Southeast Asia Policy Research Articles

Different Views of Nature, Ecological and Disaster Mitigation Policies in South-East Asia

Official ecological and disaster mitigation policies in South-East Asia are often experienced by the local people who live close to nature as being detrimental to their well-being and future. It can be seen in the experiences of the Karen people in the highlands of Thailand, the gunung Balak people in South Sumatra and the people who live in the surroundings of the Merapi volcano in Central Java. The policies are usually based on Western or modern construction of nature, which excludes human beings from nature. To save nature means to save it from the reach of human beings. Modern disaster mitigation also starts from the same assumption. As successful mitigation policy must reduce risk to the minimum, it always ends in eviction and resettlement. This is different from the traditional construction of nature, which includes human beings as part of nature. The way of life of those who live in the areas which are designated as “protected forest or wilderness” never endangers the continuation of nature, as the end of nature means the end of human beings as part of nature. Natural disasters are not seen in the same way as in the Western model, where human beings must prevail against nature and no risk is taken. Natural disasters are dangerous, but they are part of the cycle of life, and in life people have to take risks. So it is a clash between different worldviews. Here it is proposed that a dialogue between these different worldviews should be taken, and perhaps Christian communities who live close to nature can contribute theologically to the development of a Christian theology of creation, which does not place in antithesis, nature and human beings, and even nature and God.

JAPANESE DIPLOMACY WITHIN ASEAN REGIONAL FORUM (ARF): SOME ASPECTS OF THE REGIONAL SECURITY

The article is devoted to the issue of Japan policy in South-East Asia specifically to Japanese diplomacy within ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). ARF created in 1994 was the first multilateral forum were regional security issues of Southeastern countries could be discussed. Japan took part in creation of the Forum and is its active participant. Since mid 90th Japanese diplomacy used ASEAN Regional Forum platform to promote its own national security interests in addition to other bilateral and multilateral activities. One of the first subjects for discussion at ARF was China nuclear activity and nuclear tests. The issues of constant concern remain territorial disputes in East China Sea and South China Sea. Specific regional topics like China-Taiwan relations, Cambodia, ideas for Northeastern Asian security forum, India and Pakistan nuclear tests, Asian financial crisis of the 90th were also in focus of ARF discussions. Annual sessions of the Forum gave Japan opportunity to articulate concerns, promote its interests and negotiate topics on bilateral level. Of vital security concern for Japan was and remains to exist North Korean nuclear program. For the last two decades the country took a great activity in the work of ASEAN Regional Forum and it could be stated that ARF remains to be an important mechanism for Japan diplomacy to address important issues security and stability in Southeastern Asia.

The Lower Mekong Initiative & U.S. Foreign Policy in Southeast Asia: Energy, Environment & Power

Begun in 2009, the Lower Mekong Initiative (LMI) is now America's foremost engagement vehicle on the Indochina peninsula of Southeast Asia. From the outset, its most concrete aim was to facilitate an integrated water management scheme for the lower Mekong River, where plans to harness the river's hydroelectric potential as a catalyst for economic development have clashed with more traditional uses of the river. But more broadly, the LMI also serves a larger American goal: to encourage regional cohesion and thereby slow the spread of Chinese influence. Whether the LMI achieves these aims largely depends on how successful its member countries— including the United States and all of Southeast Asia's riparian countries—are in putting to rest the differences over how best to balance the various uses of the Mekong River.

Japan’s Twin-Track Diplomacy during the Cambodian Conflict, 1979–84: A “Member of the West” Pursuing an Independent Foreign Policy1

The Cambodian conflict and the increase of the Cold War tension following the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan posed major challenges to Japan’s Southeast Asia policy but, contrary to what is claimed in the existing research, did not halt Tokyo’s efforts to promote peaceful coexistence between the countries of ASEAN and Indochina. Declassified documents and other primary sources show that through the adoption of a twin-track diplomatic line, Japan acted as an “Asian member of the West”, committing to the anti-Soviet alignment but at the same time continuing to pursue its regional objectives. By engaging Vietnam and striving for a “regional” solution to the Cambodian conflict, Japan followed an independent diplomatic line, eventually expanding its role in Southeast Asia beyond the economic dimension to security issues. In the end, Japan’s bridging efforts in Southeast Asia, envisioned by Prime Minister Fukuda in 1977, helped Tokyo to lay the foundation for its involvement in the mature stage of the Cambodian peace process after the late 1980s.

The Social History of Explosive Remnants of War in Vietnam

This paper traces the links between the military, industry, and the U.S. government to show how weapon development was influenced by the U.S. involvement in Vietnam. The relationship between technology and conflict is made clear through both the new uses and development of weapons dictated by U.S. government policy in Southeast Asia. Ultimately, deadly consequences remain for civilians living in Vietnam as a result of these developments and the unsettling circumstance calls into question who should be responsible.

Southeast Asia. Safe for decolonization: The Eisenhower administration, Britain, and Singapore. By S.R. Joey Long. Kent, Ohio: Kent State University Press, 2011. Pp. xviii + 248. Maps, Bibliography, Index.

Safe for decolonization: The Eisenhower administration, Britain, and Singapore By S.R. JOEY LONG Kent, Ohio: Kent State University Press, 2011. Pp. xviii + 248. Maps, Bibliography, Index. Joey Long presents a very solid study, well researched, insightful, fair and articulate. Long's work will interest and benefit anyone curious about the interplay between decolonisation, the Cold War, great power foreign policy and local agency in Southeast Asia. Long brings to bear, through diligent work in multiple archives and a sound grasp of existing literature, a rare combination: an informed understanding of both American foreign policy in Southeast Asia during the Cold War and the complexities with which it engaged both allied and local agendas. He does not make the all-too-common error of reducing local agency, in this case Singapore--through Singaporeans in general and political leaders in particular--to a supporting role in a discussion of British-American Cold War discourse. Nor does he subscribe to the still too common and lazy view that political decolonisation in the region was a straightforward process of oppositional politics, first towards a declining European overlord, then to the emerging American assertiveness. Long rightly argues that it was just not that simple. This book examines why, how and to what end the Eisenhower administration became involved in political change in Singapore, with particular reference to the Cold War. In so doing, Long displays commendable balance in judgement and does not subscribe to any of the ideological sacred cows that dot the field. Critical when the evidence so indicates, particularly regarding the Eisenhower administration's efforts to use covert intelligence and political operations to pursue its goals--or perhaps chase its ghosts--in a volatile Singapore, Long also gives credit where credit is due. This stems in part from his ability to lift his analytical gaze beyond the traditional confines of strategic problems and government-to-government intercourse, as catalogued so methodically in the FO371 and RG59 file series. Long's chapter on American cultural diplomacy brings out most strongly his sure grasp of both what made Singaporeans receptive to such approaches and how this fit into the larger policy picture. This chapter alone serves as a valuable response to a literature too ready to essentialise American Cold War practices in the Afro-Asian world. Singapore had particular characteristics that made it important to American Cold War priorities, receptive to some American influences, fractious when confronted by others. The driving theme in Long's study is how the British, Americans and Singaporeans sought to fill the 'political space' being opened up by the larger process of Britain's contraction as a global power. …

International Labour Migration and Migration Policies in Southeast Asia

AbstractLabour migration is the dominant form of international migration in the Southeast Asian region. It involves movement both within and outside the region with Southeast Asia having some of the world’s major origin and destination countries for labour migrants. There is a bifurcation in policies toward labour migrants between high-skilled and low-skilled workers. While there is a manifest demand for both groups, the former are welcomed and enjoy an array of freedom and rights, while the latter are reluctantly accepted under tight restrictive conditions. The failure to recognise that labour migration is a continuing structural feature of Southeast Asian economies has been a significant barrier to migration being able to deliver the maximum potential positive outcomes, not only to the migrants, but also to the economies of origin and destination countries. There is a pressing need for a more evidence-driven, rights-based approach to all labour migration and a shift from the dominance of a policing model to a management model of governance. There are a number of promising developments in the region with respect to labour migration policy but it still suffers from a lack of management capacity, poor governance, ‘rent taking’, corruption and mismanagement. There is a pressing need for the development and adoption of best practice models, especially in relation to low-skilled migration.

Does the elephant dance?: contemporary Indian foreign policy

Acknowledgments Abbreviations Foreword 1. Introduction 2. History: A Vital Foundation of India's International Relations 3. India's Contemporary Security Challenges: More Internal than External? 4. India's Economy: Its Global Calling Card 5. India and its Neighbours 6. The Sino-Indian Relationship: Can Two Tigers Share a Mountain? 7. India-USA Relations: The Shock of the New 8. India's West Asia Policy: Delicate Manoeuvres 9. India's East and South-East Asia Policy: Catching Up 10. India's Relations with Europe and Russia: Fading Glory? 11. The Evolution of Indian Multilateralism: From High Ground to High Table 12. Conclusions Bibliography Index

‘Second Colonial Occupation’: The United States and British Malaya 1945-1949

This article examines the development of events after the World War II and how these events influenced the decolonisation process of British Southeast Asia. Britain returned to claim its colonial possessions in Southeast Asia after the defeat of Japan and proposed the Malayan Union plan to further consolidate its power in Malaya. However, Britain’s plan was met with furious opposition from the Malays who demanded a better deal to protect their interest as natives of Malaya. This article also focuses on how the United States reacted towards the British policy in Southeast Asia. International events such as the Cold War, the fall of China to the Communists and the Korean War have deep impact on the policies of both Britain and the United States in Southeast Asia. The United States supported Britain to retain Malaya as one of its colonies and helped Britain in dealing with the Communists. The American and British policies of returning to their former colonies before World War II were also contrary to the Atlantic Charter formed by the allies during World War II. This article showed that the Western powers had no intention to immediately renounce colonialism at the end of World War II.

Avian and pandemic human influenza policy in South-East Asia: the interface between economic and public health imperatives

The aim of this study was to analyse the contemporary policies regarding avian and human pandemic influenza control in three South-East Asia countries: Thailand, Indonesia and Vietnam. An analysis of poultry vaccination policy was used to explore the broader policy of influenza A H5N1 control in the region. The policy of antiviral stockpiling with oseltamivir, a scarce regional resource, was used to explore human pandemic influenza preparedness policy. Several policy analysis theories were applied to analyse the debate on the use of vaccination for poultry and stockpiling of antiviral drugs in each country case study. We conducted a comparative analysis across emergent themes.The study found that whilst Indonesia and Vietnam introduced poultry vaccination programmes, Thailand rejected this policy approach. By contrast, all three countries adopted similar strategic policies for antiviral stockpiling in preparation. In relation to highly pathogenic avian influenza, economic imperatives are of critical importance. Whilst Thailand's poultry industry is large and principally an export economy, Vietnam's and Indonesia's are for domestic consumption. The introduction of a poultry vaccination policy in Thailand would have threatened its potential to trade and had a major impact on its economy. Powerful domestic stakeholders in Vietnam and Indonesia, by contrast, were concerned less about international trade and more about maintaining a healthy domestic poultry population. Evidence on vaccination was drawn upon differently depending upon strategic economic positioning either to support or oppose the policy.With influenza A H5N1 endemic in some countries of the region, these policy differences raise questions around regional coherence of policies and the pursuit of an agreed overarching goal, be that eradication or mitigation. Moreover, whilst economic imperatives have been critically important in guiding policy formulation in the agriculture sector, questions arise regarding whether agriculture sectoral policy is coherent with public health sectoral policy across the region.

China's foreign policy in Southeast Asia: Harmonious worldview and its impact on good neighbor diplomacy

With its rapid rise after the Cold War, China regards a peaceful and stable global envi-ronment not only as a stabilizer for development, but also as an important foundation for the country to promote connection and integration with the international politi-cal-economic system (Hsu, 2007). On the one hand, China promotes the concept of a “harmonious worldview” to counter the the impression of a “China threat,” on the other hand, China hopes to improve its relations with neighboring countries through bilateral and multilateral approaches under the policy guidance of “good neighbor diplomacy,” in order to reduce security threats and construct a regional environment favorable for eco-nomic development. Under the harmonious worldview concept, China has actively sought various bilateral and multilateral initiatives with ASEAN and the establishment of bilateral free trade agreements. With traditional security problems under control and temporarily resolved, China hopes to strengthen cooperation with Southeast Asia in the realm of non-traditional security. This paper aims to provide a clear explanation of China’s foreign policy in South-east Asia in the post Cold War period and a rough sketch of future developments. This paper first discusses the meaning of the harmonious worldview concept and good neighbor diplomacy, laying a foundation for understanding China’s foreign policy in Southeast Asia. The paper then details changes in Chinese foreign policy in Southeast Asia by analyzing China’s strategic goals and policy accomplishments in the region. New security concept, harmonious worldview and China’s new diplomacy Emergence of the New Security Concept and Related Policy Development After China began to actively pursue multilateral diplomacy and issued its strategic

Australia and the Indonesian Independence

Immediately after World War II, the Indonesian nationalists declared the independence of Indonesia and staunchly opposed the return of the Dutch to the Netherlands East Indies. The Australian Labor government took the position to support the Indonesian nationalist instead of the Dutch. This position was taken based on the rights of self-government for the dependent peoples enshrined in the United Nations Charter and championed by Australia. Besides Australia’s idealism on the colonial issue, the concern for political development in Indonesia was also based on the growing awareness of the consequences this issue might pose to Australian security. Australia’s support for Indonesia put Australia in a different position with the United States and Britain as both countries supported the Dutch. Australia worked hard to settle the ‘crisis’ in Indonesia and brought the Indonesian-Dutch disputes to the United Nations Security Council even it against the US advise. The period of August 1945 to October 1949 clearly showed that Australia’s independence in making decision on its foreign policy away from the influence of the American and British policy in Southeast Asia. The short-lived independence in foreign policy was overturned in late 1949 with the formation of the new Australian government by the Liberal-Country Party.

Trade Policies in Southeast Asia in the Wider Asian Perspective

This paper takes stock of trade policies in Southeast Asia after the Asian crisis and in the wake of the current global economic crisis. It compares trade policies in individual Southeast Asian countries; places them in the context of regional and global economic integration; and particularly draws implications for the region from the rise of China and India. The first section looks at recent trade and FDI patterns in Southeast Asia. Then follows an overview of key trade-policy trends, in the region overall and in individual countries. The next sections examine ASEAN countries in international trade negotiations and agreements: first in the WTO, especially in the Doha Round; then within ASEAN; and finally on cross-regional FTAs. The paper concludes that ASEAN countries cannot rely on external tracks ‘from above’ for meaningful trade policy reform. Since the Asian crisis there has been a slowdown of reform momentum, and too much reliance on trade negotiations – especially FTAs. Rather, countries in the region have to rely on themselves –‘from below’ as it were. The engine of liberalisation and regulatory reform has to be home-driven – as it was before the Asian crisis – with governments taking unilateral measures in response to internal and external conditions.

Beyond securitization: explaining the scope of security policy in Southeast Asia

This is a pre-copyedited, author-produced PDF of an article accepted for publication in International Relations of the Asia-Pacific following peer review. The definitive publisher-authenticated version [International Relations of the Asia-Pacific Volume 11 (2011) 403 – 432 doi:10.1093/irap/lcr002] is available online at: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcr002

Centenary paper: Urban planning in Southeast Asia: perspective from Singapore

Southeast Asia is one of the world's fastest-growing regions in terms of population and urban growth. The economic and physical landscapes of its cities continue to change with globalisation and transnationalism, requiring update and development of new urban and spatial practices. The aim of this paper is to reflect and review the state of urban planning and policy in Southeast Asia, focusing in particular on the roots of urban planning from European colonial planning, their inherent ideas and principles. Using the case study of Singapore, the intention is to drill down and examine the products of the first modernity represented by British colonial modernist planning, and discuss how largely Eurocentric planning models have shaped and impacted on the present urban structure and development, and are intersecting with the second wave of modernity brought on by globalisation and the new economic growth of the twenty-first century, especially in terms of addressing urban liveability and sustainability.

イギリスの対東南アジア文化政策の形成と変容 (一九四二-一九六〇):二〇世紀アジア広域史の可能性

イギリスの対東南アジア文化政策の形成と変容 (一九四二-一九六〇):二〇世紀アジア広域史の可能性

The Depoliticisation and ‘Aseanisation’ of Counter-Terrorism Policies in South-East Asia: A Weak Trigger for a Fragmented Version of Human Security

This article applies a modified version of the theoretical approach of the Copenhagen School to demonstrate that the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has since 2001 reacted in a twofold way to the complex political obstacles to closer counter-terrorism co-operation: First, it has responded with securitising terrorism as a transnational crime and, second, with a depoliticisation and ‘ASEANisation’ of its counter-terrorism policies. Depoliticisation and ‘ASEANisation’, i.e. the framing of a security threat under the ASEAN Way values, are both deliberate political actions. They enable politicians to base co-operation among the ASEAN members and with outside powers on a non-political, technical basis. Contradicting an assumption of the Copenhagen School, this study argues that in South-East Asia where sovereignty and non-interference are still core principles this approach can offer better political opportunities to resolve a security threat than a ‘classic’ securitisation. Furthermore, this article demonstrates that ASEAN’s anti-terrorism policies reflect its fragmented version of human security, which is based on national and regime rather than individual security. As counter-terrorism does not enjoy political priority in the region, these policies can only be a weak trigger for the implementation of ASEAN’s notion of human security.

The Depoliticisation and ‘ASEANisation’ of Counter-Terrorism Policies in South-East Asia: A Weak Trigger for a Fragmented Version of Human Security

This article applies a modified version of the theoretical approach of the Copenhagen School to demonstrate that the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has since 2001 reacted in a twofold way to the complex political obstacles to closer counter-terrorism co-operation: First, it has responded with securitising terrorism as a transnational crime and, second, with a depoliticisation and ‘ASEANisation’ of its counter-terrorism policies. Depoliticisation and ‘ASEANisation’, i.e. the framing of a security threat under the ASEAN Way values, are both deliberate political actions. They enable politicians to base co-operation among the ASEAN members and with outside powers on a non-political, technical basis. Contradicting an assumption of the Copenhagen School, this study argues that in South-East Asia where sovereignty and non-interference are still core principles this approach can offer better political opportunities to resolve a security threat than a ‘classic’ securitisation. Furthermore, this article demonstrates that ASEAN’s anti-terrorism policies reflect its fragmented version of human security, which is based on national and regime rather than individual security. As counter-terrorism does not enjoy political priority in the region, these policies can only be a weak trigger for the implementation of ASEAN’s notion of human security.

岸信介の東南アジア政策とスポーツ:―プロボクシング「東洋チャンピオン・カーニバル」を中心に―

岸信介の東南アジア政策とスポーツ:―プロボクシング「東洋チャンピオン・カーニバル」を中心に―

Democratization and foreign policy in Southeast Asia: the case of the ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Myanmar Caucus

Recent democratic transitions in Southeast Asia raise the question as to how we should theorize the relationship between democratization and foreign policy. Many scholars assume that more ‘democratic’ Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) members pursue more ‘liberal’ policies than their less-democratic counterparts, but surprisingly little theoretical work investigates the connection. This article argues that such investigations tend to crumble under close scrutiny. Instead, it offers an alternative framework based on an analysis of how different socio-economic interests contend to shape foreign policy in ASEAN states and how these interests are able to organize politically to impose their preferences. The case study of the ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Myanmar Caucus, a regional network of legislators campaigning for liberal-interventionist policies on Myanmar, shows how it is these forces, and not the mere presence or absence of formally democratic institutions, that govern the political space available to those seeking to transform ASEAN states' policies.