Southeast Asia Policy Research Articles

Pa'boya: The Adaptation of Coastal Communities in South Sulawesi to Maritime Migration Policies in Southeast Asia

Migration has long been a significant characteristic of human societies, shaping demographic patterns, socio-economic structures, and cultural landscapes across regions. In Southeast Asia, migration is driven by diverse factors such as labor demands, environmental challenges, and socio-political instability. This study focuses on the adaptation strategies of coastal communities in South Sulawesi, particularly the Pa’boya community, in response to maritime migration policies. These communities face dual challenges from regional migration policies and environmental changes, which impact their cultural identity, traditional livelihoods, and access to natural resources. The research adopts a qualitative methodology, analyzing secondary data from journal articles, books, and policy documents. The study explores the relationship between local adaptation mechanisms, such as the Pa’boya's cultural practices, and broader regional policy frameworks. It also highlights the gaps in existing migration policies that often fail to address the unique challenges faced by coastal communities. The results show that the Pa’boya community has developed sophisticated responses to migration policies through collective action, advocacy, and the preservation of cultural heritage. Despite policy restrictions that affect traditional fishing practices, the community demonstrates resilience by diversifying livelihoods and engaging in sustainable practices. However, the impact of modernization and environmental pressures poses risks to their cultural identity, and there is an urgent need for policies that integrate local perspectives into broader migration frameworks.

Colonial development policies as tools of ecological imperialism in Southeast Asia

ABSTRACT The study employed an epistemological framework of ecological imperialism to highlight the environmental implications of colonial development policies in Southeast Asia. The analysis focused on the environmental justice, equity, and fairness implications of colonial development initiatives in five domains: the built environment, land, agriculture, forestry, and mining. It reveals that the initiatives were tantamount to ecological imperialism in each domain. The study is not only of historical importance as it contains lessons on the environmental implications of economic development initiatives for the region’s contemporary planners and policymakers.

Diversion or death? The moral framework shaping bifurcated punishments for drug offences in Indonesia

Background As the UN urges states to move from harsh punishments for drug offences towards treatment programmes, Indonesia has adopted a bifurcated penal policy. Most of those convicted are sentenced to imprisonment or death, but some ‘minor’ offenders are diverted to drug treatment centres. We explore the moralities that shape drug policy, justice professionals’ interpretation and application of laws and policies, and judgements about who is deserving of diversion. Methods We draw on experiences and perceptions of 136 Indonesian criminal justice professionals, through in-depth qualitative interviewing and focus groups, to reveal the moral landscapes shaping policy and practice. Results Justice narratives blur penal concerns with moral judgments about drug offending, with normative responses shaping punishments in law and practice. While there is some compassion for ‘minor’ drug offenders, driving rationales for diversion, drug traffickers are regarded as morally deserving of prison and capital punishment, with traditionalist perceptions of harm amplified by a purgative rationale. Conclusion This article highlights the analytical potential of moralities such as ‘compassion’ and ‘traditionalism’ in criminal justice research and policy in Southeast Asia. Understanding the formation and navigation of these normative values may assist in challenging harsh penal policy in Indonesia and the wider region.

IDEOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF RUSSIA’S FOREIGN POLICY IN SOUTHEAST ASIA

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, foreign policy relations with the countries of Southeast Asia entered a state of crisis, which affected economic, political and cultural ties. The repeated visits of representatives of the Russian leadership are an indicator of the attention that the Russian leadership pays to issues of development and cooperation with the countries of the region. Since the creation of independent states in Southeast Asia, the ideological basis of the emerging cooperation, conventionally called at that time “the export of socialism”, has been important. The article attempts to consider the historical prerequisites that determined the nature of domestic foreign policy in Southeast Asia from the perspective of ideological aspects of foreign policy. Among the main ideological aspects of foreign policy today, the most relevant are ensuring multipolarity, mutual respect for sovereignty and observance of the basic principles of security of international cooperation, ensured by mutual initiatives aimed at reducing armaments, expanding demilitarization zones, and integrating the economies of the countries of the Southeast Asian region into the world. The author concludes that the modern content of cooperation based on mutual respect, the progressive development of cooperation in all areas, and strategic interaction will allow relations with the countries of the region to develop steadily in the future.

The ‘US Factor’ in the Satō Administration’s Diplomacy in the Indonesia-Malaysia Conflict, 1964-1966

ABSTRACT Peace efforts to resolve the Indonesia-Malaysia conflict (1963–1966) became an important agenda in Japan’s Southeast Asia policy under Prime Minister (PM) Eisaku Satō. After a cautious start, the Satō government sought to create conditions for the Indonesians and Malaysians to end their armed confrontation (confrontation), which had become a source of destabilisation in Southeast Asia. Japan’s peace efforts began under PM Hayato Ikeda (1960–1964), marking the first time after World War II that Tokyo became involved in attempts to mediate a conflict. These endeavours were carried out in a region where mixed feelings lingered towards Japan for its wartime occupation. This paper investigates the factors that shaped the Satō administration’s engagement in efforts to resolve the confrontation and sheds light on how Japan’s relations with the United States (US) influenced its peace-making role – an aspect on which little has been written in previous studies. The findings indicate that considerations related to Japanese relations with the US were an important driver, although not the only one, of the Satō administration’s diplomatic initiatives to resolve the Indonesia-Malaysia armed confrontation. Furthermore, Japan’s peace efforts contributed to the US policy in Asia.

A counselor and an artist: John Steinbeck’s dialogue with Lyndon Johnson during the Vietnam war

ABSTRACT This article explores the dialogue that unfolded between the noted American novelist John Steinbeck (1902–1968) and President Lyndon Baines Johnson (1908–1973) during the 1960s. In an era in which many American writers and intellectuals loudly protested Johnson for escalating the Vietnam War, Steinbeck stood out as a writer who supported the president’s domestic policies on civil rights as well as his foreign policy in Southeast Asia. Drawing on archival documents held in the Lyndon Baines Johnson Presidential Library and the Library of Congress, the article explores how Steinbeck’s years-long dialogue with Johnson linked liberal ideals for literature and government that are more often held apart in studies of Cold War America. Ultimately, this approach reveals that the unusual bond that formed between novelist and president articulated a measure of the complexity of Cold War American liberalism itself, which in the 1960s promoted the noble cause of civil rights at home while at the same time justifying disastrous military interventions against communism in the name of “freedom” abroad.

The Development and Evolution of Language Policies in Southeast Asia: Case Studies of Thailand, Malaysia, and Singapore

The Development and Evolution of Language Policies in Southeast Asia: Case Studies of Thailand, Malaysia, and Singapore

Southeast Asia in the context of the rivalry between the USA and China

The article examines the specifics of the situation in Southeast Asia (Southeast Asia) from the point of view of military security issues and in connection with the situation in the Indo-Pacific region (ITR). The author proceeds from the fact that a serious destabilizing factor in the region remains the presence of intraregional contradictions - political, territorial and ethno-confessional, which are used by extra-regional actors under the auspices of the United States. Having identified China and Russia as the main rivals, Washington improved its Indo-Pacific strategy, activated the activities of existing ones and began to form new military-political alliances, on the basis of which it is envisaged to create an Asia-Pacific branch of NATO to contain them. The author believes that Washington's policy in Southeast Asia is opposed by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), which proceeds from its central role in the evolution of the regional security architecture. In the context of the escalating rivalry between the United States and China, ASEAN sees a way to overcome the complex of regional contradictions in creating a security system based on mechanisms associated with ASEAN. In the ASEAN concept, the ITR appears as a region of dialogue and cooperation, not competition, open to China and other interested states to participate in the project. The author comes to the conclusion that such a statement of the question is justified both from the point of view of the strategic interests of the Southeast Asian countries themselves, and in general of the entire ITR. Analyzing the strategy adopted by Washington, the author believes that it becomes a long-term factor of strategic planning in the Pentagon. Its main goal will be to forcefully counter China's policy and put pressure on Russia and ASEAN, which seek to resist the dominance of the United States in the IT. In his opinion, in the current conditions of the situation, it is necessary to further strengthen the comprehensive strategic partnership between Russia and China and deepen cooperation with ASEAN on the basis of common interests in order to ensure regional security and stability.

TÜRKİYE-INDONESIA RELATIONS IN THE FRAMEWORK OF TÜRKİYE’S SOUTHEAST ASIA POLICY

Turkish foreign policy increasingly focused on the Southeast Asia region in the post-Cold War era. Türkiye realized the necessity to follow active policy towards the regions that Türkiye had limited access during the Cold War era. Southeast Asia region has been defined as a rising region of the post-Cold War world. The region’s economic development and opportunities made Turkish foreign policy makers instigated new foreign policy initiatives towards Southeast Asian countries and regional organizations. Türkiye became sectoral dialogue partner of ASEAN and signed Free Trade Agreements with some regional countries. Türkiye declared Asia a New Initiative in 2019. Türkiye’s trade volume with Southeast Asian countries has substantially increased. Among Southeast Asian countries, Indonesia has special importance with its strategic position and population for Turkish foreign policy. Türkiye-Indonesia relations reached the level of strategic partnership and the two countries’ cooperation in defense industry cemented bilateral relations. Türkiye-Indonesia relations created atmosphere that both countries could work together on important regional and global issues, which includes from struggle against Islamophobia to regional economic development.
 
 In this article Türkiye-Indonesia relations will be evaluated in the framework of Türkiye’s Southeast Asia policy. It is argued that Indonesia deserves more attention in Turkish Southeast Asia policy. Closer Türkiye-Indonesia relations would provide more opportunities for both countries and Turkish-Indonesian relations will become even more important for Türkiye’s Southeast Asia policy.

Acceptability and feasibility of HIV self-testing in Southeast Asia: A scoping review.

HIV self-testing (HIVST) policies in Southeast Asia are under development. This scoping review aimed to systematically synthesize the available literature on the acceptability and feasibility of HIVST in Southeast Asia. Systematic search was conducted on January 20, 2022, in eight databases: PubMed/MEDLINE, CINAHL, Web of Science, Academic Search Complete, SocINDEX, PsycINFO, PsycArticles, and CENTRAL. Acceptability (HIV testing frequency, willingness to pay, use, and recommend the test, ease of use, preference over standard tests, and partner testing) and feasibility (error rate, readability, and diagnostic performance) parameters were followed for the inclusion of articles. A narrative synthesis was done to present findings from included studies on the acceptability and feasibility of HIVST. A total of 5091 records were identified through database search, and 362 were deleted after deduplication. The screening process resulted in 18 studies that met the inclusion criteria. Results indicated a high acceptability rate due to convenience, increasing awareness about HIVST, availability, and affordability of test kits, and confidentiality of test results. A high feasibility rate was reported due to a low occurrence of errors in self-testing, interpretability of results, and a low percentage of invalid and false-reactive results. Issues identified include costs of HIVST for individual use, distribution mode, type of supervision, counseling, geographic location, and socioeconomic status. Evidence supports the acceptability and feasibility of HIVST in Southeast Asia. There is a need to regulate and license HIVST in Southeast Asia to have better recognition as a supplement to HTS.

Evolyuciya semejnoj politiki v Yugo-Vostochnoj Azii segodnya

In the article is studied a problem of family care for the elderly peoples in the countries of Southeast Asia. Due to the global acceleration of population aging, care for the elderly has become a frequently discussed issue over the past decade.

Taiwan’s New Southbound Policy in Southeast Asia and the ‘China Factor’: Deepening Regional Integration Amid New Reality

Launched by President Tsai Ing-wen in 2016, the New Southbound Policy (NSP-T) aims to enhance cooperation and exchange between Taiwan and 18 countries in Southeast Asia, South Asia and Australasia. The policy is a concerted effort designed to expand Taiwan’s presence across these broad regions by leveraging Taiwan’s cultural, educational, technological and economic resources. There is no doubt that the NSP-T has yielded results in terms of economic cooperation and people-to-people exchanges between Taipei and Southeast Asia. However, with Beijing pushing forward its own agenda and, at the same time, asserting more pressure on Taiwan, there are questions about how Taiwan should respond. This article argues that China, through its enormous economic influence and constant consolidation of ‘One China Policy’ in Southeast Asia has limited the success and effectiveness of the NSP-T in the region. The impact of this ‘China Factor’ has, however, differed among Southeast Asian countries due to their distinct relationships with China. This article also argues that while China’s economic diplomacy has earned Beijing considerable influence in the region, that influence has not been translated into Southeast Asian support for its foreign policies, principles nor values – leaving Taiwan with rooms to maneuver its strategic space in the region. Therefore, several policy directions, clusters and implementations have been identified for Taiwan’s consideration in order to enhance existing Taiwan-ASEAN relations. These are: the visible and viable institutionalisation of the NSP-T; addressing existing and emerging issues in the NSP-T; and the consolidation of Taiwan-ASEAN long term connectivity.

Change or Continuity? Seoul's Approach to Southeast Asia under the New Southern Policy

South Korea's New Southern Policy (NSP) is commonly viewed as Seoul's hedging strategy to respond to intensifying US-China strategic competition. Such a view essentially takes an extrinsic approach treating Southeast Asia as a means to South Korea's larger foreign policy ends. However, the NSP can also be viewed as Seoul's Southeast Asia policy, which is about its relations with the region. Such an intrinsic perspective leads to the question of whether the NSP constitutes a clear policy shift. I propose using two distinct frameworks which are centered on resources and assumptions to assess whether the NSP represents change or continuity in Seoul's approach to Southeast Asia. The findings suggest that the NSP represents a dramatic change in terms of resources devoted to its engagement with Southeast Asia, but Seoul's Southeast Asia policy has remained unchanged in terms of the underlying assumptions about the nature of its relations with the region.

The Factors Affecting Us Foreign Policy to the Southeast Asia from the Cold War until Present

The US has continuously changed its policy toward Southeast Asia from the end of the Cold War (1991) to the present in an effort to retain alliances and maintain its dominant position in this region. To extend their influence in Southeast Asia more and more deeply, the main powers - China, India, Russia, Japan, etc. - have intensified their policies to varying degrees and in diverse ways. This has evolved into a factor influencing US foreign policy in Southeast Asia from 1991 to the present. By analyzing the policies and measures in relations with Southeast Asian countries of China, India, Russia, and Japan, the article will show the impacts of these factors on the foreign policy of China. US towards Southeast Asia in the period from 1991 to present.

The Main Directions of China’s Foreign Policy in Southeast Asia: The Use of “Soft Power” Tools

The Main Directions of China’s Foreign Policy in Southeast Asia: The Use of “Soft Power” Tools

The Societal and Economic Impact of Reforestation Strategies and Policies in Southeast Asia—A Review

This paper assesses the existing reforestation and forest conservation policies and strategies in Southeast Asia and how they have impacted people’s lives. Southeast Asia contains 11 countries and is home to 20% of the world’s species. Unfortunately, the region has been practising deforestation at an alarming rate. The main cause of deforestation in the region is the creation of land for agriculture, with forest fires and the growing demand for timber also contributing. As a result, the region has lost 376,000 km2 of forest in the last 30 years. Parts of the region have been involved in international efforts to protect forests, such as the 2016 Paris Agreement. However, some of these policies have not made much difference because most countries are not willing to support the necessary strategies. From the study findings, the main strength of the existing polices and strategies is that they are being amended to suit different changes in demographics and the practical needs of the sector. The sector has been able to shift from the initial state forestry management to making forests a multi-sectoral economic development agent. On the other hand, there are few polices at the national level that ensure every citizen participates in tree planting and that they understand the need to stop deforestation. In addition, many countries in the region are less willing to join the international communities in fighting climate change; that is, they do not agree with international partnerships like the Pris Climate Change Agreement.

Preprints as a driver of open science: Opportunities for Southeast Asia.

Southeast Asia is an emerging force of open access scholarly output. For example, Indonesia is in a tight competition with United Kingdom as the largest publisher of open access journals and the second largest producer of open access articles in the world (according to DOAJ and the COKI OA Dashboard, respectively). However, this support for open practices is not yet reflected in institutional research policies in Southeast Asian countries, which still rely on criteria influenced by world university rankings that focus on publication outputs and do not incorporate elements related to research culture, integrity, or open science. Preprints have gained increasing attention across disciplines in the last few years, but they are still not included in institutional policies in SouthEast Asia. This paper discusses the potential for preprints to be a driving force for open science and for quality and integrity in scholarly outputs from Southeast Asia. There is a fledgling preprinting culture in the region, catalyzed by the RINarxiv preprint server in Indonesia and the Malaysia Open Science Platform. We argue that preprints have many advantages: opportunities for open access and for researchers to maintain copyright to their work, wide dissemination, encouraging feedback and critical thinking, and community governance. With these advantages, preprints can become a fast and open communication hub between researchers and all stakeholders in the research process. We recommend regulatory and practical steps to incorporate preprints into science policy and researchers' practices as an effort to promote research integrity, open data and reproducibility.

End of Empire and the Bomb: Britain, Malaya and Nuclear Weapons, 1956–57

ABSTRACT This article focuses on the repercussions of remarks made by Duncan Sandys, the British Minister of Defence, at a press conference held in Canberra in August 1957 which suggested that British nuclear weapons were going to be deployed to airbases in Malaya. Against the background of the negotiations that had led to the Anglo-Malayan defence agreement, and with Malaya on the cusp of independence, an intense debate took place between Whitehall officials over whether and what form of assurances over consultation should be given to Malaya’s new leaders over the deployment of nuclear weapons and the use of Malayan bases. Besides examining why and how such assurances were issued, this article seeks to demonstrate the tensions produced by British defence policy in South East Asia during this period, which was increasingly rooted in alliance obligations to SEATO and the consequent projection of nuclear capabilities, as they began to conflict with the political imperative to bolster the post-independence United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) Alliance government in Malaya. It also brings forward some of the links and connections that can be made between nuclear issues and the dynamics of decolonisation.

Asya Pasifik ve Hint Pasifik’te ABD Öncülüğünde Geliştirilen İttifakların (Aukus- The Quad) ABD-Çin İlişkilerine Etkisi

For years, the US has shaped its Southeast Asia policy depending on the competition of China's rising power against its own hegemony and the military and economic challenge with China. In order to maintain a balance and increase its deterrence in Asia-Pacific and Indo-Pacific, the US tried to progress strategies through alliances by putting its own leadership at the firstplace, and aimed to reduce China's influence in the region; however, it could not eliminate the dominant influence of China in the region. In this study, within the framework of US's deterrence and containment policy approach, by taking advantage of the AUKUS and QUAD alliances the US's goals for the region and its attempts to suppress China are interpreted. The study argues that these policies followed by the US in the region enable China to prioritize its national defense and take more determined steps to increase its security. Yet, in response to the integrated deterrence that the US is trying to manage against China in the region, China has attempted to improve good relations with its neighbors in the region, while it has tended to strengthen its offense and defense systems in order to protect its territorial integrity. Nevertheless, the policies pursued by both sides triggered the arms race in the region and increased the threat perception level of the region to the highest level. Keywords: Deterrence, Alliances, Containment, Armament, Security

Literacy Policy in Southeast Asia: A Comparative Study between Singapore, Malaysia, and Indonesia

This study starts with two questions: why is the literacy of 15-year-old Indonesian students low, and how does this compare with other countries? This study aimed to examine the literacy policies in Singapore, Malaysia, and Indonesia and discuss the strategic policies to improve literacy in each country. The qualitative comparative research method was employed to acquire a comprehensive understanding of the literacy policies in these three countries. According to the findings, Singapore, Malaysia, and Indonesia each have distinct literacy policy trends. The context of each country’s education system and language affects the government’s literacy policies: Singapore emphasises industrialisation; Malaysia refers to its multi-ethnic life; Indonesia reflects the 2013 curriculum. Meanwhile, the National Library Board (NLB; Singapore), the Malaysian National Literacy Agency (Malaysia), the Language and Book Development Agency, as well as the Archive and Library Agency (Indonesia) contribute to the implementation and commitment of these literacy policies. As part of their programme implementation, each institution has a literacy activity.