference to their political participation and involvement. Research has shown the declining involvement of young people in political processes, particularly since democratic elections in 1994. This is an international trend, with a general global rise of political apathy and decreased news consumption among youth. However, Facebook and other new media applications widely used by young people have been seen as a potential vehicle to re-engage youth in political debate. The potential usefulness of such applications for creating networked publics and mobilizing political action was highlighted recently during the Arab Spring; and conversely, Facebook and Twitter have been used (e.g. in the United States) to target potential youth voters. The notion of e-democracy has raised the potential of the Internet to enhance political action and activism. The article draws on a national quantitative survey and Cape Town-based focus groups with South African youth in order to explore the links between Facebook use and political participation. The article argues that youth are engaging with alternative forms of political subactivism that work at the margins of the dominant public sphere.

Reaching Out to Overcome Political Apathy: Building Participatory Capacity through Deliberative Engagement

A common objection against deliberative democracy relates to the impression that citizens, in general, are unwilling to participate in democratic politics. We contribute to the growing literature that challenges this impression by analyzing the discursive profile of citizens that participate in deliberation. By discursive profile, we refer to participants' own perceived role in the democratic process and their articulated motivations for joining a deliberative forum. We find that those who turned up in face‐to‐face deliberation tend to be less cynical toward politics. Moreover, based on their expressed motivations for participating, it can be inferred that linking the deliberative forum to decision makers provided an initial hook to participants. However, this changed as participants completed the process. At the end of deliberations, appreciation for the process itself ended up being the most resonant sentiment. These findings are based on both quantitative and qualitative analyses of data gathered from Australia's First Citizens' Parliament.Related Articles McBeth, Mark K., Donna L. Lybecker, and Kacee A. Garner. 2010. “.” Politics & Policy 38 (): 1‐23. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2009.00226.x/abstract Crowley, Kate. 2009. “.” Politics & Policy 37 (): 995‐1021. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2009.00208.x/abstract Stephan, Mark. 2004. “.” Politics & Policy 32 (): 118‐135. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2004.tb00178.x/abstract Related Media . 2009. NewDemocracy. Canberra. February. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qWOoQwpJdrE Data and Discussion . 2013. Australian National University. http://deliberativedemocracy.anu.edu.au/

Enhancing Political Participation in Jamaica

Youth participation through political talk appears to be shifting to the online public sphere in many parts of the world. Many attribute this shift to online social networks such as Facebook. Emerging research seem to suggest that this may be a cure for the problem of political apathy among the youth. This study explores such a possibility in Jamaica. In all, 752 youth ages 15 to 24 were surveyed to ascertain whether Facebook encourages political talk among this age cohort, and what if any are the primary factors that discourage this practice. The findings suggest that (a) Facebook is an extension of offline political talk among the civically engaged and politically charged youth of Jamaica; (b) Facebook does not substantively encourage political talk among the politically apathetic Jamaican youth; and (c) fear of political victimization is the primary factor that discourages many Jamaican youth to engage in political talk on Facebook.

Disempowerment and marginalisation of peace NGOs: exposing peace gaps in Israel and Palestine

This article analyses the enabling and restraining conditions of local peace organisations in Israel and Palestine. It utilises the analytical notion of peace gaps to accentuate the interplay between local and elite levels. It also highlights the discrepancies when it comes to expectations of peace, the ability to communicate peace discourses and the power to influence and build wider domestic peace constituencies. The empirical findings reveal how current vertical and horizontal peace gaps result in the disempowerment and marginalisation of local peace NGOs on both sides. Such a precarious situation hinders broader peace mobilisation and is further exacerbated by widespread political apathy and peace fatigue among Israeli and Palestinian publics. By way of conclusion, the article argues for the need to re-politicise and re-negotiate space for a more agonistic peacebuilding, which allows for differences to co-exist.

New Media, Civic Learning, and Civic Action Among Young People

Political apathy and ignorance are endemic among young people and many agree that improving civic education is tantamount to improving public awareness. How to go about inspiring engagement among young people, however, remains a topic of debate. For example, students who report on surveys that they were encouraged to express their political views in the classroom were also more politically engaged. But this might occur because students who were already engaged reported more opportunities to express political views. Spurious relationships could also occur because educators are more likely to undertake service learning, for example, when their students come from higher SES backgrounds. Experiments and long-term observation that could provide greater certainty about causal links have been rare. This paper presents results of a classroom-based experiment designed to assess whether students’ enthusiasm for “new media” (e.g. blogs) can be harnessed in American politics courses to stimulate long lasting political engagement.

Dual Identity Under Threat

Drawing on the literatures on dual identity and politicization, this study relates the political engagement of European-born Muslims to their dual identification as ethno-religious minorities and as citizens. Minorities’ political engagement may target mainstream society and/or ethno-religious communities. Surveying the Turkish and Moroccan Belgian second generation, our study analyzes their support for religious political assertion, participation in ethno-religious and mainstream organizations, and trust in civic institutions. Its explanatory focus is on the dual ethno-religious and civic identifications of the second generation and on perceived discrimination and perceived incompatibility as threats to their dual identity. Our findings show that participation in organizations beyond the ethno-religious community is most likely among high civic and low ethnic identifiers, and lower among dual identifiers. Rather than increasing political apathy, perceived discrimination goes along with higher levels of participation in both ethno-religious and mainstream organizations. Finally, the perception of Islamic and Western ways of life as incompatible predicts greater support for religious political assertion and lower trust in civic institutions. Implications for the role of dual identity and identity threat in the political integration of ethno-religious minorities are discussed.

Democracia versus tecnocracia: apatia e participação em sociedades complexas

Discutimos no presente artigo a questão da apatia política em nossas democracias não do ponto de vista empírico, mas por meio da análise de vários discursos e modelos teóricos que resultam ser, respectivamente, "dominantes" e "antagônicos" tanto na academia quanto na própria esfera pública. A primeira oposição analisada é aquela entre o modelo constitucionalista da democracia e o modelo da soberania popular. A partir dessa análise, passamos à discussão dos fenômenos sociais de judicialização e de indignação por parte dos cidadãos. Indignação esta, que, por sua vez, se opõe ao ativismo positivo de quem está disposto a participar diretamente do processo decisório, inclusive em formas não institucionalizadas de participação. Por fim, analisamos a oposição entre o discurso tecnocrático, caracterizado pela ênfase no consenso sobre leis socioeconômicas presumidamente formuláveis de maneira científica, e a ideia de uma democracia radical, caracterizada por uma visão de "agonismo" democrático.

Democracia vs neoliberalismo económico. Condicionantes ideológicos de las preferencias políticas y económicas en la ciudad de Lima

Este estudio analiza la influencia de la ideología política sobre tres actitudes sociopolíticas: el apoyo al modelo económico neoliberal, el apoyo al sistema político democrático y el desinterés por la política, en una muestra de adultos jóvenes de la ciudad de Lima (<em>N = 279</em>). Como medidas de ideología política se utilizaron escalas de autoritarismo de ala derecha (RWA), orientación hacia la dominancia social (SDO), orientación política de derecha y justificación de la inequidad. Se contrastaron tres modelos de ecuaciones estructurales. Los dos modelos finales presentaron buenos indicadores de ajuste. Ambos modelos proponen que, mientras el RWA, la SDO y la orientación política de derecha ejercen influencia directa sobre el apoyo al modelo económico neoliberal, la SDO influye de manera inversa sobre el apoyo al sistema democrático. El modelo que presentó el mejor grado de ajuste propone además, que el desinterés por la política influye directamente sobre el apoyo al modelo económico neoliberal. Se discute finalmente acerca de la relación entre conservadurismo político, neoliberalismo económico y el concepto de apatía política.

Modelling Elections in the Caucasus

This paper constructs formal stochastic models of the elections in Georgia in 2008 and in Azerbaijan in 2010. The models include various kinds of valence, where valence is defined as being associated with the non-policy considerations involving the electoral perceptions of party leaders. Valences can be (i) exogenous, held by all members of the electorate, giving an estimate of the perceived “quality”of the political leaders, and empirically estimated by the intercepts in a spatial model; (ii) sociodemographic, associated with the various propensities of subgroups in the polity to choose one candidate over another. We consider logit models of electoral choice, involving these valences, as well as spatial components derived from policy differences between voters' and candidates' positions. We compute the “equilibrium” vote maximizing positions of the candidates or parties in the two elections and show that these involved divergence from the electoral center. We argue that oppositional candidates faced different political quandaries in the two countries. In Georgia the opposition candidates had low valences and were associated with relatively non-centrist policy positions. In Azerbaijan the survey we used indicates that there was a degree of political apathy, due to the perception that the election would not be democratic. This made it difficult for opposition candidates to offer credible political competition to the dominant party of the president.

The Mediatization of E-Campaigning: Evidence From German Party Websites in State, National, and European Parliamentary Elections 2002-2009

The rise of e-campaigning is often associated with its ability to circumvent journalistic principles of news selection and presentation. By this, parties and candidates are said to free themselves from the discretionary power of the mass media and to reach voters in an unfiltered way. This conventional wisdom is tested through a comparative content analysis of German party websites in state, national, and European parliamentary elections between 2002 and 2009. The results show that e-campaigns in all elections adhere in their messages to the media logic. Specifically, they replicate those patterns of offline coverage that have been held accountable for rising political alienation and civic apathy. Moreover, the mediatization of German e-campaigning grows over time. © 2012 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.

Environmental literacy and the emerging roles of information professionals in developing economies

Environmental degradation has become a serious source of concern for contemporary society, giving rise to efforts in the way of advocacies, conferences and awareness campaigns at different levels. While information professionals in developing economies are positioned to contribute to environmental sustainability; they need to apply creativity and innovation to overcome issues like low literacy levels, poor infrastructures, political apathy of environmental information to achieve the intended goal of environmental literacy. New roles are evolving beyond mere provision of information; these include information professionals as change agents, educators, electronic experts and partners to other change agents. The paper argues that information professionals could be more relevant to the needs of sustainable environment by repositioning themselves in terms of their roles in their various communities. Some recommendations made in the paper include revitalizing public libraries, training in Information and Communication Technology skills and collaboration with interest groups.

Perceptions of News Media, External Efficacy, and Public Affairs Apathy in Political Decision Making and Disaffection

A telephone survey of 416 randomly selected registered voters examined the distinctive contributions of cynicism and skepticism to citizens’ media satisfaction, external political efficacy, and apathy. Results suggest that cynicism and skepticism reflect dissatisfaction with media coverage, but have opposite effects on external efficacy. Cynicism has no relationship with apathy, while skepticism decreases it. Satisfaction with news media increases efficacy and apathy. Although cynicism’s relationship to efficacy is of concern, these findings undercut the argument frequently made that dissatisfaction with media coverage is responsible for cynicism and political apathy.

¿Cada vez más apáticos? El desinterés político juvenil en España en perspectiva comparada

It has been often claimed that the political apathy of Spanish youth is alarming. This study tests that assessment and tries to find out whether political interest among young citizens is different with respect to European youth and if it is worsening in the last years. The levels of political interest among the youth of today are compared with those of people who were young some years ago, as well as with the levels of political interest of the European youth. The hypothesis of the progressive depolitization of the youth is tested following a multivariate analysis. The article concludes that current Spanish youth is only significantly less interested if compared to the youth of the eighties, which constitutes the actual exception to the rule.

Political Science in the Apolitical Classroom

As political science professors we are also all political science teachers and this can be problematic in more ways than one. Teaching something as controversial as politics can be difficult, but ironically one would think that it would at least make it interesting, but in many cases, students seem think the exact opposite. The real threat in any classroom, but especially a political science one, is apathy (and its close cousin ignorance). In this paper, I will look at ways to reduce both political ignorance and apathy by making political science and politics in general more interesting for the students.