Order Policing Research Articles

A közrend, közbiztonság javítása Heves megye hátrányos helyzetű településein

The authors provide an overview of measures taken by the police in order to improve public security in two marginalized villages in Heves County, Hungary.

12. L’histoire des Juifs à l’époque fasciste dans les manuels scolaires italiens de l’enseignement secondaire de premier et deuxième cycles

The article analyzes research conducted in 2013 on a sampling of 24 middle and high school history textbooks in an effort to document the ways in which they covered the Holocaust process in Italy. There were three fundamental steps to this process: the passage of the 1938 anti-Jewish laws, the November 1943 Republic of Salo manifesto and police order, which declared that Jews were foreigners who must be arrested immediately, and the extermination of 7,000 other Italian Jews between 1943 and 1945. On these points, we have noted imprecisions and actual omissions, not to mention the use of frequently hesitant terms and an impoverished iconography that generally fails to clearly communicate the gravity of the facts. The gaps in these books serve to scale down Italy’s responsibility for the Holocaust, oftentimes assigning all of the blame to Nazi Germany.

The Inter-Rater Reliability of ViolenceRisk Assessment Tools Used by Police Employees in Swedish PoliceSettings

Risk assessments are used by the police in order to identify the need for victim protection. The aim of this study was to examine the inter-rater reliability of two violence risk assessment tools; ...

‘The government is the cause of the disease and we are stuck with the symptoms’: deinstitutionalisation, mental health advocacy and police shootings in 1990s Victoria

The deinstitutionalization of mental health services in Australia happened first and most rapidly in the state of Victoria. In the final decades of the 20th Century, a period of immense economic and social policy reform accelerated this shift. Policy change appeared to be guided, at least in part, by ideals of human rights and citizenship. However, these same principles could be undermined in the vacuum of services created by deinstitutionalization and the broader restructuring of the welfare state. One expression of this paradox was a reported increase in violent encounters between police and those in states of distress and mental crises. Another example of paradox was rights-based mental health law, which both increased procedural safeguards for involuntary psychiatric intervention but also perpetuated differential treatment of persons with psychosocial disability on the basis of unfounded beliefs. This article will examine the intersections of policing and mental health policy in order to examine how boundaries of normality and disablement were contested during a transitional period of mental health law and policy.

Staging Equality in Greek Squares: Hybrid Spaces of Political Subjectification

AbstractThis article stages a dialogue between Jacques Rancière's political writings and the squares movement in Greece. From May to July 2011, a heterogeneous multitude of protesters reclaimed the squares of the country from their allocation in the police order and articulated a multiplicity of divergent discursive, organizational and spatial repertoires. This was an urban political event that reasserted the importance of urban spaces in expressing political dissent and experimented with new ways of being and acting in common. This article draws on Rancière's conceptualization of politics to read the squares movement as an opening of spaces of political subjectification. At the same time, through a close ethnography of the squares, it highlights the tensions that marked this process and focuses on two of these: the coexistence of nationalist and equalibertarian discursive and performative repertoires and the co‐implication of horizontal and vertical organizational practices. The article builds on this analysis to argue that the squares movement opened hybrid spaces of political subjectification and to explore some of the tensions in Rancière's political writings. This reading, in turn, informs a discussion of the legacies of the squares movement.

“El funcionario viene a ser como una personificación del Estado”. Conflictos y límites de la autoridad en el centro occidente colombiano, 1850-1925

This article aims at studying the difficulties in the authority establishment in Manizales and Departamento de Caldas. Through the analysis of trial investigation in first and second instance, in cases of authority abuse and resistance to it, difficulties faced by officers in charge of maintaining the police order are shown. In addition, the abuse of these officers is evident, as characteristic that could delegitimize the official actions. It is argued that the studied conflicts were part of the state deployment in the Colombian center west. There the recent foundation of most towns, the geographical distances, the resources scarcity and the near local bureaucracy with those subject to surveillance, made of this a complex but dynamic process.

Policing, Traffic Safety Education and Citizenship in Post-1945 West Germany

This article examines policing and traffic education as a key area of reconstructing democratic citizenship in post-1945 Germany. The rebuilding of a democratic German society in the aftermath of the Second World War was closely linked to orderly, law-abiding and considerate behaviour – traffic safety events were the testing ground for these values. They were designed to create a sense of order and civil responsibility in which citizens were urged to participate in order to contribute to the new democratic postwar society in West Germany. But while state and local authorities presented traffic policing and traffic safety as an opportunity to rebuild relations with the public and to foster the link between orderly behaviour and good citizenship, ordinary citizens felt little obliged to follow traffic rules or police orders. The Eigensinn (stubbornness) of the public, choosing to ignore traffic rules, despite better knowledge, was difficult to reconcile with the top down and patronizing pedagogical approach so obvious in traffic safety debates of the 1940s and 1950s. The fact that rights and liberties of a citizen could also mean making wrong decisions and dealing with the consequences of this behaviour clashed with the more authoritarian concepts of the state.

Defining e-policing and smart policing for law enforcement agencies in Gauteng Province

Gauteng province has been experiencing a substantial increase in some crime categories between 2011 and 2015. These include among others, murder, drug related offenses as well as aggravated robbery. The leadership of law enforcement agencies as well as the provincial government has since realised that the application traditional policing methods alone will not succeed to decease crime, hence there is a concerted effort to encourage police law agencies in the province to intensify implementation of e-policing systems and smart policing initiatives. That been said, it is not yet clear what e-policing and smart policing means for the police. The purpose of this paper is to explore meaning these concepts from the point of view police services in the province, policing experts and representatives private sector organisations who participated in the research. The paper relied on literature review and semi-structured interviews to collect data. It was found that e-policing and smart policing means different things to different respondents. Given the dilemma of differences in the conceptualisation of these concepts, this paper propose a working definition of smart policing in order to enhance co-ordinated application as well as monitoring and evaluation of smart policing initiative

Translating Politics

AbstractThis article attends to the process of translating politics—both in the writings of Jacques Rancière and in their reception. I argue that Rancière's project seeks not just to change the meaning of politics in a given conceptual framework or language but to think politics in a different language or paradigm entirely. I stage a working through of three different “cases” of translating politics, as I look at three terms: “aisthēsis,” “politics,” and “the political.” I conclude by emphasizing “politicalness,” a word that helps to capture Rancière's dynamic, nonontological sense of the unpredictable disruption of the police order by politics. A certain project of translation plays a central role in the Rancièrean thinking of politics. No master dictionary can assure or secure translation across languages and contexts, and no political ontology can undergird or safeguard the historical happening of politics.

Blah blah WOMEN blah blah EQUALITY blah blah DIFFERENCE

Abstract In this article I critically consider the usefulness of Jacques Rancière's “politics of literarity,” as explicated by Samuel Chambers, for understanding feminist politics. Emphasizing the historical and grammatical dimensions of the speech acts central to a politics of literarity, I show that women's assertions of gender injustice remain tightly tethered to a police order whose disruption remains crucial to establishing the political bona fides of any such claim to equality. While Chambers embraces this paradoxical aspect of a politics of literarity—that it both disrupts police and remains embedded within it—I suggest that the paradoxes confronted by those who articulate the “wrongs” of the gender order perforce raise questions about the adequacy of literarity as a linchpin of democratic politics. I elaborate this claim by reconsidering the historical example of Olympe de Gouges, first as her feminist speech is parsed by Joan Scott and second as it is parsed by Rancière.

Evaluating the relative impact of positive and negative encounters with police: a randomized experiment

Examines the influence of positive, negative, and neutral police behavior during traffic stops on citizen perceptions of police. Participants were randomly assigned to view a video clip of a simulated traffic stop in which the officer communicates with the driver in a positive (procedurally just), negative (procedurally unjust), or neutral manner. After viewing the video, participants completed a survey about their perceptions of police, including their level of trust in police, obligation to obey police orders, and willingness to cooperate with police. Observing positive interactions with police enhanced people’s self-reported willingness to cooperate with police, obligation to obey police and the law, and trust and confidence in police, whereas observing negative interactions undermined these outcomes. The effects of these interactions were much stronger for encounter-specific outcomes than for more general outcomes. The results from this randomized experiment confirm that procedural justice can enhance people’s prosocial attitudes toward police, whereas procedural injustice can undermine these attitudes. While positive (procedurally just) interactions tend to have weaker effects than negative (procedurally unjust) interactions, this study finds little support for the notion that only negative experiences shape people’s views about the police.

We Know What you did Last Summer, and 30 Years ago: Criminal Records Disclosure and State Regulatory Discretion

Despite a number of adverse court rulings and amendments to the legislation as a consequence, the system of disclosure in relation to criminal records in England and Wales still gives cause for concern. As other studies have pointed out, the disclosure system in England and Wales is out of step with other jurisdictions in that it permits disclosure of information which is out of date, relates to matters which do not result in criminal conviction, and is largely irrelevant to the activity which triggered the request for disclosure. Such a system is said to be justified in order to protect the public. Human rights concerns dictate that public protection is balanced against an individual’s right to respect for his/her private and family life and the opportunity to rehabilitate oneself. In an attempt to achieve such a balance the disclosure regime in England and Wales provides for a ‘two-tier’ system of ‘ordinary’ and ‘enhanced’ disclosure, with the latter providing information on an individual beyond convictions and cautions. The Disclosure and Barring Service, which operates the disclosure system, reports that ‘Enhanced’ Disclosure is the norm for employers and regulators to seek, even where that level of disclosure is not justified under the statutory provisions. In this study I analyse data from existing research, court decisions, publicly available police policies and records from state and professional regulators, to examine how the police exercise their discretion on disclosure and how regulators exercise their discretionary powers in the light of the information disclosed. The findings of this study suggest that the amendments to the disclosure regime in the light of adverse rulings are inadequate to achieve the appropriate balance between public protection and rehabilitation or privacy. The study proposes ways of structuring police and regulatory discretion in order to achieve a fairer balance.

Soul-Blindness, Police Orders and Black Lives Matter

What does it mean to see someone as human, as a member of humankind? What kind of call for justice is it to demand that a group be seen as human beings? This article explores a fundamental kind of injustice: one of perception and how we respond to our perceptions. Drawing on Cavell, Wittgenstein and Rancière, we elucidate “soul blindness” as a distinct and basic form of injustice. Rancière’s police orders and Cavell’s soul blindness are mutually constitutive; the undoing of police orders entails a politics of soul dawning. Soul dawning entails acknowledging the humanity of others without erasing difference. In the concluding section, we consider white obliviousness to the Black Lives Matters (BLM) movement as a case of soul blindness. Part of the political import of BLM is its capacity to illustrate how practices of soul blindness in the United States constitute whiteness in a racialized police order.

Documenting Police Investigation in the USA

The article features pre-trial proceedings in criminal cases in the USA. The proceedings are regulatedby case precedents, norms and state legislations. Technically, the activity represents a combination of the procedures which are usually referred to investigative, special investigative and administrative procedures in the Russia. However, the documents do not provide for any single rules for investigatory proceedings. Hence, they are not subject to uniform documentation. As to documenting investigative proceedings, law enforcement officials are guided by the orders and instructions of police departmentswhich are accurate in regulating the activity of their staff. Besides, there are different instructions prepared for the employees by law enforcement agencies, i.e. US Department of Justice and National Institute of Justice, National Center of Criminalist Technologies. Overall, the requirements of the guidelines are consistent with the requirements of police orders. Conventional ways of recording are notesand reports. They may be compiled arbitrarily or on forms. In addition to these recording means, photoand videotaping, drawing schedules and schemes are used. All the means of recording are equal and deem to be an integral part of cover fixation of investigative procedures. They are applied without overlapping as each possesses its advantages and disadvantages. In particular, recording does not always provide visibility of description, photo recording is a better option though requires additional explanations.Videoing records the crime spot in motion but is irrelevant for subsequent criminal research unlike photographs. A typical of Russian investigation minutes as a single document presenting the results of investigation is unknown to US law enforcement officials.

Is centralisation the right way to go? The case of internal security policy reforms in Switzerland in the light of community policing

Looking from the angle of the allocation of tasks between cantons and municipalities in Switzerland, this article analyses how security reforms tend to concentrate police institutions at the cantonal level and eliminate local police in order to improve efficiency. As the shift to centralisation is being implemented through consensus-building, cities claim to be special cases and succeed in conserving their local police. The analysis focuses on two cantonal reforms through qualitative data. The results show that institutional changes have led to three main arrangements after reform: the centralisation of police (the municipalities buy the services of the cantonal police); regionalisation (several municipalities implement their policing activities together); and decentralisation (the city conserves its local police). In regard to which arrangement produces the best impact, an evaluation of the perception of actors (citizens and police) shows that the police’s work and the feeling of security are better in a decentralised setting. Points for practitioners Political issues are at the centre of reforms that aim for a new distribution of responsibilities between levels of public authorities in the Swiss security sector. They can strongly influence the new arrangements introduced by reform. Even if cantonal decision-makers have solid arguments to centralise a task, the power of municipalities is stronger. This leads to an asymmetric federalism, where cities can maintain their police and municipalities have to buy cantonal police services. As the decentralised option is better evaluated by citizens and the police, centralisation reforms are difficult to implement where there is a tradition of local police.

The Role of Sector Police of Pakuhaji Tangerang in Tackling Crime in the Region of Pakuhaji Tangerang Based on Law Number 2 of 2002 on the Indonesian National Police

Police Pakuhaji Tangerang districts covering jurisdiction Pakuhaji is the frontline in the prevention and law enforcement in the region Pakuhaji Tangerang. In the period 2013-2015 there were 46 criminal cases handled by police Pakuhaji Tangerang, will be directing that the District Pakuhaji still prone to crime. In this thesis, which is the identification of the problem is: What is the Role Pakuhaji Tangerang Police in maintaining internal security and law enforcement based on Act No. 2 of 2002 on the Indonesian National Police ?; and what factors are impediments to creating security and order and enforcement by the police Pakuhaji Tangerang based on the applicable law ?. The method used in this research is normative, i.e. testing and reviewing secondary data, that the principles contained in the legislation. Specifications research in compiling the research. This is done by means of descriptive analysis that describes the problems that exist and then analyze it using primary legal materials are materials legally binding and consists of norms (basic) or a basic rule, legislation, legal materials do not codified, such as customary law, jurisprudence, treaties, legal materials from colonial times still stand, secondary law is to give a description of the primary legal materials. Pakuhaji Tangerang Police in order to maintain security and order and the rule of law, namely: Implementing regulation, guard, escort and patrol the community and government activities as needed; Organizing activities in order to ensure security and public order, traffic, etc .; Encourage people to increase community participation, community legal awareness, and improve compliance with the legal community; Participate in the development of national laws; Maintaining order and public security; Coordination, supervision and technical guidance of the special police, investigators civil servants and other forms of security Swakarsa; Investigation and investigation of all criminal offenses in accordance with the law of criminal procedure and legislation. Not optimal role Pakuhaji Tangerang Police in maintaining internal security and law enforcement due to several things, namely: Absence of police management system improvements; The absence of standardization of work processes, standardization work and standardization of human resources, as well as the formalization of the task is clear; DAK quality of members of the police resources were not optimal. The solution in order to maintain internal security and law enforcement is by referring to the Problem Oriented Policing, which includes Scanning (mapping problem), analysis (Analyze problem) and Response (Follow to the problem). Advice to writers is the need for standardization of work processes, standardization work and standardization of human resources Police.

Tax criminal offences in Serbian tax legislation

The measures undertaken by a separate organizational unit of the Serbian Tax Administration, i.e. Tax Police in order to discover tax crimes and their perpetrators are one of the tax controls' forms. These activities suppose the movement from the tax administrative procedure to the field of the criminal law and criminal procedure. Tax criminal offences are prescribed not only in the Law on Tax Procedure and Tax Administration, but also in the Criminal Code. This paper deals only with the tax criminal offences provided in the Serbian tax legislation, whose consequences are shown in unreasonably disclose of the amounts for the tax refunds and tax credits, violation of the tax collection and the tax control, illegal supply of the excisable goods, as well as illegal storage of the goods. The author analyzes the main features of such criminal delicts, examing both the tax law provisions and certain judicial decisions. In studying the relevant legal acts the normativistic and dogmatic methodology is used, while an axiological method enabled the author to assess whether existing provisions meet the goals they are supposed to serve. The paper points out that each tax crime endangers the public revenues of the Republic of Serbia and the local communities, damaging in that way the functioning of the state, which gives the tax criminal offences a special importance. In order to protect the fiscus, it is necessary to provide properly application of the substantive tax laws and the law should be applied equally to all perpetrators of these criminal acts. This supposes a very good cooperation between the Tax Police and the Ministry of Interior Affairs they can more effectively discover the criminal offences because by mutual work, as well as their cooperation with judicial authorities, whose task is not only to punish the perpetrators by applying the law, but also to protect the State budget from the future illegal tax acts.

Vernacular theories of everyday (in)security: The disruptive potential of non-elite knowledge

Citizens increasingly occupy a central role in the policy rhetoric of British National Security Strategies, and yet the technocratic methods by which risks and threats are assessed and prioritized do not consider the views and experiences of diverse publics. Equally, security studies in both ‘traditional’ and ‘critical’ guises has privileged analysis of elites over the political subject of threat and (in)security. Contributing to the recent ‘vernacular’ and ‘everyday’ turns, this article draws on extensive critical focus-group research carried out in 2012 across six British cities in order to investigate (1) which issues citizens find threatening and how they know, construct and narrate ‘security threats’, and (2) the extent to which citizens are aware of, engage with and/or refuse government efforts to foster vigilance and suspicion in public spaces. Instead of making generalizations about what particular ‘types’ of citizens think, however, we develop a ‘disruptive’ approach inspired by the work of Jacques Rancière. While many of the views, anecdotes and stories reproduce the police order, in Rancière’s terms, it is also possible to identify political discourses that disrupt dominant understandings of threat and (in)security, repoliticize the grounds on which national security agendas are authorized, and reveal actually existing alternatives to cultures of suspicion and unease.

A Failure of Modernization: Police Reform, The “Common Good,” and Serfdom In Eighteenth-Century Russia

For Russian subjects not locked away in their villages and thereby subject almost exclusively to landlord control, administration in the eighteenth century increasingly took the form of the police. And as part of the bureaucracy of governance, the police existed within the constructions of the social order—as part of social relations and their manifestations through political control. This article investigates the social and mental structures—the habitus—in which the actions of policing took place to provide a better appreciation of the difficulties of reform and modernization. Eighteenth-century Russia shared in the European discourse on the common good, the police, and social order. But whereas Michel Foucault and Michael Ignatieff see police development in Europe with its concern to surveil and discipline emerging from incipient capitalism and thus a product of new, post-Enlightenment social forces, the Russian example demonstrates the power of the past, of a habitus rooted in Muscovy. Despite Peter’s and especially Catherine’s well-intended efforts, Russia could not succeed in modernization, for police reforms left the enserfed part of the population subject to the whims of landlord violence, a reflection, in part, of Russia having yet to make the transition from the feudal manorial economy based on extra-economic compulsion to the capitalist hired-labor estate economy. The creation of true centralized political organization—the creation of the modern state as defined by Max Weber—would require the state’s domination over patrimonial jurisdiction and landlord control over the police. That necessitated the reforms of Alexander II.

'The Active Arm of the Government' The Police of Buenos Aires in the First Half of 19th Century

In the first half of 19th century, the Rio de La Plata was involved in a process of militarization and changing of political orders. During this time the conflictive relation between the old schemes of government and the tendency to centralize and to create new structures of power and social control was extended all across the territory. Among those Institutions thought to provide new forms of discipline, appeared the Police, created in 1812, which immediately would be involved in a tension between the local authorities and the central government. In this article, by analyzing the juridical concepts deeply rooted in legal reasoning used by the actors to create the force, it will be explained some structural elements of the meaning and logic of police order in the Spanish legal tradition (domestic government, localization, negotiation, etc.). After the study of those categories, inscribed in the legal sources which breathed life to the police's institution, it will be examined the problems that faced the diverse attempts of building a central police-government, especially, in front of a traditional negotiable juridical culture that persisted in the mentality of the agents of Buenos Aires in the period comprehended between 1812-1853.