Pile Of Stones Research Articles

On Remoteness Functions of k-NIM with k + 1 Piles in Normal and in Misère Versions

Given integer n and k such that 0<k≤n and n piles of stones, two players alternate turns. On each move, a player is allowed to choose any k piles and remove exactly one stone from each. The player who has to move but cannot is the loser in the normal version of the game and (s)he is the winner in the misère version. Cases k=1 and k=n are trivial. For k=2, the game was solved for n≤6. For n≤4, the Sprague–Grundy function was efficiently computed (for both versions). For n=5,6, a polynomial algorithm computing P-positions was obtained for the normal version. Then, for the case k=n−1, a very simple explicit rule that determines the Smith remoteness function was found for the normal version of the game: the player who has to move keeps a pile with the minimum even number of stones; if all piles have an odd number of stones, then (s)he keeps a maximum one, while the n−1 remaining piles are reduced by one stone each in accordance with the rules of the game. Computations show that the same rule works efficiently for the misère version too. The exceptions are sparse. We list some. Denote a position by x=(x1,…,xn). Due to symmetry, we can assume wlog that x1≤…≤xn. Our computations partition all exceptions into the following three families: x1 is even, x1=1, and odd x1≥3. In all three cases, we suggest formulas covering all found exceptions, but it is not proven that there are no others.

KONSEP KETUHANAN DALAM PEMUJAAN BEBATURAN (PELINGGIH BATU) DI PURA SARI

Sari Temple is one of the unique temples located in Pandan Strait Village, Banten, Sukasada District, Buleleng Regency, where the pelinggih place of worship is still in the form of "bebaturan" (piles of stones) without the slightest change. If viewed from another point of view, of course the worship of stone piles will bring thinking towards 'ism' or traditional ancestral beliefs such as animism and dynamism. In fact, the concept of worship of God in Hinduism is absolutely monotheism. How exactly the concept of divinity in the worship of bebaturan, in Pura Sari is very interesting to be investigated further. So that this qualitative descriptive research seeks to discuss and explore the unique meaning of Pura Sari. Pura Sari is believed to have existed since prehistoric times more or less in the megalithic era. Apart from being a place to worship God and all His manifestations, it turns out that the existence of Pura Sari is also a conservationist and guardian of civilization. This is because the authentic form of pelinggih bebaturan, which is still distinctive, without the slightest change to pelinggih (place of worship). The form of worship in Pura Sari is the application of the concepts of animism and dynamism as part of the form of worship in the concept of Saguna Brahman Theology (God Embodied). Hinduism strongly believes in the Absolute/Transcendental Oneness of God, but on the one hand Hinduism is also aware of the limitations of man's ability to relate directly to and achieve his God. So that it can also be concluded in the worship of bebaturan, in Pura Sari is also the application of the concept of Immanent Monotheism, which is a belief that considers God to create the universe and everything in it, God is outside and is inside His creation

Arming Hospital Ships of the Future: Hybrid Wars Require a Major Change.

It is time to provide heavier defense systems to U.S. Navy hospital ships. They serve vital functions in both the military and emergency management spaces. They provide medical support for combat operations and can also convey the empathy and generosity of the American people when used in humanitarian assistance and disaster relief response. Hospital ships are often key to success in scenarios that require the international deployment of resources and medical expertise. Hospital ships serve a dual purpose and hence are subject to regulations that do not address all wartime mission requirements and necessary defensive capabilities. The current U.S. Navy's interpretation of the Geneva Conventions regarding the visibility, lack of defensive capabilities, and inability to use encrypted communications needlessly endangers medical platforms and personnel in the modern environment. The authors (including senior author F.M.B.-a recognized (International Health Law expert) reviewed relevant literature and have evaluated the policies of belligerent parties in past and current conflicts. These increasingly appear to target civilian infrastructure including medical facilities and may increase the risk to hospital ships. This demonstrable current hybrid warfare appears to include purposeful attacks on health care facilities and as such hospital ships should have additional defensive measures. Hybrid warfare and its focus on civilian infrastructure and health care targets are highly visible in the acts of both state and non-state actors and may encourage others to purposefully target health care facilities and personnel. Evidence of this is seen in the current Russian invasion of Ukraine, where since the invasion a year ago 1,218 Ukrainian health facilities have been damaged, including 540 damaged hospitals, 173 of which were totally destroyed and turned into "piles of stones." In today's conflicted global environment, the clear identification of hospital ships leaving them relatively undefended and denying encrypted communication is the folly of a bygone era. Hospital ships may be targeted because they are brightly lit soft targets that can deliver a large payoff by their destruction. It is time to adapt to the global reality and move on from the tradition of painting hospital ships white, adorning them with red crosses, keeping them unarmed, maintaining open communications, and illuminating them at night. The increasing threats from hybrid warfare and unprincipled adversaries to medical platforms and providers of health care demonstrate that hospital ships must be capable of self-defense. The U.S. Navy is designing new platforms for medical missions and the debate, no matter how uncomfortable, must now occur among major decision-makers to make them more tactical and defensible.

Условия зимовки обыкновенной гадюки, Vipera berus (Viperidae, Reptilia), на юге Карелии

In the southern part of Karelia, on the Kizhi island, the temperature dynamics in piles of stones (collected by peasants from fields), in which the common viper takes shelter from the winter cold, was studied. A key role in experiencing winter is played by snow drifts covering the stones from the outside, and heat coming from the depths of the earth. It has been shown that in ordinary winters, the temperature stays at 0°C for three months in the winter shelters of the viper, often drops down to -2°C, and even lower for a short time. Thaws turn out to be disastrous, reducing the snow cover depth before the return of frost.

The Rest of the Story: Remembering childhood

The Rest of the StoryRemembering childhood Carolyn Forché (bio) No matter how early I woke, how light it was or wet the fields, and whether or not the horses from the stable down the road had broken their fence and were grazing near our windows like horses in a dream, Anna would be gone. I swept my arm across the still-warm sheet. Her teeth were missing from the glass on the bedside table, and her wire-rimmed spectacles were also gone. Once again, she had not shaken me from sleep to go with her. I got dressed, taking care not to let the door make any sound, as everyone else was still asleep and the alarm, set for six, would not yet be jangling on my father's bedside table. [End Page 7] Click for larger view View full resolution The author's aunts: Margaret (left) and Anna. Courtesy the author. [End Page 8] Break of day. My grandmother was already moving along the rows, bending and hoeing, tossing weeds into one bushel basket and squash or cucumbers into another as crows gathered above her and the dawn fog rose. Her hoe rang out when it struck a stone buried in the soil, and she stooped to pry it up and carry it to a pile of stones at the edge of the field. Back and forth she walked, rocking from side to side, muttering under her breath either prayers or swear words, I couldn't tell, or else she was talking to someone who wasn't there. At first, she ignored me, planting her hoe again and again, turning and pulling soil and stone, as white grubs fell from the edge of the blade, curled from having been pulled so abruptly from their darkness. Once she let a grub fall into my palm, and it bit me. When I cried out, she shook it away and laughed, not as if a joke had been told. On this morning, she wrapped a stick with a rag soaked in fluid, set it on fire, and stabbed it into a mole's tunnel until the mole emerged and then was finished off under her shovel. Two crows followed her as she worked, rising and falling in the air on oily black wings to steal strawberries from her quart basket or snatch rye scraps from her outstretched hands. Go away! she cried out even as she fed them, and in Slovak, too, she said it. Chod' preč! We picked whatever was ripe, and then as we walked back through the orchard with our full bushels, she checked each tree for the hardness of its fruits. Hours passed, yet it was still morning, and the mist hadn't left the fields when we returned to the kitchen to proof yeast for bread and kolachy. Only then would she sit, all in, weary from work, rubbing her wire-rimmed spectacles in her apron, dabbing her face with a handkerchief edged in lace. She often talked then about her childhood house in the Tatras and of things as they were in her village, Tarnov, and of Bratislava, not so very far from Vienna. She spoke of the Emperor, Franz Josef I, as if he were still alive. We have opera and dance there. Your own cousin is a tenor in the Vienna Opera House. Opera and dance, you cannot imagine, Piskata, because you have nothing here. By here she meant the United States as she had known it. [End Page 9] It had by now been a decade since her husband's death the month before I was born. He went suddenly, they said, while chopping wood. She found him, his ax blade embedded in a split of oak, staring up without blinking at the passing clouds. When Anna wasn't living with us, she lived with her eldest daughter on Chalfonte Street in Detroit. Sometimes I went there for visits, and Anna shared her room with me. The house was quiet and orderly, its silence broken only by the chirps of a cuckoo on the quarter hour. Heavy drapes darkened the rooms, and the porcelain figurines in the glass case chimed when...

FLOW ENGINEERING TO REMEDIATE CONTAMINATED WATER QUALITY DUE TO DOMESTIC WASTE DISPOSAL IN BELIK RIVER, YOGYAKARTA

The Belik River Basin is located in an urban area and is affected by rapid population growth. Belik River flows from north of the UGM campus (Karangwuni Subvillage in Caturtunggal, Depok, Sleman) to Umbulharjo District then feeds into Gajah wong River before emptying into Opak River. This study sought to examine the effects of flow engineering on the quality of domestic waste-contaminated waters. The flow engineering is in the form of a small weir or pile of stones aiming to elevate the upstream water level and create a free fall or plunge that aerates the overflowing water. The water was sampled from four river segments twice: upstream and downstream of the designed weir. Water sampling from one element to the next factored in water travel time and settlement density in the surroundings with the assumption that these factors would produce different concentrations of domestic waste. The water quality parameters tested were D.O., BOD, COD, phosphate, nitrate, ammonia, and iron. The results showed that the flow engineering improved water quality in the four segments differently, as evident from some of the decreased or increased parameter values after the plunge. These different effects are influenced by the number of sources of domestic waste pollutants and the dominant land use in each segment. Keywords: Belik River, Small Weir, Aeration

Display of the Ancient Religious Bone Cults in the Late Acheulean–Mousterian Art

The relevance of research. One of the most important unsolved problems of cultural studies, religious studies, art history, and history is to determine the time of the origin of religious ideas: that of the beginning of the spiritual evolution of the mankind, which at a certain stage of development begins to master not only the material world but also tries to comprehend the supernatural transcendent reality. The views of scholars regarding the time of the birth of religious beliefs is divided into two opposing points of view. According to one of them, expressed in the works of R. Marett, F. Ratzel, V. Kabo, A. Zubov, religious representations were inherent in the primitive man since the beginning of existence. A serious argument against this version is the fact that art the site of Olduvai culture no object was found that did not have a utilitarian purpose and that could be interpreted as a cult object. However, this fact can be explained by the fact that the rational awareness of the highest supernatural power was preceded by its subconscious (intuitive) sensation, which did not require objectivation in cult objects. Religious ideas were primitive so that they did not need any cult objects. According to other scholars, one can speak of the emergence of religious ideas only from the moment when the cult artefacts appeared; the pre-religious period had lasted until the end of the Mousterian era. However, the discovery of a number of archaeological sites in the second half of the 20th century at the beginning of the 21st century makes it possible to move the beginning of the appearance of Religious beliefs back until the period of the late Acheulean–beginning of Mousterian era.The purpose of the article: to establish the time of the origin and evolution of the earliest religious beliefs associated with the cult of bones, based on the analysis of the most ancient artefacts currently known, which testify to the ritual activities of the primitive man. The considered artefacts lead to the conclusion that the most ancient evidence of the cults of bones belongs to the era of the late Acheulean and Mousterian. Animal bones were among the first objects that the primitive man singled out from the environment as sacred, and endowed with a supernatural ability to revive the lives of animals and humans. Symbolic compositions of bones and signs carved in them became sacred attributes used for magical rites. The first acts of the ritual symbolization marked the emergence of sacred art and magic, which, radically different from the directly useful work, passed into a special plane of connection of men with the supernatural force. The earliest monuments (Torralba, Ambrona, Azykh), which testify to magical actions with bones, date back to about 400–200 thousand years BC. Thus, more than 2 million years passed from the appearance of man (ca. 2.7 million years ago) to the emergence of religious ideas, which required objectification in cult items and the performance of certain rituals. Although it cannot be denied that the intuitive subconscious sense of the supernatural power has been inherent in man since the beginning of his existence, purposefully by cultic magical actions that called on higher powers for help, he began to practice from the period of the late Acheulean. In the Mousterian era, in addition to the cult of bones, the cult of the skull arose as a container of special energy capable of renewing human life. Despite the fact that there are only a few examples of skull burials in the Mousterian period, apart from Mount Circeo, in Zhoukoudian (1929), Ngandonga (1931–1933) and Steingheim (1933), it can be assumed that about 70–50 thousand years ago, along with burials, an undissected body could be another rite of separation of the skull, which as a container of a special vital energy of man was buried in some parts of the caves on piles of bones and stones, just as at about the same time separately buried the skulls of bears in stone boxes and niches in caves of Regurdu, Azykh, Drachenloh, Wildenmannlisloch, and others. Later, with the development of ideas about the soul, the cult of skulls is further developed, based on the realization of the power of the extracorporeal spiritual essence of the revered dead (= ancestors), the concentration of which requires a magical container.

Earthquakes, Volcanic Eruptions, and Other Geological Disasters During Historical Records In Yogyakarta Special Region, Indonesia

DOI:10.17014/ijog.8.2.197-212Yogyakarta, Indonesia, is a very fast developing area. The Yogyakarta historical time is divided into PreOld Mataram Era (1st - 8th century), Old Mataram Era (8th - 12th century), and Young Mataram Era (since 16th century). Geology has recorded many intermittent natural disasters within those historical time: volcanism, earthquakes, and rock movements as well. Those natural disasters have caused lots of damages, shown by buried and collapsed old buildings. Larger volcanic eruptions were known to occur once in 50 - 150 years ago, which were mostly followed by lahars as far as 32 km from the crater of Merapi Volcano, of which the last eruption was in 2010. Earthquakes were identified based on bumpy foundations that particularly occurred in the first pile of temple stones, i.e. at the temples of Kedulan, Plaosan, Morangan, Gampingan, and Boko Palace. Surface fractures are also present on the base of the palace floors. During 18th - 21st century, larger earthquakes with magnitude of 5 - 8 Richter scale occurred once in 20 - 70 years, of which the last earthquake was in 2006. A geological study clarified that there was a marine volcanism during the Tertiary with radial normal faults. The normal faults have been potential to reactivate since Plio-Pleistocene untill now, shown by surface deformations at Sudimoro Hills with a mass movement occurence as happened in Imogiri (March, 17th 2019), Pleret (2018), Piyungan, and Dlingo (March, 17th - 18th 2019). A stratigraphic study of volcaniclastic deposits around Gendol, Opak, Kuning, and Bedog Rivers shows potential floods around the rivers.

TRAVERSING SACRED STONES IN THE HEART OF BORNEO: TRANSBOUNDARY ECOTOURISM THROUGH THE MEGALITHIC LANDSCAPES OF THE KELABIT HIGHLANDS OF SARAWAK, MALAYSIA AND THE KERAYAN HIGHLANDS OF KALIMANTAN, INDONESIA

The Kelabit Highlands of Sarawak, Malaysia and the Kerayan Highlands of Kalimantan, Indonesia areculturally contiguous areas separated by the Apad Wat mountain range, consisting of a number ofvillages that are related ethnically, linguistically, and through marriage. Though now separated by apolitical boundary, locals have always traversed this border. Now, foreign tourists also walk across thisborder, as community-based transboundary ecotourism is often centered around long-distance trekkingamong villages. The main attractions along the way for most tourists are impressive megaliths thatinclude erected stones, carved stones, and large piles of stones, and other cultural sites such as oldlonghouse sites, and earthworks in various shapes such as crocodiles. These cultural sites, and thelandscape in which they are found, represent a complex history of movement in the landscape by various,but related, ethnic groups that predates political separation. These sites have deep cultural and religioussignificance to local people on both sides of the border, and the experience of trekking among them hassignificance beyond mere tourism for many visitors as well. There is strong local, governmental, andinternational support for ecotourism development here, as well as an awareness of the possible pitfallsof expanding ecotourism in this region. This paper provides background on elements of the landscapeitself, particularly megalithic structures located within intact rain forest, that attract visitors. It alsopresents a synopsis of some of the cross-boundary efforts to simultaneously promote responsible andculturally sensitive ecotourism development and to protect the ecological and cultural integrity of thisunique megalithic landscape in the “heart of Borneo.” Research for this article was conducted primarilyin the Kelabit Highlands, and emphasis on this area is reflected in the data and discussion.

Eestlaste, liivlaste ja lätlaste 19. sajandi II poole saunadest / Sauna in Estonia, Livonia and Latvia

Eestlaste, liivlaste ja lätlaste 19. sajandi II poole saunadest / Sauna in Estonia, Livonia and Latvia

KAJIAN AREA BANGUNAN BREAKWATER TERHADAP TEMPAT LINDUNG SPESIES IKAN DI PANTAI MATRAS KABUPATEN BANGKA

Alleged links Breakwater Beach area of ​​the building as a shelter Matras fish are lots of cracks and cavities of a pile of stones that are still submerged in sea water can be overgrown with algae and the coral recruitment and attended alge fish species and fish-eating predators. This study aims to assess the area of ​​the building Breakwater of the area protected fish species, determine the species composition, abundance of fish by category type and feeding habits of fish and fish community structure which was implemented in April 2019 in the area of ​​the building Breakwater and Non Breakwater in Matras Beach Bangka. The method uses a combination of visual census and gill nets to take fish of data. The results of the study recorded the number of individual fish in the area as many as 3741 individual Breakwater building consists of 22 species from 14 families and Non Breakwater much as one individual, namely the species Carangoides plagioenia of the family Carangidae, Category types and feeding habits of the fish in the area at the Beach breakwater buildings consist of 14 species of fish targets and 8 major fish species, while the eating habits of the fish listed nine types of herbivorous fish species, 11 types of carnivorous fish species, two species of omnivorous fish types. Fish ecology index showed an unstable community with dominance index which tends to be low and fish species are spread relatively evenly and Non Breakwater showed that depressed communities with dominance index tends to be high and fish species are not evenly distributed.

Hope Leslie and the Grounds of Secularism

Hope Leslie and the Grounds of Secularism Ashley Reed (bio) In Catharine Maria Sedgwick's 1827 historical novel, Hope Leslie; or Early Times in the Massachusetts, the eponymous Hope, her adoptive father, William Fletcher, and local patriarch Mr. Holioke stand atop a mountain on the outskirts of the Massachusetts Bay Colony and contemplate, in the valley below, "sites for future villages, already marked out for them by clusters of Indian huts."1 The three white settlers imagine a process by which the spirits of dead white Christians have already taken possession of the land despite the fact that living Indian bodies currently inhabit it. But the white settlers do not picture the violent, on-the-ground mechanism by which "future villages" will eventually replace these Indian huts. Instead, Hope imagines the air "filled with invisible intelligences" while Holioke, not normally given to flights of fancy, avers that "the spirits of those who have died for liberty and religion, have come before us to this wilderness, and taken possession in the name of the Lord" (104). Discovering signs of recent Native religious activity, notably a "pyramidal pile of stones" forming a "rude altar" strewn with "relicts of Indian sacrifices," Hope offers to "stand sponsor" for the mountain while the two men "[consecrate] it to the Lord" and "christen it Holioke" (104, 105). [End Page 89] Describing the day's outing later in a letter to Fletcher's son, Everell, Hope regrets that the mountain and the valleys below "have been seen and enjoyed only by those savages, who have their summer homes in them" (104). Until the Puritans arrived, the landscape was a local feature only. Now that the universal spirits of "liberty and religion" have claimed the area, it has become part of the greater imagined realm of Protestant Christendom, and the eventual disappearance of the local inhabitants—and their gods—can be taken for granted. The claims made by the "spirits of … liberty and religion" supersede any made by the Indigenous people already living on the land, or by those peoples' particular deities. Liberty and religion, the settlers assume, are values shared universally by all peoples, while the natives' claim to the land, if they ever had any, is only local and particular. This scene succinctly encapsulates the history of Western secularism as the anthropologist and cultural theorist Talal Asad describes it. Secularism, according to Asad, "replac[es] conflicting perspectives by unifying experience": it is a territorial process by which local customs, traditions, and peoples are subdued, then replaced by ostensibly universal subjects who have transcended such local peculiarities.2 Unlike Charles Taylor's concept of Western secularism, framed in terms of cognitive attachments as "a move from a society where belief in God is unchallenged and indeed, unproblematic, to one in which it is understood to be one option among others,"3 Asad's model of political secularism acknowledges the violent territorial processes by which Western secularism supplants local peoples and cultures and then erases the memory of those processes through appeals to transcendent goods. In the United States, those violent territorial processes have proceeded by way of settler colonialism, that "distinctive, and particularly invidious, species of colonialism" that is "very often fueled by religious narratives [End Page 90] such as those of chosen people, exile, holy land, cities on hills."4 First disambiguated by the anthropologist Patrick Wolfe,5 settler colonialism is structurally distinct from the more common form of colonial enterprise, sometimes called "extractive colonialism" or "franchise colonialism," in which "an exogenous power establishes its authority over a subordinated population to extract wealth and resources from the colonized territory." While "occupation colonies" or "exploitation colonies" (as they are also sometimes called) rely on Native labor to facilitate wealth extraction, settler colonies "see[k] an end or completion of the colonial project via the elimination of the indigenous population and its replacement by a settler population."6 Settlers, then, as Anna Johnston and Alan Lawson have asserted, are better called "settler-invaders," since settler colonialism's end goal is not to extract wealth for transfer to the metropole but to eliminate native inhabitants and to "[expropriate] … indigenous land."7 This essay brings together scholarship on North American...

Antalya Selçuklu Kervansarayları

Antalya is one of the ancient cities on the historical silk road. Anatolian Seljuks became partners in world trade through the ports of Antalya and Alanya; they have built caravanserais all over the country in order to ensure the safe circulation of the goods they produce and import within the country. Seventeen of these caravansaries are located within the borders of today's Antalya. Only the names of some of them and the region where they are located could be identified and the place where they were built could not be determined. Most are in ruins and consist of a pile of stones. However, the crown gate of Evdir Han, which has a special importance among the caravanserais, and some of the covered spaces still need to be restored. Antalya caravanserais were located on eight different caravan roads and contributed to the commercial life of Anatolian Seljuks. Some of them were on a few caravan paths. These caravanserais, which have provided great service in terms of trade and accommodation in the past, seem to be able to be used for historical and cultural tourism.

Sprague-Grundy function of matroids and related hypergraphs

We consider a generalization of the classical game of Nim called hypergraph Nim. Given a hypergraph H on the ground set V={1,…,n} of n piles of stones, two players alternate in choosing a hyperedge H∈H and strictly decreasing all piles i∈H. The player who makes the last move is the winner. In this paper we give an explicit formula that describes the Sprague-Grundy function of hypergraph Nim for several classes of hypergraphs. In particular we characterize all 2-uniform hypergraphs (that is graphs) and all matroids for which the formula works. We show that all self-dual matroids are included in this class.

Path Planning Aware of Robot’s Center of Mass for Steep Slope Vineyards

SummarySteep slope vineyards are a complex scenario for the development of ground robots. Planning a safe robot trajectory is one of the biggest challenges in this scenario, characterized by irregular surfaces and strong slopes (more than 35°). Moving the robot through a pile of stones, spots with high slope or/and with wrong robot yaw may result in an abrupt fall of the robot, damaging the equipment and centenary vines, and sometimes imposing injuries to humans. This paper presents a novel approach for path planning aware of center of mass of the robot for application in sloppy terrains. Agricultural robotic path planning (AgRobPP) is a framework that considers the A* algorithm by expanding inner functions to deal with three main inputs: multi-layer occupation grid map, altitude map and robot’s center of mass. This multi-layer grid map is updated by obstacles taking into account the terrain slope and maximum robot posture. AgRobPP is also extended with algorithms for local trajectory replanning during the execution of a trajectory that is blocked by the presence of an obstacle, always assuring the safety of the re-planned path. AgRobPP has a novel PointCloud translator algorithm called PointCloud to grid map and digital elevation model (PC2GD), which extracts the occupation grid map and digital elevation model from a PointCloud. This can be used in AgRobPP core algorithms and farm management intelligent systems as well. AgRobPP algorithms demonstrate a great performance with the real data acquired from AgRob V16, a robotic platform developed for autonomous navigation in steep slope vineyards.

Sprague–Grundy function of symmetric hypergraphs

We consider a generalization of the classical game of Nim called hypergraph Nim. Given a hypergraph H on the ground set V={1,…,n} of n piles of stones, two players alternate in choosing a hyperedge H∈H and strictly decreasing all piles i∈H. The player who makes the last move is the winner. In 1980 Jenkyns and Mayberry obtained an explicit formula for the Sprague–Grundy function of the hypergraph Nim whose hypergraph contains as the hyperedges all proper subsets of V (that is, all except ∅ and V itself). Somewhat surprisingly, the same formula works for a very wide family of hypergraphs. In this paper we characterize symmetric hypergraphs in this family.

From a pile of stones to a national symbol

Existing studies of the Cambodia-Thailand conflict over the Khmer temple of Preah Vihear tend to regard the temple as nationally significant to both countries. However, little is known about how the border temple complex has emerged from obscurity to symbolize the nation in Cambodian nationalist discourse. Therefore, this article seeks to examine the stakeholders, contexts, and specific political situations implicated in the emergence of the ancient temple as a site of national significance. It links the temple’s rise to national prominence in Cambodia to the broader context of Prince Norodom Sihanouk’s politics of postcolonial nation-building. I argue that Sihanouk had a strong stake in the temple and the conflict over it with Thailand. His investment in the project of nationalism in relation to the temple was an important resource in pursuing his wider political objectives in building the post-independence Cambodian nation.

Évaluation d’une méthode de suivi à long terme du gecko Euleptes europaea sur l’île du Grand Rouveau (archipel des Embiez, Var, France)

Evaluation of a long-term method to monitor the gecko Euleptes europaea on Grand Rouveau Island (Embiez Archipelago, Var, France) Population surveys are a prerequisite for evaluating the demographic trends of species. Moreover, they are indispensable for assessing conservation measures implemented to protect threatened species. Accurate surveys require robust methods that can be easily reproduced over time. The aim of this study conducted on Grand Rouveau Island was to test the applicability of a long-term monitoring method to a threatened cryptic and nocturnal species : the European leaf-toed gecko Euleptes europaea. The method consisted of constructing artificial refuges attractive to the species to simplify monitoring of the population. To this end, two types of shelters were tested : one type was constructed from honeycomb brick and the other from curved ceramic roof tiles covered with piles of stones. The results showed that the system consisting of three superimposed tiles was particularly suitable for the desired objectives. It is simple to construct, easy to monitor and little affected by temporal, meteorological or observer bias. The shelters of this type placed in May 2014 were rapidly colonized by the species on a long-term basis, as indicated during the first four years of monitoring. This method could allow future studies to better define the ecological requirements of this species and to assess the success of the ecological engineering actions carried out on the island, which include the elimination of the invasive exotic ice plant Carpobrotus edulis and the black rat Rattus rattus.

Die Burg Warbeck (Kastre)

Die Burg Warbeck (Kastre)

Global Fibonacci nim

Fibonacci nim is a popular impartial combinatorial game, usually played with a single pile of stones: two players alternate in removing no more than twice the previous player’s removal. The game is appealing due to its surprising connections with the Fibonacci numbers and the Zeckendorf representation. In this article, we investigate some properties of a variant played with multiple piles of stones, and solve the 2-pile case. A player chooses one of the piles and plays as in Fibonacci nim, but here the move-size restriction is a global parameter, valid for any pile.