Part Of Policy Research Articles

Research on the Identification of Rural Revitalization Potential and Precise Financial Support in Poverty-Stricken Areas

Research on the Identification of Rural Revitalization Potential and Precise Financial Support in Poverty-Stricken Areas

RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATIONS IN THE CONCEPT OF THE FUTURE SOCIETY IN THE GERMAN SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AT THE END OF THE 19THAND BEGINNING OF THE 20TH CENTURIES

Based on the analysis of the works of the classics of Marxism, the works of theorists and historians of German social democracy, articles by priests of the Catholic Church and representatives of Christian socialism in Germany at the end of the 19th century, theorists of anarcho-syndicalism, Russian and foreign researchers of German social democracy and the labor question, an attempt is shown to a departure from the orthodox Marxist policy of the German Social Democracy of the late 19th-early 20th century regarding religion, the church, religious organizations and believers towards a more pragmatic party policy aimed at attracting faithful Catholic workers into their ranks. In German Social Democracy, after the repeal of the law against the Socialists, which fell as a result of joint political actions against the policy of the government of Otto von Bismarck, a coalition of opposition bourgeois and clerical parties, the restoration of existing voting rights, in the interests of growing party ranks and strengthening the influence of the Social Democrats in local Landtag and the Reichstag, created the opportunity to propagate socialist ideas among the workers, who were under the strong influence of the church. The question arose: what kind of party policy should be pursued in the future with regard to believers so that this does not contradict the program of the party and does not reduce the quality of its party ranks. These questions served as the subject of discussion in the party and led to the subsequent adjustment of its party program, the exclusion from it of the provision on the reactionary nature of all other classes of society, except for the proletariat. The problem was to develop such a policy of the party towards the church and believers that it would not contradict the basic Marxist postulates on this issue and at the same time would not interfere with the attraction of believers to the party, especially from rural areas that were under the strong influence of the clergy.

Some solutions for implementing social assistance and functional rehabilitation for children with autism

Vietnam has a tradition of "helping each other in difficulties," but efforts toimplement social assistance and functional recovery for children with autism in Vietnamare still lacking. In implementing social support and rehabilitation for autistic children,there are some practical barriers, such as the legal framework in the provisions of the Lawon Persons with disabilities 2010 which still has certain gaps in social support andrehabilitation for autistic children. The Party and State's policies have initially paidattention to autistic children but there is still a lack of implementation conditions, and thereis still some incomplete awareness of autistic children in general; stigma against personswith disabilities, discrimination against persons with disabilities, social work still has someunprofessional points. Internal barriers of autistic children such as the inability to liveindependently without a caregiver nearby. This article examines in-depth some solutionsfor implementing social assistance and functional recovery for children with autism inVietnam today.

Secondary Education in Sudan Between Vision and Implementation: The Possibility of Sudan Benefits from Malaysian Experience

Education plays a pivotal role in the progress of any nation. The research aims to investigate the vision of secondary education, its implementation between Sudan and Malaysia and how Sudan benefits from the Malaysian experience. The research problem addressed the challenges and obstacles that face the implementation of educational vision. These challenges are a lack of finance, poor educational technologies, and a shortage of technical and administrative staff. The methods of data collection involved library research, government and non-government reports. The technique of analysis used was in-depth descriptive analysis. Descriptive data related to the study were analysed using percentages. The study discovered that 1) it is necessary to connect educational vision, finance and implementation; 2) there should be a connection between education and development in Sudan and a separation of party policies from education; 3) the establishment of an educational strategy in Sudan that includes national identity; 4) raise the salary of school teachers and give them financial and moral motivation to keep their social status; 5) increase the annual budget for education, 6) investment in education to nurture today’s students and tomorrow's leaders through training for Sudan to benefit from Malaysian experiences.

Hindutva Politics and the Making of Extreme Precarity

Abstract This article investigates the intersection of Hindutva politics and Bharatiya Janata Party policies concerning Rohingyas in India. Analyzing the government’s approach through official statements, legislative measures, and implementation strategies, it aims to uncover the factors shaping BJP policies toward Rohingyas. Additionally, it explores the Rohingya community’s perspectives on government attitudes, political dynamics, and implemented policies, providing a nuanced understanding of the policies’ impact. By shedding light on the intricate interplay between political ideology and refugee governance, the article contributes to a deeper understanding of migration, identity politics, and governance challenges in contemporary India. Scrutinizing the interweaving threads of political philosophy and refugee management, the research not only documents the current situation but also offers insights into broader implications for India’s political landscape and the lived experiences of the Rohingya community. This exploration is a crucial step toward understanding the evolving socio-political landscape in India concerning the Rohingya refugee crisis.

Does party identification still matter for political efficacy? A cross-national assessment, 1996–2016

ABSTRACT It has been argued that party membership has declined in most liberal democracies over the past several decades, and the remaining party members are even more committed to party goals and policies. If partisanship becomes more of an elite phenomenon, it might also become a very effective tool to exert political influence. We use Comparative Study of Electoral Systems data (1996–2016) to investigate the magnitude of the association over time between party identification and political efficacy. The results support our main hypotheses that party identification remains strongly associated with political efficacy throughout the observation period, and that the magnitude of this association has increased in recent years. Thus, despite attention in the literature to stagnating or declining party identification, we provide new evidence that supports expectations in the literature of continued and even increased importance of the relationship between party identification and political efficacy.

Shift from Traditional to Contemporary Political Patterns: Knowing the Youth Perspectives on Political Participation

Youth participation in politics can be an effective way to relieve traditional patterns of political practices in a country like Pakistan. The significant participation of youth has changed the traditional political patterns and has given a new direction in the country. This study examined the youth’s political participation in the democratic practices between two provinces such as Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa within the time frame of the 2013 and 2018 General National elections of Pakistan. The study used the leading theory of the Public Sphere, which indicates that the public sphere is an integral part of democracy. It is a social space in which citizens can engage in political activities pertinent to their public interests. Additionally, the theoretical perspective states that democratic citizens are expected to participate in political affairs under some interests. The research method of this study is qualitative in nature, and the data have been gathered through interviews to support the exploration. This method allows the researcher to gain an in-depth understanding of the issue. The research has introduced a new concept of political participation, which is “Youth Inn.” It indicates that the youth are involved in improving the political discourse to participate in activities and it has changed the traditional ways of politics. It is important to mention here that, in the traditional ways of politics, youth is supposed to follow the directions from elders to decide whom to vote for and support in politics; a selection choice is based on candidate language, culture, ethnicity, sect and caste as the main factors. By resisting the traditional pattern of politics, this change has enhanced the youth’s dynamic role in contributing to the political, social, and various aspects of daily life in the society. They have a unique character, which is relevant to support and contribute to the country’s political structure. Furthermore, the inclusion of youth can serve as an insight for political parties to consider them as the central theme in the party policy of Pakistan.

THEORY OF PHYSICAL EDUCATION ACTIVITIES FOR PUPILS IN PRIMARY SCHOOL

The "golden period" for brain development, along with elements relating to weight and height, is thought to occur throughout the first six years of life, which corresponds to the time children spend in primary school. Therefore, physical education during this stage plays an important role in helping children have a healthy body and spirit. Based on studying the psychological characteristics of primary school pupils and analyzing directives and resolutions of the Party and State, the Education Law, documents, regulations, and guiding circulars related to physical education for pupils, this paper aims to present an overview of the theoretical system of physical education activities for pupils in primary schools. The findings show that the party and state's policy on physical education for the youth generation is completely practical.

Review Essay: Donald Trump, Charismatic Leadership and the “Deep State”

Abstract There have been many accounts of Donald Trump's assault on America's constitutional norms and institutions. Journalists have detailed how a real estate mogul and reality television star with no experience in public office captured the Republican Party and disrupted the regular protocols of the executive branch. Legal scholars have lamented Trump's politicization of the Justice Department breaking through the fragile guard rails put in place in the wake of the Watergate scandal. Psychiatrists have sought to diagnose Trump's politics of resentment, which they attribute to the rage and narcissism of a sociopath. Amid this frenzy John Campbell's Institutions Under Siege: Donald Trump's Attack on the Deep State provides a comprehensive study on Trump's assault on American political and government institutions. He shows persuasively that Trump's presidency had a deep and dangerous imprint on elections, the Republican Party, the bureaucracy, and fiscal policy. Critically examining Campbell’s theory and evidence, this essay considers where Trump stands in the long train of democratic crises that have occurred throughout American history, how his presidency and its provocative aftermath were a symptom of long-standing changes in the relationship between the presidency and the party system, and why the presidency itself might be a polarizing institution.

MOVEMENT TO COASTAL TOWNS IN TURKEY: Urban Rescaling, Local Deregulation and New Prospects for the Predatory Construction Sector

AbstractIn Turkey, as in many Mediterranean countries, the Covid‐19 pandemic enhanced the mobility of the country's affluent classes to coastal towns. Many decided to settle there permanently, either by making their second homes their main residences, or by purchasing or renting new property. This has created severe social, infrastructural and environmental problems in these towns because of transformed demographics, a largely unregulated construction boom, increased renovation activities and an unprecedented rise in real‐estate and consumer‐goods prices. In this article we contextualize these problems in relation to the Justice and Development Party's neoliberal policies of urban governance and rescaling in the past 15 years. The government, having given the construction sector the main role in Turkey's economic development, subsequently granted it new spatial opportunities through the authoritarian and centralized allocation of urban and rural land. Coastal towns have been the target of unregulated urban growth and predatory construction in this process and have thus provided new spatial development prospects. Local governmental reform in 2012, which introduced radical urban rescaling and weakened district municipalities’ planning and regulation capacities, further intensified the process. These factors have had a severe impact on coastal towns and their middle‐income residents, who face new mobility pressures.

THE EFFORTS OF JORDANIAN POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE FIELD OF SOCIAL SERVICE IN LIGHT OF THE CORONA PANDEMIC

Purpose: This research examines Jordanian political parties' social service programs during COVID-19, identifying challenges and proposing recommendations for improvement, including youth empowerment, geographical expansion, and legislative advocacy.
 
 Theoretical framework: This research examines the social service efforts of Jordanian political parties during the COVID-19 pandemic using various theoretical frameworks. It examines political party functionality, resource dependency, youth engagement, geopolitical analysis, and policy advocacy. The study aims to provide a comprehensive analysis of these parties' efforts, identify challenges, and offer strategic recommendations for strengthening their social roles and impact.
 
 Design/Methodology/Approach: This research explores the social service efforts of Jordanian political parties during the COVID-19 pandemic using a qualitative, descriptive, and exploratory design. Data is collected through semi-structured interviews with key informants, documentary analysis, and thematic analysis. Ethical considerations are upheld, and the research is validated and reliable through strategies like triangulation of data sources and member checking. The findings aim to enhance the effectiveness of political parties in addressing societal needs.
 
 Findings: The research on Jordanian political parties' social service efforts during the COVID-19 pandemic revealed challenges such as limited financial resources, limited youth engagement, and geographic disparities. Recommendations for improvement include empowering youth, expanding beyond urban centers, and advocating for legislative reforms. These strategies can enhance the effectiveness of political parties as agents of social change and catalysts for positive transformation in Jordanian communities.
 
 Research, Practical & Social Implications: The study on Jordanian political parties' social service efforts during the COVID-19 pandemic offers academic insights and practical applications. It provides insights into the evolving roles of political organizations in addressing societal needs, empowering youth, and expanding party outreach. The findings can inform strategic decision-making, promoting social cohesion, and advocating for legislative reform.
 
 Originality/Value: This research provides a contextualized analysis of Jordanian political parties' social service efforts during the COVID-19 pandemic. It examines the intersection of politics and social welfare, identifying challenges like limited resources and geographic disparities. The study offers practical recommendations for improvement and policy implications, emphasizing the importance of fostering an enabling environment for political parties to engage in social service provision.

The Effect Of Investment Knowledge, Social Media Influencers, And Financial Literacy On Investment Interest In The Capital Market In Students Of Management Program At Duta Bangsa University

Investment is becoming a trend that stands out in society, therefore cases of fraud or illegal investments via the internet have been increasingly happening lately, students can become victims if they do not have adequate investment knowledge, sufficient financial literacy, and good financial management. This study aims to determine the influence of investment knowledge, social media influencers and financial literacy on students' interest in investing in the capital market. The research method used is descriptive quantitative with multiple linear regression analysis. The results of this study found that investment knowledge had a positive and insignificant influence on investment intention, social media influencers and financial literacy had a positive and significant effect on investment interest. The implications of this research are for related party policy recommendations, financial education and financial product development.

Chatham House of Interest and the Discourse of Globalised Political Expressions in Peter Obi’s 2023 Pre-election Speech

Chatham House, for the reason of its royalty, institutionalism and independence, has become a global beehive and platform where, especially Nigerian political actors articulate their ambitions and policies and prove the mettle of their deservedness for the nation’s helmsman’s job. Extant political discourse studies have largely examined conventional campaign speech-situations with stint considerations for political expressions offered on the postmodern globalised campaign platforms. This study, therefore, investigated Peter Obi’s Chatham House speech (POCHS) with a view to examining the contextually referenced discursive strategies that project Nigerian presidential candidacy as more of offshore interest in the twenty-first century global politics. Martin and White’s Appraisal Theory was used as the framework in analysing the elemental linguistic and non-linguistic strategies deployed in the electronically sourced POCHS. The data, processed into analysable extract-units, were subjected to Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). Mr. Peter Obi’s (PO) unusual employment of attitude-demonstrated ‘affect’, ‘appreciation’ and ‘judgement’ was unique in relating his global audience to virtues and attributes that qualify him for the Nigerian topmost position, presenting him as an unconventional politician. Positive and negative appreciation and judgements were used for personal-self-evaluation, corporate-self-evaluation, ‘others-self-evaluation’, and nation-self-evaluation while the bases for appreciation and judgement were personal and party competence, problems, policy gaps and solutions. PO deployed engagement as monogloss and heterrogloss on top of ‘graduation’ with intensifiers and quantifiers as force that projected ‘focus’, ‘emphasis’ and ‘analogies’. Thus, globalised political context influenced PO’s exploitation of the rarely available global platforms (Chatham House) to articulate his political ambition and manifesto. Language is, therefore, revealed as dynamic force for presentation and evaluation of persons, problems, policies and panaceas that are capable of endearing him to the expectation of the audience at Chatham House, pointing to Nigerian presidency as a phenomenon of 21st century’s global interest.

Future-proofing the people? A comparative analysis of data sovereignty as a discursive practice in Western European right-wing populism’s digital policies

This paper examines the concept of data sovereignty as a discursive practice in light of the populist idea of popular sovereignty and analyzes the digital policies of Western European right-wing populist parties (WEPs). It argues that WEPs use popular sovereignty and data sovereignty in a similar way: as discursive tools to legitimize drawing power back to the national level (with divergent and often contradictory interpretations), rather than workable foundations for policy plans. The paper also discusses how international cooperation, which populists often reject, is a useful tool to achieve data sovereignty. With this contradiction in mind, the paper develops an agent-based typology of data sovereignty as a discursive practice. It then analyzes the most recent official electoral programs of several WEPs: AfD in Germany, PVV and FvD in the Netherlands, UKIP in the UK, Vlaams Belang in Belgium, and Rassemblement National in France. It uses a comparative policy analysis to compare the cases along several data points such as the proposed roles of governments, private companies, and cyber diplomacy. Most of the WEPs under discussion see data sovereignty as synonymous with individual privacy, do not acknowledge the role of international cooperation, and use digital policy as a means of reinforcing their image as challenger parties.

Challenging the Nordic model? The cultural policies of populist parties in Finland and Sweden

ABSTRACT Cultural policy is increasingly re-politicised by populism amid shifting political discourse in Europe and beyond. This article investigates the re-politicisation of cultural policy in Sweden and Finland, set against the backdrop of rising populism, which is potentially reshaping the traditionally stable Nordic cultural policy landscape. It focuses on the cultural policies of two populist parties: the Finns Party in Finland and the Sweden Democrats in Sweden. Employing qualitative analysis of party programs, this study reveals both parties’ opposition to several aspects of the Nordic cultural policy model. The parties advocate for ‘regular people’ as opposed to the ‘elite’ and emphasise national identity over economy-driven policies, marking a shift from the neoliberal tendencies of the past decades. Our analysis highlights the role of these parties in politicising culture and challenging the long-standing consensus in Nordic cultural policies. These findings shed light on the evolving dynamics of Nordic cultural policy under growing populist influence.

НАМ, НАМЫН СИСТЕМИЙН ТӨЛӨВШИЛД СОНГУУЛИЙН ТОГТОЛЦООНЫ ЭРХ ЗҮЙН ОРЧИН НӨЛӨӨЛӨХ НЬ

In the academic article "Influence of the legal framework of the electoral system on the formation of parties and party systems", apart from the scientific study of what the electoral system is, the legal framework of the electoral system, and how the electoral system is classified, the party is the most important part of the political system. As an important institution, it has been emphasized how it has developed and matured due to changes in the electoral system. The 8 parliamentary elections held in Mongolia in 1992, 1996, 2000, 2004, 2008, 2012, 2016, and 2020 are characterized by the unique features of the times, economic conditions, political party and state policy decisions, and social times depending on the situation and legal changes in the electoral system, it had its own characteristics and effectiveness. Elections in Mongolia have been conducted by multi-mandate enlarged constituencies and single-mandate majoritarian system, which has created the opportunity for two political forces to hold the power in turn. The fact that the majority or two major parties alternately rule the government is related to the electoral system.

From Patronage to Commodification: The Urban Policies of the True Path Party in The Neoliberal Era

In the study, the urban policies of the centre-right in the struggle to establish neoliberal hegemony in Turkey, which became clear in the 1980s, were examined by focusing on the True Path Party (TPP). Thus, it is aimed to reveal the change in the urban policies of the Party in the neoliberal process. In order to achieve the stated purpose, historical comparative research method was used in the study. It is thought that a comparative examination of the period from the establishment of the Party to Demirel's Presidency and the period when Çiller was Chairman of the Party can reveal the discontinuities, dilemmas and continuities experienced between the two periods in the Party's land policies, depending on the neoliberal perspective. It has been concluded that in the Party's discourses about the city in the period until Demirel's Presidency, it highlighted the patronage-based populist policies that were widely implemented during the Justice Party period, rather than the commodification process implemented by Motherland Party. During the Çiller period, TPP's urban policies went hand in hand with capital accumulation based on marketization and were based on the exploitation of non-commodified urban spaces, similar to the Özal period. However, while Özal was able to gain the consent of both the urban poor and the capital for a long time in sharing urban rent with the policies he implemented, Çiller could not achieve the balance between these two interest groups competing on urban land with the new property and zoning regulations she implemented. Thus, Çiller broke the Party away from Demirel's discourse, which made abundant references to welfare policies, and this caused the support of the urban poor, whose importance was increasingly increasing in the transforming social structure of the country, to shift towards new political movements. As a matter of fact, the Party lost the support of the most urban voters among its voter base and could not win any metropolitan municipality in the 1999 local elections.

Do Chinese Citizens Conceal Opposition to the CCP in Surveys? Evidence from Two Experiments

Abstract Most public opinion research in China uses direct questions to measure support for the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and government policies. These direct question surveys routinely find that over 90 per cent of Chinese citizens support the government. From this, scholars conclude that the CCP enjoys genuine legitimacy. In this paper, we present results from two survey experiments in contemporary China that make clear that citizens conceal their opposition to the CCP for fear of repression. When respondents are asked directly, we find, like other scholars, approval ratings for the CCP that exceed 90 per cent. When respondents are asked in the form of list experiments, which confer a greater sense of anonymity, CCP support hovers between 50 per cent and 70 per cent. This represents an upper bound, however, since list experiments may not fully mitigate incentives for preference falsification. The list experiments also suggest that fear of government repression discourages some 40 per cent of Chinese citizens from participating in anti-regime protests. Most broadly, this paper suggests that scholars should stop using direct question surveys to measure political opinions in China.

Mqhayi’s UDon Jadu as a contribution to the ‘Native Republic Policy’ discourse

The central argument of this article is that Mqhayi’s utopian prose, UDon Jadu, reveals that the ‘independent native republic’ discourse that was dominant in the African National Congress and South African Communist Party alliance (1927–1934) had a profound influence on the conceptualisation of Mqhayi’s narrative. The fundamental tenet of his utopia, non-racialism, echoes the basic principle of the envisaged ‘Native Republic Policy’ which, during this period, was the policy of the South African Communist Party (SACP). The argument of this study is that the book is Mqhayi’s creation and his contribution to the model of society envisioned in the native republic debate, specifically by introducing a social and cultural dimension. Because of the segregation ideology (1910–1948), Mqhayi had to find a way of making an encoded political comment through his utopia. However, because of the Cold War (1947–1991) and the apartheid ideology (1948–1990), his inspiration could not be fully exposed by literary critics who feared reprisals from the repressive state apparatus of the time.

Labour, the Unions and Proportional Representation

AbstractThe Labour Party's support will likely be crucial to any major change of the voting system in the UK. While Labour has supported first past the post for most of its existence, a resolution was passed at the 2022 party conference calling for Labour to include in its manifesto a commitment to change the voting system to proportional representation after the next election. This resulted from an effective campaign by activists to change the party's policy on electoral reform. The position of the trade unions, often perceived to be conservative on constitutional issues, was particularly important. This article focusses on the campaign to change the opinion of the British trade union movement. It outlines the British trade union movement's historic reservations about electoral reform and then analyses the grassroots effort behind this movement, focussing on the organisation of Make Votes Matter, Labour for a New Democracy, and Politics for the Many. The article concludes by offering insights into the potential long‐term consequences of this campaign and its potential impact on the ideological direction of the Labour Party.