Political Aid Research Articles

Data-driven governance and performances of accountability: critical reflections from US agri-environmental policy

ABSTRACT Public institutions have increasingly responded to calls for more accountability by promoting ideas of data-driven governance. As this focus on using data tools to strengthen governance intensifies, it is important to examine how the tools that underlie such claims are made. In the context of US agri-environmental policy, policy leadership has spoken the language of data-driven decision-making for over thirty years, primarily in response to accountability demands. However, the reliance on metrics and calculation is most explicit in the newest initiative called the Conservation Stewardship Program (CSP). Unlike other initiatives, the CSP used a single environmental scoring and decision-making algorithm to allocate approximately US$3.8 billion to 68,000 farmers. Applying a Social Construction of Technology approach to the development of the tool shows that different social groups – political aides, program officials, and subject-matter specialists – interpreted data-driven governance differently. Tool design emerges not despite but through the contestations over the purpose and practicality of doing data-driven governance. Social groups involved in tool development are themselves embedded in different accountability structures that shape the rationalities they marshal when negotiating practical decisions about tool design. The final tool used in the CSP was technically contested and the tool development process was poorly documented, yet it had an important legitimacy function: it deflected accountability pressures for more rationalization in public spending without causing major policy disruption. Centering analysis on the negotiations entailed in making the tools that come to underlie claims of data-driven governance can explain how and to what extent a push for more data in public policy can strengthen (and weaken) accountability relations.

PENGARUH BYSTANDER EFFECT DAN WHISTLEBLOWING TERHADAP KECURANGAN LAPORAN BANTUAN KEUANGAN PARTAI POLITIK (STUDI EKSPERIMEN PADA MAHASISWA PRODI AKUNTANSI FAKULTAS EKONOMI DAN BISNIS UNDANA)

AbstractThis study aims to (1) Determine the effect of the observer's impact on reducing party financial assistance funds; (2) Knowing the effect of whistleblowing on opposing fraud and (3) studying the effect of observers and complaints on the increase in party political aid funds. Testing the hypothesis in this study using an experimental instrument. The factors consist of two variables, namely the adequacy of financial statements as the dependent variable, the observer effect and the complaint as an independent variable. The population in this study were all students of FEB Accounting Study Program, Nusa Cendana University. The sampling technique using purposive sampling method. The criteria used as research correspondents are students who have received and taken Business Law and Ethics courses. The data used in this study are primary data obtained directly from the research object in several research results. The Rating Scale used in this study uses a Likert Scale. The results show that the bystander effect affects the reduction of financial aid for political parties. Whistleblowing plays a role in reducing the fraud on financial statements of political parties. And the effect observer and whistleblowing influence simultaneously towards reducing the adequacy of political party financial assistance. Keywords: Bystander effect, whistleblowing, Fraudulent Reports on political party financial assistance

Book Review - The Psychology of Climate Change Communication

The book, “The Psychology of Climate Change Communication: A Guide for Scientists, Journalists, Educators, Political Aides, and the Interested Public” created by the Centre for Research on Environmental Decisions (CRED), is a useful guide for climate change communicators to make climate change communication more effective. It shows the centrality of (social) psychology for effective climate change communication that results in positive behavior change in people. The guide breaks down the psychology-based strategy for effective communication for behavior change into clear, easy to follow steps with real life examples to illustrate the steps.

Philip Melanchthon's Humanist Politics: Greek Scholarship in a Time of Confessional Crisis

ABSTRACT This article examines how Philip Melanchthon utilized classical Greek texts in the confessional conflicts of the Reformation. In 1521, Melanchthon published a Greek edition of Aristophanes’ Clouds as a critique of sophistry, and in 1527 he produced a Latin translation of Demosthenes’ speeches Against Aristogeiton as a rebuke of Johann Agricola's antinomianism. In the 1540s, when the Reformation came under political pressure from the Holy Roman Empire, Melanchthon used a 1540 edition of Xenophon to plead for political aid from the French crown and a 1547 edition of Demosthenes to critique Charles V's aggression. Finally, in 1548, as Melanchthon came under fire from Catholics and Gnesio-Lutherans, he turned to Athenian oratory to defend himself in the Augsburg Interim controversy. As these episodes show, Melanchthon's Greek scholarship was intimately connected with his career as a reformer, and Greek proved to be a powerful tool in addressing doctrinal controversy and political conflict.

Robots: Aware Headway and Viable Recovery

The civilisation is amazing result, with impressive attainments to believe cosmic or godly reasons of it. The continuance, today, is critical, due to exhaustion of resources and contamination of environs, practised to keep the suited trend. The ecology review of the progress requires cognition and awareness of the advances ways, technologic and political aids. The sustainable ecology needs resorting to human intelligence, having integrated reliefs by cosmic rationality or godly wisdom. The robotic helps open to inner/upper causes, with steady issues.

Beyond the Pale: The ‘Foreigner’ in the Politics of the ‘Frontier’ in the Fish River Marches of the British Cape Colony, c. 1830–1850

ABSTRACT In the first half of the nineteenth century, the British Cape Colony was the site of multiple and interrelated constructions of the foreign and articulations of some brand of ‘foreigner’ as threatening. This paper, part of a longer study, explores one construction of foreignness in relation to the ‘frontier’. It makes three main points. First, it analyses the frontier not as a structural condition or zone but as a subjective, political positioning. It proposes the concept of the ‘marchland’ to distinguish between spatial description and political space. Second, it looks at the rendition of the ‘foreign’ in the politics of the frontier, how African land and people ‘beyond the boundary’ were labelled ‘foreigners’ or treated as foreign through the invocation of European norms of international law. It addresses colonial politicisations of chiefly authority in those discourses. Last, it considers the frequently employed idea of ‘the pale’, which speaks to political difference and aids us in conceptualising foreignness in the Cape colonial marchlands. This history considers the relationship between accusations of foreignness and a specific, historical political subjectivity and politics – of the frontier – that politicised foreignness.

Where There is Water There is Growth: Yoeme Land and Water Rights

Where There is Water There is Growth:Yoeme Land and Water Rights Thalia Gomez Quintana (bio) Who is over there in the enchanted water sounding?Who is over there in the enchanted water sounding?Who is enchanted over there in the enchanted water sounding?Over here from the flower-covered dam I am sounding.Here over the enchanted water I am floating, brown, in theenchanted water sounding. —Second stanza, Yo Vaa'amp Hiyame, Sounding the Enchanted Waters Through song, the water drum spirit presents its teachings. Within Yoeme (Yaqui1) cultural paradigms, the ceremonial water drum made from a gourd and a larger water-filled container has agency and exercises a voice. This voice communicates via the vibrations of water. Miki Maaso, a Yoeme ceremonial Deer singer, asserts, "All the animals and living things can talk, but only a few can listen."2 Within Yoeme culture, water is understood to originate from the Flower World––the realm of all beauty, home to the deer and flowers, all of which are precious and beloved components that sustain Yaqui life and tribal culture. Maso Bwikam,3 Yaqui Deer Songs, are our most ancient form of speech which frame epistemologies of Yoeme relationality to the Huye Ania, the wilderness world of the Sonoran Desert, most importantly, the Yaqui River. This article will demonstrate how the Hiaki Vatwe4 plays a critical role in ongoing settler-colonial politics of natural resource extraction and the continued deterioration of Yoeme communities in Sonora, Mexico. In particular, the use of neoliberalist frameworks authorizes the removal of water from the Yoeme pueblos, forming a necropolitical5 order in which Yoemem6 are marked for illness, death, and removal in ways that support settler agendas of Native erasure and land seizure. I will first discuss Yoeme epistemologies of place and ontological relationships to the Yaqui River through the story of the Talking Tree and Deer songs. Yoeme ontological relationships are expressed and consolidated through Maso Bwikam and our relationships to the Deer and all the beings in the Yoeme desert homeland are expressed within this rich transmission of knowledge. Maso Bwikam hold some of the [End Page 1004] most ancient epistemologies of place, relationality, prayer, gratitude, and express the centrality of the Hiaki Vatwe to Yoeme tribal life and culture. I will then discuss settler colonialism and its technologies of natural resource extraction that seek to dispossess Indigenous people of their lands for settlements and profits. I emphasize the ways in which neoliberal politics aid settler-colonial technologies in generating Yaqui dispossession. I will ground this discussion in the context of the Aqueduct of Independence which is a tactic of settler-colonial design by which the state of Sonora has gained further access to the waters of the Yaqui River. Yoeme Ontologies of Place: Hiaki Vatwe Yaqui communities have been in relation with the Yaqui River since time immemorial sharing our very name as a tribal nation with the River. The Yaqui River originates in the western Sierra Mountains and courses southwest through the Yaqui Pueblos in Sonora, Mexico culminating at the Gulf of California into the Sea of Cortez. The eight original pueblos of Velem, Huirivis, Rahum, Potam, Vicam, Bacum, Cocorit, and Torim are located on both the west and east banks of the Yaqui River, which sustains all life in our desert homeland. Yaqui resistance to settler colonialism is rooted in our original cultural instructions, which derive from our tribe's Luturia,7 or our truth. Water makes everything possible with in the Yaqui desert. Communities around the Hiaki Vatwe are grounded in Yoeme original instructions found within our Luturia, our daily lives, culture, and ceremonies that consolidate our responsibilities to each other as Yoemem and to our relationships to land and water. Yoeme frameworks conceptualize space and position land, its species, and its elements, as kin. Cajete writes, "Native cultures describe their place as a living presence in the context of its mythic and spiritual meaning. The storied and living homeland of Native cultures provides a holistic foundational context for Native life."8 Thus, the story of the Talking Tree exercises a genealogy descending from the landscape and waters of Hiaki Vatwe. For Yaqui people...

High-Standard Rules and Political Leadership in Japan’s Mega-FTA Strategy

This article examines Japan’s trade policy on significant geo-economic developments by focusing on its engagement in three large free trade agreements: the Trans-Pacific Partnership, the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, and the Japan–EU Economic Partnership Agreement. Under the Abe administration, Japan has produced successful outcomes in mega-FTA strategy, concluding the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership and the Japan–EU Economic Partnership Agreement in 2018. The making and diffusion of high-standard rules were given high priority in Japan’s mega-FTA strategy, and Prime Minister Abe’s political leadership in employing his political allies and executive aides and managing the opposition activities of veto players has enabled his administration to produce these successful outcomes.

The Role of Historical Christian Missions in the Location of World Bank Aid in Africa

Abstract This article documents a positive and sizable correlation between the location of historical Christian missions and the allocation of present-day World Bank aid at the grid-cell level in Africa. The correlation is robust to an extensive set of geographical and historical control variables that predict settlement of missions. The study finds no correlation with aid effectiveness, as measured by project ratings and survey-based development indicators. Mission areas display a different political aid cycle than other areas, whereby new projects are less likely to arrive in years with new presidents. Hence, political connections between mission areas and central governments could be one likely explanation for the correlation between missions and aid.

Differences in political orientation and foreign aid utilization in Africa

ABSTRACT This study examines the differences in political orientation and foreign aid effectiveness in Africa. The findings confirm our hypothesis that political parties extend their differences in orientation in utilizing foreign aid in Africa. Precisely, our results show that leftists are more likely to use aid efficaciously on pro-poor growth. On the contrary, rightists are good managers of aid on private sector growth projects. Our results provide a convergence path on foreign aid effectiveness, which has been dominated with contrasting results in the existing literature. The results also give a grasp of how foreign aid can better be allocated to Africa.

Corruption and the forestry industry in Papua New Guinea: transnational actors, local dynamics and environmental impact

Corruption and environmental degradation are interrelated challenges. In Papua New Guinea (PNG), the relationship between corruption and the environment can be seen in the continuing corruption that exists in the country's forestry industry. The article focuses on key actors, values and interests across geographic and institutional spheres who contribute to corrupt incentives in PNG. The PNG government, foreign corporations, customary land owners, NGOs, multilateral organizations, even foreign governments and consumers; all play a role in the PNG context. These actors and their motives must be understood and harnessed to reduce corruption and improve environmental outcomes in PNG. To balance power dynamics and incentives among these actors requires the use of multiple legal and political tools: political pressure, international law, domestic legislation, aid and technical assistance, education and enforcement of existing legal frameworks are all components of the solution. The concept of an experimentalist governance framework for environmental protection is valuable in this context, due to its fluidity, responsiveness and adaptability in complex environments with multiple stakeholders.

The democracy dilemma. Aid, power-sharing governments, and post-conflict democratization

How does development aid shape democracy after civil conflicts? I argue that political aid conditionalities and the economic utility that recipient elites gain from office give rise to a rent-seeking/democracy dilemma: recipients can initiate democratic reforms but also risk uncertainty over office and rents. Or they can refuse to implement such reforms, but risk losing aid rents if donors reduce aid flows in response to failed democratic reforms. This dilemma is strongest in power-sharing cabinets. By granting rebel groups temporally limited access to the state budget, such cabinets intensify elites’ rent-seeking motives. Thus, aid-dependent power-sharing elites will hold cleaner elections, but also limit judicial independence and increase particularistic spending to simultaneously reap aid benefits and remain in power. I find statistical support for this argument using data on aid flows and power-sharing governments for all post-conflict states between 1990 and 2010.

Political Attention and Aid Policy Change: Lessons for Aid Advocacy From the Aid Spending Expansions in Australia and the United Kingdom

What leads a donor to change the trajectory of its aid policy? Surprisingly little is known about the political dynamics that drive the aid policy decision making process. Notwithstanding recent advances, the role public opinion plays in shaping aid policy remains poorly understood, as does the role political actors play in initiating such change. The role of advocacy efforts in driving change are also unsettled. This paper engages in these ongoing debates by drawing on the agenda-setting literature to highlight the crucial role political attention plays in shaping the political dynamics of the aid policy subsystem. The central claim the paper makes is that instances of high-level aid policy change are driven by top-down, political actor-led processes, rather than bottom-up processes triggered by changes in public attitudes towards aid, as is commonly assumed. This argument is substantiated theoretically by outlining how the politics of attention play out in the aid policy subsystem, and empirically by examining the dramatic aid spending expansions that occurred roughly in parallel in Australia and the United Kingdom during the mid-2000s and into the 2010s. Finally, suggestions are made as to how aid advocates can contribute to cultivating top-down aid policy change.

나카소네 내각의 제2차 대중원조정책 : 원조내용과 정책결정

이 연구논문은 일본 나카소네 정권이 1984년 3월에 결정한 제2차 대중국 원조정책을 분석한 것으로서, 80년대의 중일관계의 흐름 속에서 어떠한 공여내용의 원조를 어떤 정책결정과정을 거쳐 결정했는지 분석하는데 주된 연구목적을 두었다. 분석구도는 ‘내외압 조정’ 의 구도를 활용했다. 제2차 대중원조의 총액결정을 두고서는 관계성청 간의 줄다리기가 치열했던 것으로 분석되었다. 일본의 핵심 경제관청인 대장성은 5년간 3천억 엔 대를 주장한 반면, 외무성과 통산성은 4천억 엔 대를 고집하여 좀처럼 합의를 보지 못했다. 이점이 제1차 정부초안, 제2차 정부초안, 정부안 등 다소 긴 과정의 정책결정프로세스를 보여주는 요인으로 작용하였다. 총액 규모를 두고 대장성과 외무성 및 대장성과 통산성간의 대립구도를 보여 주었지만, 나카소네 수상은 제1차 미 이행분 상품차관 300억 엔을 포함하여 5,000억 엔 규모의 원조 제공을 위한 공여안 작성에 정치적 리더십을 발휘한 것으로 나타났다. 중국의 대일본 전쟁배상권 포기에 대한 보은의식도 작동한 정치적 조정과 판단의 결과였다. 나카소네 수상의 ‘조기 방중’의 의사는 강했으며, 스스로 ‘데즈쿠리외교(手作り外交)’라고 부르듯이 양국 정상 상호간의 프렌드십 외교를 중시하는 동시에 한미일중 외교협력과 제휴 네트워크를 위해 엔차관 원조를 외교수단으로서 활용한 점이 가장 큰 특징으로 나타났다.

Tejano Tiger: José de los Santos Benavides and the Texas–Mexico Borderlands, 1823–1891 by Jerry Thompson

Reviewed by: Tejano Tiger: José de los Santos Benavides and the Texas–Mexico Borderlands, 1823–1891 by Jerry Thompson Raúl A. Ramos Tejano Tiger: José de los Santos Benavides and the Texas–Mexico Borderlands, 1823–1891. By Jerry Thompson. (Fort Worth: Texas Christian University Press, 2017. Pp. 412. Photographs, notes, bibliography, index.) As a political and military leader from the Texas border town of Laredo, Santos Benavides maneuvered with equal ease in the halls of power on both sides of the Rio Grande. Benavides maintained those connections through conflict and cooperation between nations over a period spanning the Republic of Texas, the U.S.-Mexico War, the U.S. Civil War, the French intervention in Mexico, and finally Texas state politics in the late nineteenth century. Historian Jerry Thompson situates Benavides within this border landscape, weaving this biography among these significant events. Given his extensive research and writing on Tejanos in the Civil War, early politics in Laredo, and in his award-winning biography of Juan Nepomuceno Cortina, Thompson is the ideal author to situate Benavides within these narratives. The result is a clear-eyed treatment that provides yet more insight into the historical dynamics of the border. Given the direct confrontations between Benavides and Cortina as regional leaders on different sides of the U.S. Civil War and Mexican politics, Thompson presents Benavides as supporter of state (as opposed to federal) authority. A significant portion of the biography details Benavides' position as a colonel in the Confederate Army engaged in patrolling the Rio Grande between Brownsville and Eagle Pass. Operating under Colonel John "Rip" Ford, Benavides and his soldiers protected cotton shipments to Mexico meant to circumvent the Union blockade and held back attacks from Cortina that threatened Confederate control of the border. Thompson's extensive coverage of his activities reveals new understanding of the deep engagement and significant role played by Benavides during the Civil War. A corollary to Benavides's service to the Confederacy was his long-time friendship with Governor Santiago Vidaurri of Nuevo León, who also supported the Confederate cause. Benavides became a critical supporter of Vidaurri, lending military and political aid during Mexico's evolving conflicts around Benito Juárez during the French intervention. Thompson's examination of correspondence between Benavides and Vidaurri picks up on the sometimes contradictory positions Benavides took when his allies clashed, as Juárez and Vidaurri did. Following Reconstruction, Benavides entered state politics, serving three terms as a Texas state representative for Laredo and the surrounding area. Here again, Benavides used his astute political instincts to build support from the rural areas without a majority in Laredo. Thompson lays out the partisan divide within the Democratic Party in Laredo, between supporters of Benavides and of his rival Raymond Martin. As a legislator, Thompson describes Benavides by noting, "Despite flashes of enlightened [End Page 458] liberalism, Santos often backed legislation that was reactionary and repressive" (274). Santos Benavides continued to maintain close relations across the border in hopes of facilitating renewed alliances and material progress, and he became a de facto ambassador to Mexico through his connections to the government of Porfirio Díaz. By finally putting together the myriad influences Benavides had on both sides of the border and across historical eras, Thompson reveals the importance of the borderlands and the complex political landscape borderlanders had to confront. For readers interested in the history of Texas, the West and the American Civil War, this biography provides an important addition to those narratives. For Chicano/a historians, Thompson provides a new perspective on the duality inherent in being Tejano in the nineteenth century. Benavides's opposition to Cortina and Martin reveals a different path taken by someone who defined himself as equally American and Mexican for his entire life. Raúl A. Ramos University of Houston Copyright © 2018 The Texas State Historical Association

Ministerial advisers in executive government: Out from the dark and into the limelight

Ministers increasingly rely on advisers for support and advice. In many countries, these political aides are labelled differently. Generally, they serve as close confidants to their political masters and operate in the ‘shadowland’ between politics and bureaucracy. Scholarship has dragged the ministerial advisers out of the dark and described their background and functions. Still, the field of scholarship has a Westminster bias, is characterized by single case studies, and remains under‐theorized. The lack of comparative focus and theoretical underpinnings can be explained by the complex nature of ministerial advisers. This introductory article suggests a definition for ministerial advisers and reviews the extant literature on these important actors. The main argument is that the extent and relevance of ministerial advisers in executive government merits integration into mainstream public administration and political science theory and research.

Strengthening Civil Society in Africa: The Role of Foreign Political Aid

This article was originally published in May 1995, IDSB26.2Strengthening civil society through the provision of financial resources and technical assistance is viewed by aid donors as an effective means of fostering political pluralism and consolidating fragile democracies in developing countries. Starting from the premise that donors lack a well‐defined notion of civil society which obscures its conflictual nature, this article considers a range of potential problems that aid donors might encounter in relation to the process of democratic consolidation when supporting civil society organizations. It argues that since donors are not well‐equipped to handle these types of interventions, they need to avoid undermining the autonomy and legitimacy of recipient organizations: their absorptive capacity is limited, only certain types of organization are able to contribute effectively to democracy promotion, and little is known about their impact. The objective of strengthening civil society may be laudable but since it is a difficult and potentially hazardous area for external intervention, donors should proceed cautiously and with modest expectations about what might be achieved.

Sri Lanka in Commonwealth: Uk-Sri Lanka Political and Economic Relations 2009-2015

During the colonial era, British introduced their political, economic and cultural system to Ceylon for maintain the colonial with more benefits. However, after the World War II British lost their hegemonic capabilities in world system. As a result of that, British decide to grant independence and establish the mechanism to maintain the close relations with former colonies in the world system. The Commonwealth was established in 1949 and contain the countries which directly or indirectly controlled by the British Monarchy. During the post-colonial era UK-Sri Lanka maintain close relationship within the international paradigm due to national interest. UK-Sri Lanka Political and Economic relations reach ripe movement during the ethnic conflict and United Kingdom (UK) became a major party for conflict prevention and negotiation process. However, escalation of ethnic conflict create more British involvement in Sri Lankan decision making process and Sri Lanka was granted large scale political and financial aid to maintain the peace process. During the last stage of humanitarian mission against the LTTE, UK became a more active party in IDP and resettlement process in war effected areas.

The Declining Dominance of Lawyers in U.S. Federal Politics

While the ubiquity of lawyers in U.S. electoral politics is well known, there has been almost no research on how their prevalence has changed over time, why these changes might have occurred, or the consequences of any such shift. This article helps address these gaps. Using a unique data set that extends over two hundred years of the occupational background of members of the U.S. Congress, it confirms widespread perceptions that lawyers have long dominated Congress. However, it also finds that this dominance is in slow, but steady, retreat. In the mid-19th century almost 80% of members were lawyers. By the 1960s this had dropped to under 60%, and by 2015 it was less than 40%. The article puts forward a set of arguments about why lawyers have traditionally had such success in U.S. electoral politics, including their affinity for lawmaking, the politicization of the U.S. justice system, and advantages in terms of career flexibility and access to resources. It claims lawyers’ electoral decline is largely the result of changes within the legal profession as well as new electoral competition, particularly from an emerging professionalized political class comprised of political aides and members of civil society that have made politics a career. The article argues lawyers’ prevalence in Congress has had at least three effects. First, it has impacted Congressional outcomes. While lawyer legislators generally have similar voting records as other members, evidence is presented here for the first time that members of the House of Representatives who are lawyers have been more likely to support the funding of civil legal aid, potentially pointing to a larger set of behavioral differences between lawyer and non-lawyer legislators, especially in their approach to policies related to the legal system. Second, law, as a “gateway” occupation into politics, has affected Congressional diversity. The article presents new evidence that lawyer members of Congress have historically been less likely to be women, indicating that the hurdles women have faced in law have possibly reduced their representation in Congress. Third, lawyers’ prevalence in Congress has impacted the legal profession and the larger legal system. Lawyers’ decline in Congress, and politics more generally, has likely reduced the number of politically oriented students who enter law and contributed to perceptions that the profession has become less civic-minded. The even more precipitous decline in Congress of former judges may be helping depoliticize the judiciary even more quickly than the bar. The article concludes by claiming that law schools and the profession need to more actively address diversity challenges as well as provide better training in leadership if they want lawyers to remain central to and be as positive a force as possible in electoral politics in the United States.

The study of policy for Compound Youth Cultural Art Work and Civil Competence

This study aims to understand the relationship between youth cultural art work and civil competence to create social postulate and provide political aid for the younger generation to foster the competence of democratic citizen through youth work, proposing plans linked to related policies. Through analyzing preceding studies about relationship between youth art work and democratic citizen, citizenship, and civil competence, the study examined relationship and effectiveness of youth work and civil competence in the realm of youth voluntary work, club activity, participation work, and international interchange which showed positive influences and connections, also exploring suggestions. As a result of the analysis, theological foundations and legal basis for constructing political linkage between youth work and civil competence were found insufficient. In addition, it was found for juveniles to grow as democratic citizens, activity programs to foster civil competence, an evaluation system, and active education programs focusing on participation and experience must be developed and operated. Especially, an organic network with local society resources shall be enhanced to foster democratic citizens by relating with school curriculum. Based on the research, the study proposes plans to promote juveniles to be democratic citizens such as establishing an exclusive system, training expert human resources, securing budget for active education activities, and using juvenile facilities as coordinative facilities.