Policy In Palestine Research Articles

The impact of capital flight on economic development: An empirical analysis from Palestine

This study focused on the function of capital flight to ascertain the true impact of the phenomenon of capital flight on economic development in Palestine and aimed to analyze the short- and long-term dynamic relationship between capital flight and economic development, including other affected variables. This research employed a quantitative research design and the descriptive analysis method. The analysis uses quarterly data from 2004 to 2022. This study employed the autoregressive distribution lag (ARDL) bound testing approach. Actual data from Palestine spanning the years 2004-2022 yielded significant findings. Based on heteroskedastic dynamic regression as an ARDL panel model, important findings were reached. First, both local country fundamentals and global variables have an impact on economic development and its rates over the long term, but in the near term, global forces may be predominantly recognized as drivers. Second, the variable of interest, capital flight, has a favorable impact on tax advantages. The empirical findings revealed that the short- and long-run analyses are consistent with each other. This necessitates putting into practice a variety of tactics, from creating efficient judicial and political institutions to encouraging economic development through managing macroeconomic issues. This study provides a fresh insight for policymakers to evaluate the impact of capital flight on economic development factors when coordinating fiscal and monetary policy in Palestine. The monetary and fiscal authorities should create an efficient policy framework. Palestine must reduce and stop the outflow of cash from inside its borders to improve its capacity to pay back its loans and debts to foreign creditors.

Standing tall like Caesar? Qatar’s unwavering voice for Palestine at the United Nations

This article examines the complexities of Qatar’s Palestine policy, emphasising Doha’s multifaceted role as a mediator, problem-solver, humanitarian aid provider, and representative of the Palestinian issue at the United Nations. The study employs a mixed-methods research approach. Firstly, it utilises qualitative data from official statements, key policymakers’ remarks, and literature on Qatar’s foreign policy and Palestinian engagement. Secondly, it introduces text analytic methods such as latent Dirichlet allocation (LDA) topic modelling, word clouds and network analysis to identify key themes, relationships and trends in Qatar’s speeches. The findings reveal that the Palestinian issue has been a prominent and consistent topic in Qatar’s United Nations General Assembly General Debate addresses over the past five decades. Qatar has consistently advocated for a resolution to the conflict, emphasising the importance of peace, justice and the two-state solution. Qatar’s support for Palestine remains steadfast, despite pressure from other regional actors to end its engagement with Hamas and divert its attention from the Palestinian issue. This commitment to the Palestinian cause aligns with Qatar’s broader state preferences for an independent foreign policy, its opposition to external interference, and its aspiration to restore its role as a trusted international partner on global platforms.

חקר נוף השמע ביישוב: המקרה של הספר הלבן, 1939

This article delves into the Jewish community's response to British policy in Palestine during 1939. At the time, the British government explored different methods to resolve the national conflict in Palestine, including a failed plan to divide the land. In May of that year, the British government introduced a new policy known as The White Paper policy, which was met with strong opposition from the Jewish community, who began preparing for a protest. By analyzing historical newspapers and archive documents, this article aims to depict the Yishuv's arrangements for the demonstrations. In particular, the article focuses on the soundscape of the protests – which includes voices, noises, and silence – to illustrate their significance and impact.

Fostering Community Impact through Social Capital: Rent Control Policy in Palestine and Israel Amid Crises and Transitions

The article aims to link the theoretical framework of social capital with historical analysis. It traces a controversy of half a century between landlords and tenants in Palestine and Israel and their attempts to influence the government’s policy in the rental market during crisis and transitions. The article portrays social capital as a decisive factor in the success or failure of landlords and tenants to promote their group interests and impact rent control policy. However, as the two groups are competing over the same resource, the triumph of one group comes at the direct expense of the other. In that respect, social capital could act as “double-edged sword”.

Israeli media coverage of international male and female politicians: Gender and ethnopolitical aspects

AbstractIn 2015, the Israeli newspaperYedioth Ahronothbegan a campaign against Sweden’s Foreign Minister, Margot Wallström, who is considered a prominent critic of Israeli policy in Palestine. The campaign included various aspects of media bias on both the gender and the ethnopolitical levels and thus raised the question of a possible relationship between these two types of biases. Studies in relation to political communication and gender have traditionally focused on the media coverage of domestic male and female politicians. The present study attempts to examine the gender media coverage of prominent international political actors. It performs a mixed content analysis of 529 news items from three Israeli online newspapers, reports, and articles, which cover world-renowned public figures (among them, Wallström). Each news item is coded into three gender-coverage frames. Additionally, a critical reading of the journalistic texts is conducted. The findings reveal that the combination of the two types of biases, the gender and the political, escalates the media sensation and stereotyping.

Between the battles of Tel Hai and Samakh: Britain’s security policy in north-east Palestine in the Spring of 1920

ABSTRACT This article considers the British response to the Tel Hai affair, within the wider setting of British security policy in north-east Palestine. It sheds light on lesser-known aspects of British policy in the period such as the extensive use of Indian forces, the development of the region’s transport infrastructure, and the British military administration’s general concern about the threat of an Arab invasion across the Jordan river basin. Turning attention to the largely forgotten battle between British and Arab forces at Samakh in late April 1920, the article argues that this was the decisive military engagement of the period in Palestine.

British Policy in Palestine: Interests versus Reality (1917-1922)

The period between the publication of the Balfour Declaration in 1917 and League of Nations mandates official assignment to Great Britain in 1922 was not lengthy, but highly eventful. All this time England was maneuvring between the Jewish and the Arab national movements, which also gradually formed their own demands and objectives. The problem was, pursuing British interests was possible through maneuvring only, as support of just one local force was not quite strategically advantageous. Britains official commitment to the Balfour Declaration remained at the core of its policy, however it could not completely ignore the demands of the Arab polutaion of Palestine. Although there were quite a number of British administrators and imperial politicians, who were sympathetic towards the Zionist cause and thus were ready to meet their requests to a certain extent, adherence to the British Middle East interests remained crucial to them. The idea of a Jewish national home (not a state, though) in Palestine did not come into contradiction with the general policy of Great Britain in the Middle East: it was rather its integral part. At the same time implementing the Zionist project had to be in line with it: any relatively radical (from the British administrators point of view) proposals were rejected or postponed indefinitely. Towards the Arabs of Palestine Great Britain was conducting mainly declarative policy without any serious consideration of their problems and grievances, although trying to appease their demands to a certain extent. Even the Arab riots of 1920 and 1921 did not cause a serious change in the British political course in Palestine, although they did contribute to the emergence of Churchills White Paper in 1922, declaring certain concessions to the Arab national movement, which never accepted the document. At the same time British policy in general was neither pro-Zionist, nor pro-Arab: England was pursuing its long-term strategic goals in the Middle East, skillfully utilizing Zionist and Arab national movements to achieve them.

العامل الإسرائيلي في العلاقات الاستراتيجية المتطورة بين الهند والولايات المتحدة الأمريكية

Indo-Israel strategic ties have been growing at a great pace in the last few decades and this growth is stimulating interests and concerns among foreign policymakers as well as in academia. India under Nehru maintained a very strict stance vis-à-vis Israel’s Palestine policy. Being a part of and the leader of the Non-Aligned Movement, Nehru was critical of injustice done to Palestinians and the US role in consolidating the state of Israel. India’s growing intimacy with Israel, starting from the 1990s, is seen as a major divergence from the policy set by the country’s founding fathers. Close diplomatic and defense ties somehow exhibit the geostrategic needs of both the countries as well as the requirement of time where systematic changes have taken place in the post-Cold War period. The disintegration of the Soviet Union left no option for India but to pursue a more pragmatic policy towards the United States, the new hegemon, and its allies. The Jewish lobby in the US Congress was of great support to put forward India’s agendas and to counter opponents. India reciprocated for that goodwill diplomacy by strengthening its ties with Israel. Post-Cold War growth of Indo-US strategic relations has many regional and global dimensions and vested interests. These interests are better served in geostrategic collaboration with Israel or making a mutual interest-based informal alliance (Indo-US-Israel triangle for balancing the threat in Asia) between three countries. The cordial ties between Israel and the US facilitate India forwarding its regional and global agendas from the very platform of friendship. Therefore, the research problem at hand is to dissect and understand the trilateral bond based on its balancing the threat in the region and how it is the source of convergence for all three of them. In brief, this paper is an attempt to understand the very basis of growing Indo-Israel relations and the role that this strategic partnership plays in facilitating the cordial ties between the US and India in the post-Cold War era.

Kemalist Turkey and the Palestinian question, 1945–1948

This article analyses Turkey’s policy vis-à-vis the Palestinian Question from the end of the Second World War to the final months of 1948. During this interval, the main foreign policy issue on the agenda of the Turkish policy makers was the Soviet menace, against which the Turks sought the assistance of the British and the Americans. However, they did not align their Palestine policy with that of the Anglo-Americans, which supported the Zionist project. The Turks, who portrayed the Arabs in their school textbooks as traitors due to the revolt of Sharif Hussein during the First World War, endorsed the Arab cause in Palestine. The Kemalists were convinced that Palestine was historically Arab. Besides, they were co-religionists with the Arabs. Therefore, according to Ankara, the Arabs should have their own independent state in Palestine. In fact, far from following the Anglo-American policy in Palestine blindly, the Turkish government tried to persuade the Anglo-Americans to the Arab cause.

A Neoclassical Realist Explanation of the Balfour Declaration and the Origins of the British Foreign Policy in Palestine

A number of developments in the first quarter of the 20th century have an important role in shaping the Middle East. The Sharif Hussein-Mc Mahon Negotiations, the Sykes-Picot Agreement, the Balfour Declaration and other secret agreements between Britain and France that emerged during the First World War deeply affected the subsequent period of Arab geography. The Balfour Declaration in 1917 can be called one of the founding texts of Israel. In this respect, the declaration has a great impact on all the Middle Eastern politics, especially Palestine. It will not be wrong to say that the Palestine issue, which has become one of the most important problems of the region in time, has its roots in the Balfour Declaration. For this reason, cognizance of the Balfour Declaration and Britain's Palestinian politics after the First World War is crucial to understand the region's later history. From this point of view, this article attempts to examine the regional policies of Britain through the declaration and to provide a causality for the emergence of the declaration. What is the key motivation behind the Balfour Declaration? How can one explain the emergence of the declaration only in 1917, although it came to the agenda in Britain as early as 1915? This study claims that a particular set of internal and external factors associated with British politics gave rise to the declaration. The present article dissects these factors from the perspective of neoclassical realist theory and evaluate the systemic modifiers and unit-level variables in order to explain the Balfour Declaration. Specifically, it examines decision-making process behind the declaration from a systematic and holistic perspective.

The Palestine Policy of the US before the Israel Lobby

In their well-known book, The Israel Lobby, John J. Mearsheimer and Stephen M. Walt argue that the Israel lobby has a significant influence on American policy towards the Middle East. As a consequence of Israeli lobbying, US-Israeli relations warmed by late 1950s and the United States became more committed to protecting Israel’s interests. In my article, I analyse the policy of the US towards the Palestinian question before the Israel lobby gained that influence on US foreign policy, and I try to understand the making of American policy during the establishment of Israel. I also examine the factors that shaped the American policy and focus on Zionist lobbying in this period and question its influence. The period that I examine starts just before World War II under the presidency of Franklin D. Roosevelt (1933-1945) and I end the period with the recognition of Israel by the US under the presidency of Harry S. Truman (1945-1953). Many different domestic and foreign factors shaped the Palestine policy of the US in that period. However, I argue that even before the Israel Lobby was consolidated in the country, the Zionists had already gained a significant influence on American policy towards the Middle East region.

Британская политика в Палестине в 1917-1939 гг.: достижения и упущенные возможности

The paper deals with the issue of the formation and implementation of British policy in Palestine in 1917-1939. The paper is based mainly on the diplomatic documents and materials of the British parliamentary debate. The author of the paper aims to answer the question: what were the achievements of British politics in Palestine, or rather, should we talk about the lost opportunities for the mandate administration of the Holy Land in 1920-1939? The author comes to the conclusion that just ten years after joining the administration of the Holy Land, the United Kingdom actually signed for its helplessness. It seems that if it were not for the sharp deterioration in the international situation that occurred from 1931-1933, and then the outbreak of a new world war, the British government would begin to prepare the ground for leaving Palestine already in the 1930s.

إجراءات هربرت صموئيل الاقتصادية وأثرها في تهويد فلسطين (1920 - 1925 م)

The research aims to show Herbert Samuel role who occupied as a representative of British government in Palestine from 1920-1925. He was the most one who worked hard to support Zionism project. He followed an organized policy in Palestine

RESPONSE TO JEFF D. COLGAN’S REVIEW OF DYING TO FORGET: OIL, POWER, PALESTINE AND THE FOUNDATIONS OF US POLICY IN THE MIDDLE EAST (IJMES 49 [2017]: 360–62)

I appreciate the effort of Jeff D. Colgan to grapple with the material presented in my study of the formative years of US policy in Palestine and Israel given his interest in oil policy. However, the analysis of the origin of the US–Israel oil connection is not designed as a warning to oil companies or as a preface to oil nationalizations in the Arab world, which sometimes appears to be Colgan's prime concern in his review. The analysis offered in Dying to Forget: Oil, Power, Palestine and the Foundations of US Policy in the Middle East is about the transformation of Palestine at a time that coincided with the decolonization struggles across North Africa and the Middle East in which US officials recognized the importance of Palestine and its potential through the period including and following Israel's emergence.

Adult functioning in the occupied Palestinian territory: a survey and event history calendar assessment

BackgroundThe 2009 Lancet special issue on the Health of Palestinians noted that Palestinian voices have been marginalised in dialogues about international health and called for rigorous empirical evidence on Palestinian functioning. This study aimed to obtain such evidence. MethodsIn October, 2011, a survey on current wellbeing and an event history calendar (a validated method of collecting retrospective data via a quantitative grid of key life events and time in years) covering 1987–2011 were administered to a representative sample of residents in the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip (response rate 97%; n=1778; mean age 37·04, SD 3·55; 50·3% female; 43·6% refugees). The clustered probability sample was drawn from all enumeration areas from updated 2007 Palestine Central Bureau of Statistics census maps. Instruments were administered by household interview in Arabic by trained local field workers from the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research. The study was approved by institutional review boards of this centre and the University of Tennessee; written informed consent was obtained. FindingsOf the total sample, 51·3% had a family income above poverty level, 49·2% had been employed for a full year, 23·1% had inadequate food, 40·1% had inadequate water, 83·5% experienced human insecurity, 20·6% perceived government stability, 85% reported family satisfaction, and 36·3% had poor self-rated health. 38·7% (87·8% since 1987) had heard or felt the effects of a bomb, 3·3% (77·9%) had had their home raided, and 16·0% (73·8%) had witnessed humiliation of someone close to them. Travel was barred or delayed for 24·1% of those requiring travel for medical care (98·3% since 1987), 34·9% of those requiring travel to visit family (95·1%), and 32·2% of those requiring travel for work (91·9%). Mean scores (SD, range) were 3·34 (0·81, 1–5) for sense of belonging, 4·10 (0·74, 1–5) for positive marital functioning, 3·08 (1·14, 1–5) for feeling broken or destroyed, 1·08 (0·77, 0–3) for feelings of depression, and 1·13 (0·93, 0–3) for trauma-related stress. InterpretationThese findings cover a broad, representative sample of the Palestinian adult population, document functioning comprehensively, and are relevant for guiding intervention efforts and health policy in Palestine and other populations enduring long-term adversity. FundingThe Jacobs Foundation, Switzerland.

Association between water supply and early childhood development in Palestine: a descriptive analysis of demographic and health survey data

BackgroundThe proportion of the Palestinian children who are not on track in their early development is higher than that among their peers in neighboring countries. This study aimed to assess and explain the association between unimproved water supply and early childhood development, and examine its implication for policy and programmes in Palestine. MethodsDemographic and health data obtained from nationally representative surveys were merged and analysed. Descriptive analysis was used to investigate the magnitude and patterns of inadequate access to domestic water supply (running water from household tap) and its association with early childhood development in Palestine. A causal mediation model was used to assess the pathways through which access to domestic water supply interacts with poverty and affects early childhood development. Data were analysed using the structural sequential method and the potential outcome framework, while confounders (such as age, sex, and mother's education) were controlled for using bootstrapping and propensity matching tests. Ecological data about multidimensional socioeconomic, health, and environmental conditions in 52 communities in the West Bank, Jerusalem, and Gaza were gathered. Data were analysed using Z score (level of dispersion) to develop a single summary measure capturing the multidimensional influence of water supply on children's wellbeing and development at the community level. FindingsFor one standard deviation increase in the access to unimproved water supply, a 0·308 increase was predicted for child underdevelopment due to indirect effect mediated by poverty, and a 0·084 increase due to direct effect. The ecological data indicated that the average Z score of unimproved water supply variables in the target communities could be indicative of possible low scores of early childhood development. InterpretationInadequate water supply might exacerbate the negative effects of poverty and inadequate family care on early childhood health and development. These findings suggest that holistic perspectives are needed in systems and interventions to monitor child wellbeing and development. FundingNone.

Reframing India’s Palestine Policy

The traditional framing of India’s approach to the Palestine question is inadequate to explain the bourgeoning relations with Israel. Anti-colonialism through which Indian leaders and elites viewed the problem was important, but there are other issues, especially the religious dimension as manifested by the Congress–Muslim League rivalry, which influenced the Indian thinking. The prolonged depiction of the Indian position vis-à-vis Palestine through a moral prism became untenable in the wake of the normalization of relations with Israel in 1992 and hence it is essential to view the Palestine policy of India through a realist prism.

Trauma and Resistance in Susan Abulhawa’s Mornings in Jenin

In an age dominated by violence and terror, the study of trauma theory in literature is crucial. This research paper aims to explore the concept of trauma novel and its features, depict the various types of trauma and the stages of trauma response in Susan Abulhawa’s Mornings in Jenin (2010). This novel has been translated into more than twenty languages because it draws the attention of the West to the plight of the Palestinian people and their forced evacuation from their homeland since 1948. My analysis highlights the healing process of overcoming trauma through engaging in a narrative memory. Abulhawa uses trauma as a powerful indicator of oppressive cultural regimes and practices. Trauma narratives function as a testimony to the negativities of Israeli policy in Palestine..

Trade policy in Palestine: A reassessment

The paper develops a CGE macro-model for Palestine, departing in three fundamental ways from the set-up applied in earlier studies. The present framework: (i) reformulates the modelling of fiscal policy in light of context-specific elements, including the absence of a government bond market and the incomplete transfer of revenues collected by Israel for the PNA; (ii) endogenizes private capital flows; (iii) postulates a demand-driven causality structure. Various policy scenarios are then assessed, with one crucial novelty: the overall effect of further trade liberalization turns out to be slightly contractionary, due to its fiscal implications.

The Balfour Declaration and the Palestine Mandate, 1917–1923: British Imperialist Imperatives

The article sets the Balfour Declaration of 1917 and the final confirmation of Britain's Palestine Mandate in 1923 within the context of national imperial concerns: in particular, anxieties over the security of the Suez Canal and the country's sea-route to its economic and military power-base in India. In 1917 strategic issues were paramount in the progressive annexation of Palestine by the Lloyd George coalition, this the essential territorial precondition for the pursuit of the Zionist project. In 1923 these global considerations were again to the fore when the new Conservative administration, less Zionist than its predecessor, decided finally to accept and implement the League of Nations Mandate for Palestine and the obligation therein to advance the cause of a Jewish national home. And throughout this period there was a widespread sense in official circles that Zionist settlers might perform as direct agents of Empire, acting as grateful, loyal, and developmental servants of the British imperial interest. Paradoxically, however – and largely on account of the ill-informed and reflexive manner in which plans were formulated in London – the entire exercise was, in the long-term, to prove a source of profound weakness to Britain's strategic authority in the East. Palestine policy, like so much imperial reasoning in the twentieth century, was to prove intrinsically delusional.