Abstract A common view in the reading literature is that words are often recognized by recourse to phonological recoding. The question addressed here concerns whether phonological recoding can be controlled, or whether it is computed (a) even when it is completely irrelevant to the task, and (b) can only hurt performance. Two Stroop type experiments are reported in which participants used a key press to indicate the print colour of an (irrelevant) letter string that sounded like a colour (e.g., BLOO). The sound of the colour word was always incongruent with the required response. Colour identification performance was impaired by the irrelevant letter strings relative to two baseline conditions. These results and others are consistent with the conclusion that a phonological code is computed under a variety of circumstances. The hypothesis that skilled readers transform print on the page into phonology in order to recognize words has been intensively pursued over the last several decades. Many investigators favor a single route model in which phonological coding is a necessary preliminary to visual recognition (e.g., Carello, Turvey, & Lukatela, 1992; Frost, 1998; Lukatela & Turvey, 1991, 1994; Perfetti, Zhang, & Berent, 1992; Pexman & Lupker, 1995; Van Orden et al. 1992; Van Orden, Pennington & Stone, 1990). Other investigators argue in favor of the co-existence of a reading routine that activates lexical/semantic knowledge without prior phonological computation. This orthographic route operates in parallel with the phonological route (e.g., Baluch & Besner, 1991; Besner & Smith, 1992; Buchanan & Besner, 1993; Carr & Pollatsek, 1985; Coltheart, Curtis, Atkins, & Haller, 1993; Coltheart & Rastle, 1994; Davelaar, Coltheart, Jonasson & Besner, 1978; Herdman & Beckett, 1996; Paap, Noel & Johansen 1992; Plaut, McClelland, Seidenberg & Patterson, 1996; Waters & Seidenberg, 1985). How Controllable Is Phonological Computation? One consequence of the persistent report of phonological effects in visual recognition (e.g., spelling-sound regularity, homophone, and pseudohomophone effects) is a wide spread interest in a related but distinct issue that is the focus of the present investigation. That is, to what extent can the computation of a phonological code be thought of as a controllable set of processes given a printed input, as distinct from the issue of whether it is possible to exert any control over whether the products of phonological coding are used in making decisions about a response? Clearly, failing to find an effect of a phonological manipulation in some task speaks more directly to the latter issue than it does to the former because it might not be possible to control whether a phonological code is computed, but possible to control whether the products of such coding are used in formulating a response. In that vein, some investigators emphasize that there are stimulus and contextual manipulations which encourage participants to rely on the products of a nonphonological pathway in tasks like perceptual identification, naming, lexical decision, and semantic categorization (e.g., Baluch & Besner, 1991; Besner, Twilley, McCann, & Seergobin, 1990; Davelaar, et al., 1978; Hawkins et al., 1976; Hudson & Bergman, 1985; Jared & Seidenberg, 1991; Paap et al., 1992; Seidenberg, Peterson, MacDonald, & Plaut, 1996; Tabossi & Laghi, 1992; Verstaen, Humphreys, Olson, & D'Ydewalle, 1996; Waters & Seidenberg, 1985). Other investigators take a stronger line and argue that the computation of phonology is obligatory, and even automatic (among many others, see Carello, Turvey, & Lukatela, 1992; Frost, 1997; Glushko, 1979; Katz & Frost, 1992; Lukatela & Turvey, 1994; Perfetti et al., 1992; Van Orden et al., 1992). For example: ...effect of phonological primes suggests a leading role in visual perception for a fast acting, automatic, assembled phonology. …
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