Polish People's Republic Research Articles

Obraz PRL w pięcioksięgu Janusza Krasińskiego

The article reconstructs the image of the Polish People’s Republic (PRL) in the monumental pentalogy by Janusz Krasinski, one of the most important achievements of Polish literature after 1989. In his works Krasinki showed Poland in the years 1945-1989 from the perspective of Szymon Bolesta, who at the age of 18 was falsely accused by the communists of espionage and sentenced to 15 years in prison. The prison experience and Bolesta’s later literary career makes the reader perceive PRL as a hostile, alien and dangerous entity, based on violence and lies, arousing fear, destroying human souls and trying to create new non-human ethics.

Dobre obyczaje w polskim prawie kontraktowym – wybrane zagadnienia

<p class="Standard"><span>Artykuł zawiera przegląd dobrych obyczajów w polskim prawie kontraktowym. Przegląd ten skłania do wniosku o narastającej potrzebie rychłego zastąpienia bazujących na ustawodawstwie PRL klauzul „zasad współżycia społecznego” oraz „społeczno-gospodarczego przeznaczenia prawa” – klauzulą dobrych obyczajów. Stanowi to konieczną przesłankę pełnej i rzetelnej europeizacji polskiego prawa cywilnego. W doktrynie prawnej krajów członkowskich UE, które nie wchodziły do bloku państw satelickich ZSRR, klauzule zasad współżycia społecznego oraz społeczno-gospodarczego przeznaczenia prawa jawią się jako zupełnie obce pojęcia i kategorie prawne, które nie mają żadnych odpowiedników w klasycznej, europejskiej cywilistyce. Powrót do „dobrych obyczajów” na gruncie polskiego prawa kontraktowego pozwoli na pełniejsze wykorzystanie dorobku doktryny i orzecznictwa powstałego zarówno w okresie II RP, jak i w krajach zachodniej Europy po II wojnie światowej, co niewątpliwie głębiej zakotwiczy instytucje polskiego prawa umów w systemie prawa UE.</span></p>

Jak si disidenti připomínali holokaust. Nezávislé připomínání "noci pogromů" v NDR a povstání ve varšavském ghettu v PLR

Jak si disidenti připomínali holokaust. Nezávislé připomínání "noci pogromů" v NDR a povstání ve varšavském ghettu v PLR

Dobre obyczaje w polskim prawie kontraktowym – wybrane zagadnienia

This article contains an overview of good manners in Polish contract law. The overview leads to the conclusion that following clauses – rules of social coexistence and socio-economic purpose of law, which are based on the legislation from the time of the Polish People’s Republic (PRL) – need to be replaced by the clause of good manners. It is necessary for the full and thorough Europeanization of the Polish civil law. The two aforementioned clauses appear to be completely foreign concepts and legal categories in the legal doctrine of EU member states which were not the satellite states of the Soviet Union. These clauses have no equivalents in the classic European civil law studies. The return to the good manners in the Polish contract law will undoubtedly more deeply anchor the Polish institutions of the contract law in the legal system of EU.

Partner na trudny czas. Obraz Austrii w świetle materiałów Ministerstwa Spraw Zagranicznych Polskiej Rzeczpospolitej Ludowej z lat 1980–1983

The aim of this article is to show how the Fourth Department (Western Europe) of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Polish People’s Republic (PRL) assessed its relations with Austria in 1980–1983. This topic is analysed from the perspective of the existing research on Polish foreign policy and its relations with the West. The article mainly presents the Polish perspective of bilateral relations and efforts to restore good trade relations with Austria. Before martial law was introduced in the PRL, this neutral Western country had evidently favoured Polish affairs in the international arena. The contribution of Bruno Kreisky’s personal diplomacy to the development of trade relations with the PRL is also taken into account. There is a thesis that Austria was one of the first countries in the West which renewed diplomatic relations with the PRL after their having been frozen in December 1981. In the light of the existing studies, such measures were first taken in 1984 in the so-called fraternal countries and in 1985 in Western countries. Materials taken into account in this analysis have not yet been published, and come from the archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In the Polish diplomatic documents from 1980–1983, Austria has the image of „a partner in difficult times”. Since 1970, the Austrian government under the leadership of Chancellor Bruno Kreisky was at first perceived exceptionally well in the PRL, compared to other Western countries. After the imposition of martial law, Vienna repeatedly confirmed its willingness to provide Poland with not just humanitarian, but also diplomatic and economic support, refraining from making negative comments on Polish authorities on the international forum. Kreisky avoided sharp statements against Polish authorities, fearing the possible escalation of the conflict. He was convinced that the shift in power was not possible at that time and in that area. He judged negatively Western economic sanctions for two reasons. As he claimed, they struck only the society and common people, having no impact on the decisions of Polish politicians; on the other hand, they threatened the interests of Austria, which was inclined to import Polish raw materials and repay the existing financial obligations. Shortly after the exchange of correspondence on the circumstances of the martial law, the Austrian side, through the Embassy in Vienna, offered to re-establish correct relations. They excluded the possibility of conducting official state visits until the lifting of martial law; however, in April 1983, the first working group meeting with Otto von Bauer, the Deputy Secretary General of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Austria, was arranged in Vienna. This event was treated as an example to follow in the other diplomatic posts of the Fourth Department.

Obraz nauczyciela PRL w świetle własnych wspomnień

This article presents the place and the role of teachers in the Polish People’s Republic (PRL) from the perspective of several decades. This issue is approached, however, not in light of the preserved archival documents, produced in the centres of power, but based on accounts-memoirs of teachers and students. It is necessary to create an image of a teacher in the Polish People’s Republic because of the role that they played in educating and shaping generations of Poles who lived and worked in times of limited freedom, took part in the political upheaval and actively participated in the deep transformations that took place in the country in the last twenty-five years. It is teachers who played a special role in the implementation of educational policy in the PRL.

Od informatora do kontestatora. Akta „Bolka” – próba lektury

From the informant to contester. Files "Bolek" – an attempt to read The documents of Security Service (SB) announce that Lech Walesa was in the years 1971-1975 the secret collaborator – „Bolek” – in the Gdansk Shipyard. This cooperation was intense year and a half, until May 1972. In the years 1972-1975 from the position of a co-worker of the system Walesa began to provide critical opinions about the situation in the yard and labor problems. He has also publicly criticized the authorities. Instead facilitate the control of the crew, he was seedbed of discontent and a source of instability. In 1976 Walesa was removed from his job in tthe Gdansk Shipyard. SB agreed to this because unruly colleague brought them more harm than good. From the informant to contester – this was the evolution of Walesa’s contacts with political police of Polish People’s Republic (PRL).

Dilemmas of Identity in Contemporary Cities. The City of Gdansk as an Example

The article is aimed to answer the question how, depending on the historical heritage, the collective memory, the physical space of the city and their images were shaped, through the politics of memory. All known cultures and languages distinguish the ‘self’ and the ‘other’, ‘us’ and ‘them’. Neither do we know cities which wish to differ in some particular way, although they can have numerous identities. Their multitude and diversity may be a source of conflicts or contradictions in a creating their coherent image. From a sociological perspective, all identities are constructed. The real problem, however, is how, with what, by whom, and for what? Although identities are not time-proof, in favourable circumstances, they legitimize and rationalize dominant institutions of authority and culture. The public discourse on memory and identity of the modern Gdansk is dominated by multiparadigmatism, going beyond the authenticity of the material and cultural heritage and the state of knowledge presented by historians. Metaphoric and discursive ideas, already encoded in the language, such as: Gdansk is a multicultural city; the city of freedom and the city of solidarity are used to demonstrate the multiparadigmatism. Analysis has proved that the identity narrations were built mainly on myth-making constructions, especially on the myth of ‘the Golden Age’. Nowadays, the selections of architectural forms, used as a base for the Gdansk's identities, have been extending with buildings from the Polish People's Republic (1945-1989) period. Their aesthetic and historic values were, until recently, almost completely negated. It was an unwanted heritage.

Contested minorities – the case of Upper Silesia

Abstract Upper Silesia in terms of ethnicity is a typical example of a historical region in Europe, but in fact, one of the few exceptions in contemporary Poland, where its mixed ethnic and religious structures have at least partly survived until today. While their existence had been denied by Nazi Germany (1933-1945) as well as by the Polish People's Republic (1945-1989), the emancipation of the German and Silesian minorities after the democratic changes of 1989 have evoked strong emotions in the ethnically almost uniform country. Nonetheless, the recent situation of minorities has improved as never before. Minority organisations has been officially recognized and German finally has become the second language in some municipalities of Upper Silesia, but the largest ethnic group in the whole country, the Silesians, have still experienced no formal recognition as a national minority. This article deals with the demographic aspects of the ethnic groups in Upper Silesia since the 19th century until recent times. The census results concerning the ethnic minorities or languages in Upper Silesia have been contested since the first records of that kind have been taken. The outcomes of the both last censuses of 2002 and 2011 concerning the minority question reflected for the first time a much more realistic picture of the status quo. Furthermore, they showed that the idea of Silesian identification found an unexpected high number of supporters. This fact indicates an emerging meaning of regional identification amid significant changes of cultural values in Polish society.

Pisanie Polski na nowo – odkrywanie i kreowanie lokalności

The article is an attempt to reconstruct a trend in literature after 1989 which focuses on restoring local identity and is often referred to as the ‘literature of little homelands’. Various processes occur in this framework, like the reinterpretation of historical phenomena, restoring or creating memory by unlocking areas covered by censorship in the Polish People’s Republic (PRL). The main task of this trend – which should be regarded as temporary – is to raise questions of identity. This stage should be treated as a preparation for future re-evaluation of this issue as it provides a starting point for taking advantage of those opportunities that were given to literature by the regained political freedom.

„Wyszkoleni, politycznie pewni i….zdrowi?. Informacja o stanie zdrowia funkcjonariuszy KWMO w Gdańsku w 1980 r.”

The history of PRL (Polish People’s Republic) security authorities is a very interesting issue for contemporary researchers. The present article refers to an unknown section of this research area, namely the state of health of SB (security service) and MO (citizens militia) officers. The analysis concerns the period between 1979 and 1980 and constitutes a beginning of high spectrum MSW (Ministry of the Interior) healthcare studies.

Polityczne meandry emigracyjnego socjalisty. Kontakty Henryka Polowca z wywiadem PRL w latach 1952–1963

Political meanderings of emigrant socialist. Contacts of Henryk Polowiec with the Polish People’s Republic (PRL)intelligence in years 1952–1963H. Polowiec connected with socialist movement in the 30s. of the XX century. After World War II he ended up in emigration in Great Britain, where he became one of the leading activists of the Polish Socialist Party (PPS). In 1954, because of criticism of the political line of the PPS he was suspended in the rights of party member. In response, he accused the authorities of PPS, that they became the agency of western intelligences, and withdraw from the party. He was also criticizing socialists for political cooperation with National Democrats in emigration. From 1952 to 1963 (with interruptions) he was also secretly contacting with PRL intelligence. For submitted orally information he received remuneration. In issued in London magazine “Tygodnik” and in political brochures he was criticizing leadership of the PPS. Considering himself as conceptual socialist he accused his former party companions of betrayal of socialism and democracy. After October 1956, fascinated by liberalization of the communist regime, he wrote with approval about W. Gomułka. In PRL intelligence estimation, Polowiec fell into persecution mania. As a result, in 1963 the communist secret service ended cooperation with him.

Tazab, Haskoba, Fregata: emigracyjny biznes w Wielkiej Brytanii i wywiad PRL (lata 50. i 60. XX wieku)

TAZAB, HASKOBA, FREGATA: THE BUSINESS OF IMMIGRANTS IN GREAT BRITAIN AND THE POLISH PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC (PRL) INTELLIGENCE (THE 50’S AND 60’S OF THE 20TH CENTURY)During the first half of the 1960’s Polish immigrants in Great Britain owned approx. 3.5 thousand ventures. The immigration business structure was dominated by small companies, set on Polish customers, employing mainly Poles, the fastest developing branch were shipping companies. The direct contacts between the immigrants and the country contributed to creating Polish travel agencies. The PRL intelligence was trying to recruit the businessmen immigrants to become secret collaborators.

Czy prymasa Wyszyńskiego można określać mianem realisty politycznego?

Can we call cardinal Wyszyński the political realist?
 The Roman Catholic Church was main enemy of communist government in Polish People Republic. Wise leadership of cardinal Stefan Wyszyński prevented this institution from destruction or lost independence. All of his activity had one main purpose – give protection from the plans of communist dignities. So I try to show that cardinal Wyszyński was probably the most realistic person in the history of the Polish People Republic. His attitude was main reason that polish Catholic Church didn’t lost their independence from communist system.

Kontynuacja czy przełom? Obraz PRL i geneza transformacji systemowej w prasie białostockiej lat 1989–1991

The political transformation that commenced in 1989 resulted in changes in the political and economic systems of Poland. The Polish People’s Republic (PRL) ceased to exist and the Third Republic was born. While this is quite obvious from the perspective of year 2011, the content of the articles published in Bia³ystok dailies from 1989 through 1991 shows that it was not so apparent then that the year 1989 was a breakthrough. The assessment of the PRL was crucial for the process of attitude changes both in society and journalists. In 1989, Bia³ystok dailies presented a positive account of this period, while in 1991 their assessment was more complex. No one would defend the communist system as a whole any more; some painted it in dark colors, while others counterpointed its merits and weaknesses in an attempt at a balanced assessment. The main bone of contention was the political system of the PRL, the most important events of the 1980s, the great national movement that developed as ‘Solidarity’, martial law and the economic crisis. The author is interested in the Bia³ystok dailies’ attitude to these issues.

Z dyskusji nad referendum w Polsce Ludowej

In the period of the Polish People's Republic (1944 to 1989), there was a clear disproportion between the practice and the theory of a referendum. Although during the whole period direct elections were held only twice (1946 and 1987), discussions on the chances of holding a referendum had continued all the time. The first referendum that was held was so designed that it allowed the communists to take over power "lawfully." The other election, held shortly before the end of the Polish People's Republic rule, at the time when the political and economic crisis was accelerating, was less successful for the government in office, and failed to secure sufficient support to the leading party. The discussions on the political and legal issues that followed went far beyond the elections, though. Other important issues involved "people's" or "socialist" democracy.

Kościół wobec nowelizacji z 10 lutego 1976 roku Konstytucji PRL (1952)

The Church protests against the plans to amend the Polish People's Republic Constitution of 1976 were rather successful, and in consequence the government had partially given up the proposed amendments. In the Church's view, the real problem was not the dominance of the United Polish Workers' Party, but the Soviet influences in Polish People's Republic. It was felt that although, at that particular moment of history, even the authoritarian system and limited independence could be, if reluctantly, accepted, the powers of the government needed to be clearly demarcated and free from ideological obligations, including implementation of official atheism. Those limes were a manifestation of the integrity of human rights and the family, the respect for the Church and its place in public life, and, above all, from the fact that Poland of those time enjoyed a relatively wide internal and external autonomy.

Polonia Restituta – w dziewięćdziesiątą rocznicę

The 90-year period that has passed since Poland regained independence after partitions has not as yet been fully accounted for and objectively evaluated. The whole period may be divided in three clearly cut epochs:
 I. The Second Republic of Poland (1918-1945),II. The Polish People's Republic (1944-1989), III. The Third Republic of Poland (1989 onwards).
 In the Polish historiography each of the three epochs has been described and assessed. However, there remain certain issues that must be handled and explained, the objective truth must be recognised, and all facts brought to light. Only when that is done, Polonia Restituta will finally enjoy a full and complete account of its then unabridged history.

“Sarmatianism”

In Polish research, the terms Sarmatia, and Culture (as a political phrase for a line of policy and political designation) are omnipresent and run into the paradigm of Sarmatianism (sarmatyzm) which has been applied to the early modem history of the Polish Lithuanian Union. Looking at manifold sources from over four centuries, this term should either be avoided because of its vagueness or employed in ways which refer to its complex usages. There are at least four different connotations, distinguishable layers reflecting separable ideas: 1. The humanistic of the region Sarmatia from antiquity up to early modem times reaching back to an ancient civilization which was used to legitimize the Polish-Lithuanian-Union. 2. The Origo Idea was a profitable political concept that became part of political programs used by the early-modem monarchy and nobility in foreign and domestic policy. 3. The Sarmatian culture of the Polish nobility was used to unify the 17th century nobility throughout the Union (clothes, gestures, rhetoric). 4. It was also a social and culture political movement and call to arms during the last third of the 18th century that sought to modernize noble elites and bring them closer to western European culture. With the publication of several monographic works after World War II, we can talk about an impressive break-through of this paradigm. In the 1920s and 1930s concepts of a jagelonian idea had been possible. This changed after 1945 when for ideological reasons the cultural heritage of eastern polish regions had been put under a taboo. In this situation the paradigm of Culture was revived because its politics were not incriminated in the Polish People's Republic (PRL). This term could be loaded up with enlightenment ideas and serve as camouflage for the research on the jagelonian idea as well as a label for the obsolete concepts of the elder elites. This is why up to 1989 researchers made use of this paradigm in a broad way but never questioned or clearly defined it. Thus the definition of Culture is not precise. It is used to describe a humanistic educated with its own way of thinking and habits - the every-day life style of the landed nobles and their material situation ― the culture of elites, a political tendency, and a Party. This makes the term itself a Passepartout for cultural history that for analyses and temporal distinction uses mostly political moments (1606/07, 1648/60, 1763/64). Such are the contradictory and inconsistent phenomena in the early modem history of culture of East Central Europe that can in retrospective be encompassed with this one term.

Greek “Heroes” in the Polish People's Republic and the Geopolitics of the Cold War, 1948–1956*

Over the last decade or so there has been renewed interest in the Greek civil war, with a number of important publications shifting the focus of research from the high plane of international relations and Cold War polemics to a critical history of the period, allowing unheard voices and perspectives to be heard and revealed. The volume edited by Mark Mazower, for example, places the experiences of the 1940s in thelongue duréeof Greek nation-state formation as well as in the wider context of war and post-war violence and resistance—the social character of which is emphasized. Yet the importance of the Greek civil war in the emergence of the Cold War cannot be underestimated as Gerolymatos makes clear. This paper, therefore, aims to demonstrate how the refugees from Greece who arrived in Poland constitute an important part of Cold War history and to show how their experience in Poland can shed light upon both the wider international context and the dynamics of nationality policy in Poland itself. I contend that the arrival of Greek refugees weakened the Polish state's drive to national homogeneity.