Order Policing Research Articles

Police forces and political crises: revolutions, policing alternatives and institutional resilience in Paris, 1848–1871

ABSTRACT:This article examines the relationship between police forces and Parisian society during the two final revolutions of nineteenth-century France in 1848 and 1871. The comparison between these two events reveals the existence of an alternative revolutionary project of ‘urban police’. It also shows, however, the relatively weak impact of these moments on long-term transformations of police organizations. This is all the more notable if we consider the Second Empire's municipal reform of 1854 that had a deep impact on the landscape of the Parisian police. Observing this general sequence helps thus to explore the modifications of police powers during revolutionary moments, and the dynamics of the non-linear transformation of police orders and urban societies in the nineteenth century.

We Always Fight the Last War? Prior Experiences in Counterinsurgency and Conventional Warfare and War Outcomes

Does previous experience with conventional warfare harm a military fighting an insurgency? Or, conversely, does prior experience with a counterinsurgency lower a military’s likelihood for winning a conventional interstate war? Whereas firepower, maneuver, and associated tactics are essential for conventional warfare, counterinsurgency requires restrictions on firepower and effective policing in order to “win hearts and minds.” These competing requirements for military preparedness for conventional warfare and counterinsurgency have been extensively debated. However, the consequences of fighting counterinsurgency on a state’s readiness for fighting conventional wars (and vice versa) have been unexplored. We examine the relationship between past experiences with one type of conflict and war outcomes of the other type of conflict through a quantitative analysis of all wars that ended between 1838 and 2005. Contrary to conventional wisdom, we find that past experiences with either counterinsurgency or conventional warfare have little association with future success in war, conventional or not.

Change over Time in Police Interactions and HIV Risk Behavior Among Female Sex Workers in Andhra Pradesh, India.

Little is known about the effectiveness of intervening to change interactions between female sex workers (FSWs) and police in order to reduce HIV risk. Using data collected in the context of a HIV prevention intervention that included components to change policing practices (n = 1,680), we examine the association of FSWs' reports of negative police interactions and HIV risk behaviors and whether these associations varied over time. Results show negative police interactions declined significantly over time. FSWs who had more than one negative police interaction were more likely to experience STI symptoms (AOR 2.97 [95 % CI 2.27-3.89]), inconsistently use condoms with their clients (AOR 1.36 [95 % CI 1.03-1.79]), and accept more money for condomless sex (AOR 2.37 [95 % CI 1.76-3.21]). Over time, these associations were stable or increased. Even where interventions have reduced the number of police incidents experienced by FSWs, stakeholders in HIV prevention must remain vigilant in challenging these incidents.

Die Landfriedensbewegung im Königreich Böhmen

The study focuses on the history of the Landfriede movement in the Kingdom of Bohemia. It strives to intercept specific development and forms of local Landfrieden and related instruments to provide pacis et justitiae with partial comparative overlaps to other countries of the Bohemian state and the territory of the Holy Roman Empire. The institute of Landfriede contributed significantly to the character of the Late Middle Ages at the level of constitutional development, changes in the administrative system and political orientation of all parts of the territorial unit Lands of the Bohemian Crown. The present study focuses on the development of the central country within the whole, the Kingdom of Bohemia, and follows ist example of how this legal remedy was used to reduce the various forms of medieval feud and private war. The Bohemian Landfriede movement is characterized by its link to the emerging regional system, and as it shows, the beginning of its development can be followed to the early phase associated with the emergence of regional leagues of towns. This paper describes the transformation of the relationship between the ruler, nobility and royal cities and this institution, leading from the initial symbiosis of royal and urban interests establishing the first Landfriede league to later domination by the nobility. The role of Landfrieden is highly specific during the Hussite Revolution (1419-1434). However, more significantly than in the actual war years, Landfrieden influenced Bohemian history in the period of subsequent interregnum (1439-1453), when they practically became the only functional organizational unit in the kingdom. The Landfrieden helped especially in times of political instability and administrative looseness to ensure elementary order and peace in the kingdom, despite the fact that they never acceded to total prohibition of feuds and private wars. They became one of the constitutive elements of the emerging regional administration and in ist structure, they in fact disappeared after their subordination to police orders (Policey-, Policeiordnungen) and Land Constitutions (Landesordnungen). In the times of the largest decline of the central power – in the times of the post-hussite interregnum – they took over and further developed some legal norms received previously at the land diet and at the land court, which were later confirmed in the form of new diet resolutions and police orders. As a part of these police orders, some particular norms of Bohemian Landfrieden were included in the texts of Land Constitutions of Early Modern Era. The Bohemian Landfriede movement may be looked at from the perspective of the development of provincial law and history of administration, and it may also be viewed as an important political force and a platform for ongoing social change, considering the important role of Landfrieden in times of weakening of the central power. The Bohemian Landfriede movement represents a specific example of this phenomenon emerging in the main country of an important Central European state entity during the formation of the estates monarchy, roughly corresponding to the period of late Middle Ages.

기계경비업무 감독명령 시행의 정책과제

이 연구에서는 '기계경비 112신고 기준'인 감독명령 제2013-1호를 분석하고 정책적 과제를 제시하였다. 이 감독명령은 기계경비업체의 출동대응의무 등 독자적인 범죄예방 능력 확보와 통계기반 구축을 위해 확인신고를 원칙으로 하고 긴급신고의 대상을 특정하는 선별신고 제도의 시행을 규정하고 있다. 선별신고제도의 목적을 달성하기 위한 정책적 과제로 첫째, 통계기반의 구축을 위한 오경보와 오신고, 비상버튼과 감지신호에 대한 용어의 정립과 기계경비원을 대체할 적절한 용어의 개발이 필요하다. 둘째, 기계경비업체는 이 감독명령의 112신고 기준을 준수하기 위한 대응체제를 구축하여야 한다. 셋째, 경찰은 선별신고제도의 긴급신고 대상 설정에 대한 재검토가 있어야 한다. 넷째, 이 감독명령을 엄정하게 시행하기 위한 행정규제와 감독의 강화가 요구된다. In this research, The Police Order No. 2013-1, which is 'Electronic Security 112 Report Standards,' was analyzed and the relevant policy tasks were presented. The policy tasks to achieve the purpose of the selective report system are as follows. First, in order to construct the statistics base, the establishment of the terms related to false alarm and false call, emergency button, and sensing signal and the development of the appropriate term to replace the electronic security guard are needed. Second, the electronic security companies should build the response system to abide by the 112 report standards of the police order. Third, the police should reexamine the establishment of the emergency report objects of the selective report system. Fourth, the reinforcement of the administrative regulation and supervision to enforce the police order strictly is required.

EVALUATING THE APPLICATION OF RESTORATIVE JUSTICE AT THE MANGAUNG ONE-STOP CHILD JUSTICE CENTRE

The South African criminal justice system is largely punitive, retributive and adversarial in nature; this was also true for the child justice systems, until the acknowledgement and advancement of children’s rights. The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) deals specifically with children in conflict with the law. Article 40 of the CRC provides inter alia that the child in conflict with the law has a right to the promotion of his or her sense of dignity and worth, and the reinforcement of the child’s respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms of others. State parties also have an obligation to develop a comprehensive juvenile justice system through laws, procedures, authorities and institutions. Thus states are required to have specialised units within the police, judiciary, court system, prosecution and legal representation in order to deal with children in conflict with the law. Furthermore, state parties are required to have alternatives in place to deal with children in conflict with the law so as to ensure the limitation of resorting to judicial proceedings. The importance of diverting the child away from the criminal justice system is thus emphasised (Hodgkin & Newell, 2007:601-602, 616, 618). In line with international standards, the South African Constitution also guarantees, in section 28(1)(g), that children should be detained only as a measure of last resort and then kept separate from adults.

Rancière and revolution

This paper explores what role Rancière's work can play in the struggle for a more democratic world. It highlights the strength of Rancière's conception of democracy, which clearly identifies democracy as a popular disruption of the prevailing police order. This order claims to have assigned a proper role to all parts of society. Democracy for Rancière is when an element emerges that has not been taken account of and demonstrates the police order's claim to be false. Among the many benefits of this way of understanding democracy, it upsets any easy association between hegemony and democracy – as in Laclau & Mouffe – and it refuses utterly the ideological fusing of democracy, capitalism, and the state offered by the liberal-democratic-capitalist consensus. However, Rancière's approach also introduces significant limits on democracy because it denies that democracy can ever do more than disrupt the prevailing order. It does not allow for the possibility that democracy can grow and spread to the point that it becomes pervasive in the polity. This paper uses the case of the Egyptian uprising to show how this limitation closes off important political possibilities. The paper argues that Deleuze & Guattari's theorisation of revolution, when used carefully, is a necessary corrective to Rancière's too-restricted concept of democracy

A qualitative examination of police officers’ perception of football supporters

Several studies stress the importance of thorough knowledge of supporter culture in order to assess the actual level of risk at football matches thereby ensuring a balanced approach by the police in order to avoid conflict situations. This study examines how Danish police officers perceive and categorise football supporters on the basis of a field-based observational study and a qualitative interview study undertaken at the East Jutland Police department in Denmark in the period 2008–2009. The main findings show a general lack of knowledge of supporter culture as well as scepticism towards engaging in dialogue with football supporters. As a consequence of these findings, the East Jutland Police department initiated an educational programme on dialogue policing in 2010. The programme has been successfully evaluated and is now implemented on a national basis.

The Police Order at the Era of Absolutism in Russia, and the Causes of Its Collapse during the February Revolution of 1917

In the article, an attempt is made to characterize the police order in Russia as a coercion regime during the era of absolutism from the end of the 17th to the beginning of the 20th centuries. It is claimed that absolutism had a chronic deficiency of resources for legitimation. During the Peter I and Catherine II eras, this deficiency was compensated by the periodic building of a repressive police force under the ideological cover of cameralism that was borrowed from concurrent European states. Due to a political crisis of the coercion regime in the first third of the 19th century, there was a replacement of the ideological decor of cameralism with a reactionary formula of “orthodoxy, autocracy, nationality”. At the end of the 19th century, the last ideological transformation caused by the political crisis of the 1870s was carried out when religious authorization of unlimited autocracy was put in the forefront. The theoretical conception was developed according to which the main threat of stability to the coercion regime was generated by the processes of power deflation, by the forced structural changes of society as a result of military mobilizations and by the situational forms of politicization on the basis of the aggravated perception of power as evil which can no longer be tolerated. Using the historical example of the February revolution of 1917, it is shown that the temporal coincidence of these three processes, having reached their highest intensity during the First World War, led to the collapse of the Russian absolutism and its police order.

Admissibility of Fingerprints Taken on an Unauthorised Device

Subject: Police. Other related subjects: Criminal evidence Legislation: Police and Criminal Evidence (Northern Ireland) Order 1989 (SI 1989/1341) art.61 Case: Public Prosecution Service v McKee [2013] UKSC 32; [2013] 1 W.L.R. 1611 (SC)

The Ambiguous Role of the Popular, Society and Public Order Police in Sudan, 1983–2011

This article addresses a number of obscurities surrounding the role of the various Sudanese police units often referred to as the ‘religious police’ or ‘morality police’. These include the Popular Police, Society Police and Public Order Police. Although these units have often been analysed as agents of ‘Arabization’, ‘Islamization’ and the cultural domination of peripheral groups by the hegemonic northern riverain faction within the state, this article focuses instead primarily on the intra-northern debate over these units, which is suggestive of a variety of internal crises the northern government will need to resolve in the wake of secession. It contends that the Sudanese government has never resolved the ambiguity over whether these units function as local crime fighters or as guardians of religious morality. Although a number of analysts argue that the Sudanese regime has become less ideological and thus scaled back the morality police, this ambiguity remains highly relevant today, to the extent that it causes divisions within the security forces and even the government itself. The article further identifies the centrality of the debate over the public order units to the period of self-questioning that has characterized the ‘post-Islamist’ phase in Sudanese politics. It discusses the ambiguous social status of these units, who have been represented as guardians of urban Sudanese culture by their champions and a threat to it by their detractors.

Zero Tolerance in Latin America: Punitive Paradox in Urban Policy Mobilities

In Latin America, high levels of crime have prompted many politicians to embrace zero tolerance policing in order to quell public fears. While the overall impacts on urban crime are debatable, zero tolerance in the region has morphed into a powerful policy narrative that symbolizes strong leaders who crack down crime and disorder. Its impacts have been far-reaching; to date, it has been implemented in various guises in Mexico, Brazil, Ecuador, Venezuela, Chile, Argentina, Honduras, El Salvador, Guatemala and the Dominican Republic. Yet, the policy transfer of zero tolerance to Latin America has mutated into a much more punitive approach. In this paper, I develop a critical analysis of the punitive inequalities of zero tolerance policing in Latin American cities, and the consequences for marginalized and racialized youth. I also explore the emergence of a new, unexpected consequence of zero tolerance: the South-North migration of undocumented people.

The distribution of water‐monitoring organizations across states

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to draw upon concepts in community‐oriented policing in order to explore the distribution of citizen water‐monitoring organizations and their role in community environmental policing, in order to address the issue of environmental justice. The empirical portion of the analysis examines the distribution of these organizations across states, and the relationship of this distribution to social inequity.Design/methodology/approachThis study design is cross‐sectional in nature and examines the distribution and density of 1,308 citizen water‐monitoring organizations across states. Ordinary least squares regression is used to examine the relationship between the density and social disadvantage while controlling for environmental enforcement patterns, rates of non‐compliance, water quality, region of the country, water area, and coastal states.FindingsRace and ethnicity are negatively correlated with the density of water‐monitoring organizations across states. Median household income is positively correlated with water‐monitoring organizations across states.Practical implicationsThis paper suggests that community environmental policing is a response to ecological disorganization. More specifically, in the case of citizen‐led water‐monitoring organizations it is critical that states with relatively large proportions of low income, black and Hispanic residents help provide resources to encourage the development of these community groups.Originality/valueThis paper is the first to draw upon the ideas found in the community‐oriented policing literature to examine water‐monitoring organizations. While the literature suggests that collaborative efforts between state law enforcement agencies and water‐monitoring organizations may help combat ecological disorganization, it is also the first study to suggest that environmental injustice could be an unintended drawback of community environmental policing.

Jacques Ranciere’s Politics of Literature, Writing and Aesthetics in the Letters of John Keats

Through his numerous works on the philosophy of aesthetics, literature and writing Jacques Rancière has crafted a body of work based on the premise of equality as recognized through aesthetics. In the introduction to the English translation of Rancière’s The Politics of Aesthetics, author Gabriel Rockhill writes Rancière supports abolishing "any presupposed inequalities of intelligence". Rancière argues against any "privileged position usurped by philosophy in its various attempts to speak for others, be it the proletariat, the poor, or anyone else who is not 'destined to think'" Rancière's political positioning of aesthetics finds "those who have no name, who remain invisible and inaudible, can only penetrate the police order [politics] via a mode of subjectivization that transforms the aesthetic coordinators of the community by implementing the universal presupposition of politics: we are all equal". I suggest Rancière's theories on the politics of aesthetics, literature and writing are present in letters written by 19th century Romantic poet John Keats.

Badlands of the Republic: Space, Politics and Urban Policy by Mustafa Dikeç

Badlands of the Republic: Space, Politics and Urban Policy by Mustafa Dikeç

The Influence of Hong Kong's Policing on China

Police cooperation includes joint anti-crime campaigns, intelligence sharing, evidence collection, as well as mutual exchanges and training. Mainland police have been impressed by the Hong Kong police's practices of operating in accordance with the Police Order, their use of handbooks, the rotation of offcers, and the services of psychological counseling. Knowledge transfer in policing has taken place from Hong Kong to Mainland China.

Personal privacy and Internet marketing: An impossible conflict or a marriage made in heaven?

With the decline of print media and network television, marketing strategy is changing. As these advertising vehicles are slowing down and more individuals turn to the Internet for daily functioning, marketers are following in kind. Technology offers businesses and marketing specialists the ability to collect immense amounts of private data about individuals’ interests or characteristics as they surf the Internet and input personal information. Data collection falls into one of two categories: a user's voluntary sharing of such information, or involuntary/uninformed collection by other parties. The threat posed by invasion of personal privacy is real. At the same time, Internet users can benefit in several ways from the sharing and collection of personal information. For example, much online content is funded by advertising, and would otherwise only be available to consumers for a fee. Additionally, valuable information regarding trends and happenings (e.g., flu outbreaks) are detected by aggregated Internet tracking. Finally, many Internet users value and enjoy targeted advertising geared to their particular interests or needs. Laws regarding this matter are currently limited, but are developing in order to protect individuals from unscrupulous data collection, especially involving children. Fortunately, there are ways marketers can legally and ethically collect and use personal information. Ultimately, regulation needs to be developed, and the marketing profession can aid itself by expanding self-regulation and policing in order to stave off additional—and potentially onerous—regulation.

Jacques Rancière and the problem of pure politics

Over the past decade, Jacques Rancière’s writings have increasingly provoked and inspired political theorists who wish to avoid both the abstraction of so-called normative theories and the philosophical platitudes of so-called postmodernism. Rancière offers a new and unique definition of politics, la politique, as that which opposes, thwarts and interrupts what Rancière calls the police order, la police — a term that encapsulates most of what we normally think of as politics (the actions of bureaucracies, parliaments, and courts). Interpreters have been tempted to read Rancière as proffering a formally pure conception of politics, wherein politics is ultimately separate from and in utter opposition to all police orders. Here I provide a different account of Rancière’s thinking of politics: for Rancière politics goes on within police orders and for this reason he strongly rejects the very idea of a pure politics. Politics is precisely that which could never be pure; politics is an act of impurity, a process that resists purification. In carefully delineating the politique— police relation I show that the terms of Rancière’s political writings are multiple and multiplied. Rancière consistently undermines any effort to render politics pure, and therein lies his potential contribution to contemporary political theory.

Involuntary psychiatric attendances at an Australasian emergency department: A comparison of police and health‐care worker initiated presentations

To identify any significant differences in the population of patients brought in to a hospital ED under involuntary mental health orders, based on whether the orders are initiated by police or health professionals. A retrospective analysis of consecutive presentations to a tertiary hospital ED with a co-located psychiatric emergency care centre over a 12 month period, with univariate and multivariate statistical comparisons. Two hundred and eighty-two patients (making 378 ED presentations) met the case definition and were analysed. Compared with patients on medical orders, patients on police orders had significantly more presentations related to violence, longer stays in ED and lower rates of admission to an inpatient bed, but were no more likely to require restraint or security intervention within the ED. Patients on police and medical orders differ considerably, but the impact of these differences on ED workload is small.

Beyond Suffering

The vexed question of how to represent atrocity and the effects of that representation takes a turn in Lucila Quieto's photographic account of the politically disappeared of the last dictatorship in Argentina (1976-83), which offers some innovative attempts to resolve aesthetic issues and atrocious absence. Quieto was born after her father Carlos Alberto Quieto was kidnapped by military forces on August 20, 1976. She has been a member of the Hijos e Hijas por la Identidad y la Justicia contra el Olvido y el Silencio (HIJOS, Sons and Daughters for Identity and Justice Against Oblivion and Silence). Her photography series Arqueologia de la Ausencia (Archaeology of Absence, 1999-2001) is a collection of thirty-five constructed photographs in which the adult children of the disappeared were invited to create the photograph they never had: a portrait with their missing parent. What began as a personal exercise in postmemory for Quieto and her friends has moved into the Museo de Arte y Memoria, La Plata, as part of Argentina's uneasy commitment to memorialize the state-sponsored atrocity of the last dictatorship. Quieto describes her work as a search to heal the absence of those who and says she was inspired by her own need to have photographs of herself with her father. (1) The photography series was created by asking each of the participants to select a photograph of their disappeared parents from their family album. Quieto projected the image onto a wall, asked the adult child to join their parents in the projected image, and recorded their interactions in a new photograph. Quieto is not trying to show absence, but rather the search for healing from that absence, and the possibility of finding an encounter with the absent parent. Quieto's intention appears to be a personal search for resolution, but her work may also be considered using Jacques Ranciere's concept of the political potential of art to recast the distribution of the sensible, a reconfiguration of the given perceptual forms. (2) Quieto has created an experience in opposition to the accepted order of what can be seen, and who can speak about state atrocity. In Argentina, attempts to bring visibility to those who were disappeared by the state during the last dictatorship are continual. Ana Longoni recently examined the aesthetic strategies of the Madres de la Plaza de Mayo (Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo) in their fight to restore visibility to the disappeared. (3) Every week during and since the dictatorship, the Madres walk in a procession around the Plaza de Mayo, wearing photographs of the disappeared or holding them aloft. In doing so, they came to realize that being seen as mothers offered a different reality than that presented by the dictatorship. They continue to bring the hidden atrocity into public view and into the context of the family. Through disappearances, the military dictatorship prescribed ways of seeing, ways of saying, and ways of being. Like the early aesthetic interventions of the Madres, Quieto's photographs challenge that hegemonic perception of reality both by restoring visibility and individual identity to the disappeared, and developing the individual and the community identities of the HIJOS. [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] This process of disappearing can be understood as an extreme example of Ranciere's notion of the police order, controlling what can be seen and therefore said about it. (4) From 1976 until 1983, political opponents of the dictatorship literally disappeared as their bodies were dropped from helicopters into the River Plate. Official traces of their identities were often erased and their apartments were emptied of their belongings, leaving nothing of them to be seen. Along with invisibility came an attempt to rewrite their histories. To explain the disappearances, the dictatorship suggested the victims had probably gone to Cuba or had killed themselves. …