Political Pluralism Research Articles

Conceptions of Constitutional Law in the Programmes of Islamist Movements

The author analyses in his contribution the attitudes of the scholars and ideologues of different Islamist movements in the Middle East towards the institution of the nation-state. He explains the Islamist conception of the Islamic Order, the Islamist model of the state. The model is based on the practical achievements of the Prophet Mohammad during the nascent years of the Islamic community (umma) in Medina and on the teachings of the government of the first four Arabic khalifas. This period is generally referred to as a 'Golden Age'.The article describes in detail the di!erent approaches of the Shi'ites and Sunnis to the state and to their ability to change or reform a political system. The author analyses the differences between the model of the Western secular democratic state and the contemporary ideas of Islamists about state functions. In this context the following are examined: the Islamist views on political pluralism, referendum, parliament democracy, the multi-party system, civil society, modernization, the separation of state from religion and the exercise of popular sovereignty generally. Special attention is devoted to aspects related to the implementation of the divine Islamic law (shari'a). The author considers the role of the shari'a in different historical periods. He compares the extreme views of Islamists on the character of internatonal relations with the contemporary non-confrontational approaches of Islamic reformists. Drawing on the programmes of Islamist groups he explains the basic economic and social principles of the Islamic state. The study concludes with a reflection on the causes of the current crisis of secular nation-states in the era of globalization and its impact on the regional situation and on the Euro-Mediterranean Partnerships.

‘Democracy without Politics’ in the European Commission's Response to Democratic Backsliding: From Technocratic Legalism to Democratic Pluralism

AbstractThe debate on EU responses to democratic backsliding in EU member states has mostly been anchored on technocratic appeals to the rule of law and judicial independence, and on Poland and Hungary. In this article, we ask: What understandings of democracy have shaped the European Commission's response to democratic backsliding in recent years? After developing an understanding of pluralist democracy, we uncover the way in which the European Commission conceives of democracy through a discourse analysis of European Commissioners' speeches (2018–21) and a normative‐theoretical analysis. We identify the Commission's conception as a form of ‘democracy without politics’, and argue that it matches the EU's policy choices in regard to democratic backsliding. We argue that a fuller, healthier and normatively more attractive conception of democracy encompasses more attention to political pluralism, agonistic contestation and the vibrancy of civil society.

Sustaining Legitimacy of Unrecognized Statehood: How Turkish Cypriot Elites Cope with Internal and External Challenges

ABSTRACT This article scrutinizes Turkish Cypriot elites’ legitimation strategies of sustaining internal legitimacy in the absence of international recognition and coping with challenges rising from the international context, parent state’s pressure and patron state’s meddling. The article links the sustainability of North Cyprus’ unrecognized statehood to two major factors. Firstly, parent’s counter-recognition policies and despair of repeatedly failing negotiations result in a backlash among Turkish Cypriots, forging internal unity. Secondly, the degree of political pluralism allows peaceful transfer of power amongst various elite groups, resulting in use of diverse and often conflicting legitimation strategies to better cope with legitimacy challenges.

Accelerating Climate Action: The Politics of Nonstate Actor Engagement in the Paris Regime

Abstract The 2015 Paris Agreement is often depicted as a turning point for global climate governance. Following years of diplomatic gridlock, it laid the foundations for a new global climate regime that invites states to partner with nonstate actors in the transition to the low-carbon society. This article critically examines the political rationalities that inform the pluralization of climate politics after Paris and the turn toward cooperative modes of governing. Drawing on an analysis of initiatives led by the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change that were launched to engage nonstate actors in the evolving Paris regime, we identify a global governmentality that mobilizes nonstate actors as active and responsible partners in the quest for rapid and deep decarbonization. In its search for cooperative and efficient forms of problem management, we argue, this form of rule nurtures a global space free from friction and opposition where businesses, investors, and industry are elevated as the real partners of government.

Review of “When Schools Work: Pluralist Politics and Institutional Reform in Los Angeles”

Review of “When Schools Work: Pluralist Politics and Institutional Reform in Los Angeles”

The government’s symbiotic relations with interest groups and CSOS in Turkey: Pluralist or corporatist arrangements?

ABSTRACT On June 2020, the Turkish government passed a bill to establish multiple bars in the three major cities, Istanbul, Ankara, and Izmir, claiming to democratize bar associations. Opposition parties objected because they predicted that ‘splitting’ bar associations would divide secular institutions along political lines and diminish their role as human rights observers. This raises the question of whether a plurality of interest groups and civil society organizations fosters democracy. Based on previous experience of the government’s relationships with the business sector, trade unions, and civil society organizations, this study mainly asserts that although the number and impact of non-state actors has increased since the 2000s, suggesting pluralist politics, the AKP government has formed corporatist arrangements with ideologically close organizations, labelled as ‘domestic and national’, which also symbolizes a discursive switch from Islamism to populist Turkish nationalism. This symbiotic relationship creates a win-win situation for the government to gain regimented support for its Islamist-nationalist policies and retain power while the organizations benefit from greater access to economic and political resources.

ETHICS AND VALUES. A HUMANIZED MEETING FORBOLIVARIAN UNIVERSITIES

Speaking of ethics and values implies citing the Constitution of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela (1999) in its article 2 when it states that "Venezuela is constituted as a place to strengthen human rights, ethics and political pluralism", from here part a matrix of understanding of ethics and values as a humanized encounter for Bolivarian universities. While ethics deals with what should be done, it is a discipline that studies human behavior from a normative point of view; values are points of reference that give meaning to our lives. This study corresponds to humanized community experiences in the educational project "Communicating Values" developed in social media at the regional and national levels as an intervention scenario for Bolivarian universities in Venezuela. The methodology assumed is positivist with a feasible project as a type of study, developing a diagnosis in communities of Pentane Abajo in 2013 and educational proposals of a communicational nature that have been replicated in various sectors whose fruits are based on the constancy of the program from the beginning. year 2013 to the present not only in community sectors but also in education

The China Effect: Democracy and Development in the 21st Century

The China Effect:Democracy and Development in the 21st Century Obert Hodzi (bio) The basic tenets of democracy are under threat worldwide as governance and human rights re-emerge as sources of ideological contention between China and the United States. Freedom House reported that between 2005 and 2020, "the number of Free countries in the world reached its lowest level…while the number of Not Free countries reached its highest level."1 African countries are prominent in this ideological contention due to their political and economic proximity to both powers. The majority of countries that Freedom House found to have regressed are in Africa and, in particular, sub-Saharan Africa, where since 2010 there have been fourteen successful military coups, most recently in Chad, Mali, Guinea, and Sudan. In all these countries, militaries re-emerged as political players in the countries' governance, shrinking the space for civil society and civilian politics. Africa is not alone, however; democracy faced major setbacks from ultra-nationalism, populist regimes, threats to minority rights, and attacks on the freedom of the press even in European Union countries such as Hungary and Poland. At the core of these challenges to democracy and political freedom is the shifting balance of power from the West to China, suggesting a showdown between authoritarianism and democracy. Undoubtedly, the emergence of nondemocratic powers such as China that contest the assumption "democracy leads to development" adds new complexities to democracy's global crisis. In short, China's extraordinary economic growth illustrated the efficacy of a strong developmental state without political pluralism. Accordingly, as China increases its influence abroad—particularly in Africa—concern is rising in the West that "the share of international power held by highly industrialized democracies is dwindling as the clout of China, India, and other newly industrialized economies increases."2 As such, an [End Page 51] understanding of what and how exactly China's rise impacts democracy and development is necessary. The "China effect" on democracy and development is complex, in part because China does not seem to actively promote its governance and development model abroad. This approach is different from the United States and the EU, which promote democracy and human rights as part of their foreign policy, including as conditions for foreign aid and bilateral development assistance. Instead, China professes a policy of noninterference and makes no demands for states to align themselves with its norms or governance model, except to acknowledge the "one China" policy. This noninterference policy seemingly offers less to understand how China is challenging the global democratic hegemony and restructuring international development. This essay highlights China's strategies to expand its influence and how they are playing out in Africa. It examines the linkages between the rise of China, internal contradictions in the West, and the resolve in Zimbabwe, Ethiopia, and Rwanda to implement alternative development and governance models. China is at the intersection of these factors. Although the essay focuses on China, it cautions against an exaggerated focus on China and the overestimation of Beijing's capacity to mold the world into China's own image; instead, it urges an agency-focused perspective to emphasize the strategic localization of nondemocratic political norms and practices by political elites in the three African countries—Zimbabwe, Ethiopia, and Rwanda. These three states are examples of countries that strategically adopt a major power's policies and attractive example to extract benefits from that power. The essay concludes that China constitutes both a threat to democracy and sustainable economic development and at the same time an opportunity for refining redundant liberal norms and ideas. China's Influence Expansion Strategies Despite its extraordinary economic growth, China acknowledges that its military and economic power are insufficient to directly challenge the liberal international order, which underwrites the West's promotion of liberal democracy and the basic principles of international development. China also lacks the historical political connections to developing regions—and African countries in particular—possessed by the United States and European states such as France, the United Kingdom, and Belgium. However, China is pragmatic: it is using its economic capabilities [End Page 52] to create "parallel infrastructures of influence" to the Western-created global institutions, such as the grand...

Os caminhos da democracia brasileira: lições das perspectivas de poliarquia de Robert Dahl e de democracia dialógica de Anthony Giddens

The article describes Brazil’s democratic history as of the Proclamation of the Republic in 1889. Based on the theoretical perspectives of Robert Dahl’s polyarchy and Anthony Giddens’ dialogic democracy, it analyzes the alterations caused by Constitutional Amendment (EC) 97/2017 —which put an end to party coalitions in elections for offices accessible by the proportional system as of 2020— and by Decree 9759/2019. This extinguished several collegiate bodies such as councils, committees, commissions, and forums, among other instances in which civil society had the right to participate dialogically in elaboration, oversight, and decision making for programs and projects related to a wide range of public policies. The purpose of the study was to investigate whether these alterations limited or weakened the opportunities for critical and political deliberative discussion, in terms of the population’s levels of participation in democratic public spaces, referred to as the “public sphere.” In this regard, the following guiding question was formulated: what is the importance of spaces that favor dialogic democracy as a path that leads to the development of democracy (towards a polyarchy) in Brazil? To answer this question, a theoretical-qualitative research methodological approach was used. That is, the researcher, by the criterion of intentionality, chose the bibliography that would best fulfill his purposes, in order to respond to the study problem. The main conclusion was found to be that the devices of EC 97/2017 and Decree 9759/2019 weakened the spaces for critical and political-deliberative discussion on Brazilian democracy. This is because the former undermined political pluralism and the latter limited the dialogue between society and the state. This distanced Brazil from polyarchy and dialogic democracy. In terms of originality, the study develops a critical-reflexive position that explores the reconstruction of Brazilian democratic ideals, based on the arguments of the theorists referenced and on the normativity that has determined the repression of democratic opportunities for deliberation.

Эволюция подходов к интеграции индейского населения в общественную жизнь стран Латинской Америки в XV-XX вв.

This article analyzes approaches to the integration of the indigenous population into social processes in Latin American countries in the XV-XX centuries as well as scrutinizes the factors that determined the evo-lution of policies towards indigenous peoples. Moreover, it examines the concepts of interethnic interaction, which took shape in the first half of the XX century, laying the ideological foundation of nation- and state-building in the countries of the region for decades to come. In Bo-livia, the consolidation of the ruling elites after the Federal Revolution (1898-1899) on the basis of the anti-indigenous project led to the dom-ination of radical (including racist) ideas of solving the “indigenous problem” both in public discourse and in the political practice through-out the XX century. Mexican Revolution (1910-1917) contributed to the reassessment of the role of the indigenous peoples in social process-es. However, the preservation of political dominance of the creole ma-jority in conditions of limited political pluralism led to the creation of the paternalistic concept of relationship between indigenous communi-ties and state. The intensification of political rivalries in Peru in the first decades of the XX, accompanied by the growing influence of pro-gressive political organizations that spoke out in defense of marginal-ized segments of society, resulted in the development of a more inclu-sive approach to ethnic politics

Документи компартійних організацій Київської області у контексті вивчення кризи монопартійності та становлення політичного плюралізму в Україні (1988–1991 рр.)

On the base of the documents of the State Archives of Kyiv Region an attempt was made to highlight the internal and external signs of the collapse of the dominant role of the CPSU / CPU in society, the emergence of political pluralism in the country and the beginning of a multiparty system in 1988-1991. Thus, the purpose of the article is to use archival and documentary content, fi rst of all, documents of party organizations of Kyiv region, which are the main source of information in this publication, when considering signs of crisis of mono-party and development of pluralistic tendencies in Ukrainian society 1988 – mid 1991. The research methodology is based on the general scientifi c principles of historicism, objectivity and reliance on historical sources. The research methodology is based on the general scientifi c principles of historicism, objectivity and reliance on historical sources. The author’s use of methods of historical analysis, synthesis, comparison and statistical generalization provides an opportunity to consider the crisis of the socio-political processes of Soviet society in their dynamics and show the causal determinism of political pluralism against the background of the collapse of the Communist Party of Ukraine, and the method of visualization of statistical information helps to illustrate the qualitative and quantitative indicators of this process. The novelty of this publication is the introduction into scientifi c circulation of a large an array of previously unpublished documents of communist organizations of Kyiv region, diff ering in content, form and level of generalization of information (the protocols of meetings of bureaus, plenums and conferences of regional, district, city and primary party organizations, opinion polls, correspondence of citizens with party organizations, etc.). The above material allows us to conclude that if we neglect the obligatory ideological component and evaluative judgments, carefully fi ltering the facts, we can confi dently call the documents of party organizations used in the article a full and self-suffi cient source for studying the collapse of the totalitarian Soviet political model of the Soviet state, diversifi cation of public opinion and the development of political and ideological pluralism in Ukraine in 1988–1991.

Comparative study of the notion of legal and political pluralism in India and the Western world

Legal pluralism refers to the idea that there are multiple laws or legal systems in any geographical territory bounded by the traditional borders of a nation state. In the past few decades, it has gained a lot of traction as an analytical technique and a normative concept in Europe and even beyond. It has gained prominence not only in European Union law, but also in private international law, European human rights legislation, public international law and the analysis of legal systems. India is recognised as a pioneer in establishing a constitutional framework that recognises group-differentiated rights. The paper seeks to explore how well has this worked in the context of Indian democracy, given the reality of exclusions resulting from stratification, heterogeneity, and hierarchy, which often act concurrently and generate intersectionality. For decades following independence, our thinking was defined by a pluralist perspective of nationalism and Indianness that reflected the widest possible circle of inclusivity and a "salad bowl" approach. In recent years, a new perspective known as 'purifying exclusivism' has tended to infiltrate and dominate the political and cultural environment. Growing jingoistic tendencies threatens to eliminate any dissent, no matter how minor.

Mark Kaethler. Thomas Middleton and the Plural Politics of Jacobean Drama. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2021. Pp 223.

This review considers Thomas Middleton and the Plural Politics of Jacobean Drama.

Left in the Cold

Located in Africa’s Sahel region, the Republic of Mali enjoyed various fruits of its transition to political pluralism and liberal economic restructuring from the 1990s to the early 2000s. When the Malian government sought to amend civil laws governing marriage and family life, and eliminate legal discrimination against women, however, it faced considerable political opposition. Islamic civil society groups capitalised on men’s heightened anxieties to claim a more assertive role in the national public sphere. Subsequent legal reforms constituted a clear political victory for political Islamism in the country and a corresponding setback for Western-backed women’s organisations. Tracing the evolution of Malian marriage and family law from the 1960s to the 2020s, this article argues that conflicting notions of what it means to protect women, coupled with the structural failings of Mali’s post-colonial state, have stymied efforts to ensure women’s rights within a secular, egalitarian legal framework.

Deliberating with the Autocrats? A Case Study on the Limitations and Potential of Political CSR in a Non-Democratic Context

Extant literature on Political CSR and the role of governments in the governance of business conduct tends to neglect key implications of the political-institutional macro-context for public deliberation. Contextual assumptions often remain rather implicit, leading to the need for a more nuanced, explicit and context-sensitive exploration of the theoretical and practical boundary conditions of Political CSR. In non-democratic political-institutional contexts, political pluralism and participation are limited, and governmental agencies continue to play the most central role in regulation and its enforcement. Drawing on a qualitative case study on a nuclear energy project in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, we show how both governments and MNCs co-create a context hostile to socially responsible business conduct in the sense of Political CSR. Utilizing rich qualitative data derived from interviews, public documents, and participant observation between 2008 and 2018, we specifically illuminate how—through which interactions and strategies—the multiple governmental and corporate actors involved counter civil society demands for public deliberation, indicating the limitations of Political CSR in non-democratic political-institutional contexts. We particularly contribute to the development of Political CSR by analysing the role of coercive and discursive forms of power. We thus offer a more nuanced perspective on the role of governments in constraining the room for public deliberation in the sense of Political CSR.

Constitutional reforms in Poland after 7 April 1989

The political events of the late 1980s, as well as the results of the Round Table negotiations, needed their formal confirmation in the Constitution in order to secure their durability. During the political transformation in the years 1989–1991, there were seven amendments of the Constitution of 1952 adopted, out of which the first two were particularly important. The first amendment of April 1989 restored, among others, the office of the President as a head of state and the Senate, as well as established the National Council of the Judiciary as the body protecting independent courts and judges. The second amendment of December 1989 introduced the fundamental principles such as a democratic state ruled by law, social justice, political pluralism, freedom of economic activity and property protection. The current Constitution of 1997 has been amended only twice – in 2006 in regard to the extradition of a Polish citizen (art. 55 par. 3) and in 2009 in regard to passive electoral rights (art. 99 par. 3). As shown by the political experience after 2015, the procedure for adopting the amendment to the Constitution set out in art. 235 is extremely difficult, which has led to a situation in which it is bypassed and the content of constitutional provisions is changed by ordinary provisions.

Conviviality and its others: for a plural politics of living with difference

ABSTRACT Over the past 15 years, a range of scholarship exploring how people live with difference in their everyday lives has come to mark a multi-disciplinary ‘convivial turn’. This article suggests that while such work has been generative, there has been a prevalent tendency to imagine the capacity to live with difference in relatively singular terms. This article begins by unpacking two ‘major’ themes within the convivial turn: the negotiated deconstruction of bounded identities, and the cultivation of public civilities. It suggests that despite important differences, both approaches imagine the capacity to live with difference in terms of general orientations towards a generic other. The article draws out the limits of these approaches by interweaving an ethnographic exploration of relations at a community café in the London neighbourhood of Kilburn with a review of various ‘minor’ themes within the convivial turn: boundedness, care and joint commitment, opacity, and interweaving. The article argues that each of these themes, major and minor, characterises a distinctive mode of relating, each marked by its own possibilities and limits. In doing so it argues for a more plural understanding of difference and forms of togetherness, connected to a more expansive politics.

The Acquirement of a European Dimension in Education

In a complex world, characterized by diversity and change, acquiring a European dimension in education answers the challenges of the open society. The paper describes the Romanian government's strategy to attempt this dimension in higher education. Attention is drawn to the technical universities in terms of the access to higher education and the transition to an educational system appropriate for a society based on individual freedom, political pluralism, and market economy. It is emphasized that in the context that is specific to Romania, where fighting marginalization, social and cultural discriminations is a process that has recently started, this orientation could offer compensatory solutions.

European populism and the return of ‘illiberal sovereignty’: a case-study of Hungary

Abstract European populist leaders and movements often extol the virtues of sovereignty, but how exactly are they using this term? Scholars have typically relied on conventional understandings of the concept—Westphalian, popular and national sovereignty—to interpret populist discourses, but some have noted that these categories seem inadequate. This article asks whether much older, long overlooked, versions of sovereignty might help to explain the sovereignty discourse of European populists. These older variants include extralegal sovereignty (a leader's power to act outside the constraints of formal rules) and organic sovereignty (the power of a political community understood as a single ‘organism’). Both are inherently illiberal: extralegalism rejects constitutionalism, while organicism is inimical to political pluralism. An examination of the public speeches and statements of one prominent European populist leader, Prime Minister Victor Orbán of Hungary, reveals that he has, indeed, invoked these illiberal versions of sovereignty. By retrieving these older concepts, populists gain a powerful rhetorical tool to advance illiberal principles of political authority.

The Politics of Pluralism: Historians and Easter 2016

The Politics of Pluralism:Historians and Easter 2016* Fearghal McGarry (bio) What historian of revolutionary Ireland can claim to have remained utterly impervious to seduction during the current orgy of centennial commemoration? The study of how distant events have been remembered is suddenly both popular and profitable, offering almost irresistible attractions. … The hard questions of history (what actually happened and who thought what, why, and with what consequences) are neatly avoided. Released from tiresome delving into the distant past, historians easily mutate into columnists and pundits, accorded spurious authority because of their past credentials as scholars. —david fitzpatrick1 Historians should not be cultural critics or advisors. Their job is to write history and to critique the work of fellow historians. —nicholas canny2 In Ireland—and far beyond—the centenary of the Easter Rising in 2016 was hailed as "an extraordinary success."3 Remembering the Rising may have meant little more than a good day out for many, but broad participation from the arts-and-heritage sectors, academics, and local communities ensured a vibrant program of events that commemorated the rebellion from almost every conceivable angle. Its success was in part a result of the Irish government's innovative [End Page 25] commemorative program, but it was also driven by popular enthusiasm. Some 250,000 people observed the formal ceremony outside the General Post Office (GPO) on Easter Sunday, while a remarkable 750,000 participants attended Reflecting the Rising, Ireland's largest-ever public history festival, on the following day. Aside from its popularity, the most striking aspect of the centenary was its pluralism, which foregrounded previously overlooked perspectives such as the role of women.4 The Irish Times praised the government's program for transcending the narrow nationalism that it associated with previous anniversaries: Those men and women in the uniform of our army marching yesterday were much more than a romantic gesture to the past or nod to the dead generations—they are an assertion of sovereignty, of maturity, and success as a state despite the difficult times. Independent. Democratic. Tolerant. European. Of many faiths and none. Most importantly, a state in which our multiple identities are interwoven. … One stream, the physical-force tradition, is inextricably associated with 1916. But it is, and was, only an element, and very much a minority element, whose importance is not in this commemoration of one week in a decade of revolution being privileged.5 There was broad media consensus that the Irish state had successfully reframed the legacy of Easter 1916. The Irish Times columnist Miriam Lord noted the government's success not merely in engaging the public but also in navigating the treacherous minefield that is commemoration of republican violence: "It was truly a great day for Ireland; a great day to be Irish. … [Y]esterday's dignified and uplifting commemoration confounded the cynics. In its tone and execution it hit all the right notes."6 Similarly, press coverage of Reflecting the Rising also emphasized the festival's popularity and its pluralism: The Rising was recalled by way of readings, lectures, debates, theatre, film, dance, exhibitions, concerts, and reenactments. … Perhaps most significant of all were the spoken words which underlined our new-found ability to challenge views of history and yet accept there [End Page 26] is more than one definition of Irish freedom. … The contrast with the inevitably narrower focus of 1966 is marked. … It was clear on this anniversary the approach to the Rising was one of inclusivity with the application of what the president [Michael D. Higgins] cited as "ethical sensitivity."7 In a feature headlined "Peaceful Path to Marking 1916 Easter Rising," the New York Times identified the Necrology Wall—a new memorial at Glasnevin cemetery inscribed with the names of 488 of the rebellion's fatalities regardless of their status as rebels, Crown forces, or civilians—as epitomizing this sensitive engagement with a contested past.8 The Irish state, it seemed, had finally cracked the problem of how to remember its violent origins without alienating those (including among its own elite) who did not identify with the "physical-force" republican tradition. A new commemorative mode, identified with emollient terminology such as "shared...