Social Movement Perspective Research Articles

Terrorism as Civil Society

This conceptual manuscript explores terrorism as a civil society phenomenon to provide a new conceptual approach for terrorist organization research. Research explores terrorism from social movement, network and multiple organizational perspectives, but viewing terrorism as civil society provides a richer theoretical framework by integrating all three perspectives. Lessons learned from successful and failed attempts to build civil society might inform efforts to reduce terrorist activity. A conceptual model bridging the two areas of study will help codify 1) the role civil society and failures therein has in fostering terrorism, 2) ways to better observe each, as both lie in the formal and informal spaces between sectors and 3) the impact terrorism and counter terrorism have on civil society development.

Expanding boundaries: Nongovernmental organizations as supply chain members

Abstract Using a social movement perspective, we propose a framework that includes nonprofit actors as members of supply chains in a context that we call sustainable supply chain facilitation, particularly within multi-stakeholder supply chain sustainability initiatives. In this framework, certain nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) work alongside other supply chain firms, going beyond technical roles to serve as coordinators, conveners, organizers, brokers, and negotiators who facilitate multiparty agreement on sustainability issues within and across supply chains. We describe a set of roles consisting of third-party facilitators (3PF), fourth-party facilitators (4PF), and fifth-party facilitators (5PF) serving in increasingly strategic roles with increasing numbers of actors, and with increasing potential for co-creation of value in global supply chains. Reframing nongovernmental organizations as members of supply chains instead of outsiders provides a dramatically different perspective. This explicit acknowledgement of membership can help business and NGO managers to rethink their own roles and motivations and to find collaborative solutions in the steady transition to more sustainable supply chains.

Stewards of Their Island: Rastafari Women's Activism for the Forests and Waters in Trinidad and Tobago—Social Movement Perspectives

Stewards of Their Island: Rastafari Women's Activism for the Forests and Waters in Trinidad and Tobago—Social Movement Perspectives

Scholarship and Activism: A Social Movements Perspective

This article revisits the debate over Barker and Cox’s (2011) use of Gramsci’s distinction between traditional and organic intellectuals to contrast academic and activist modes of theorizing about social movements. Often misread as an attack on personal choices in career and writing, the distinction aimed to highlight the different purposes, audiences, and social relationships entailed by these different forms of theorizing. Discourses which take ‘scholarship’ as their starting point position ‘activist’ as a personal choice within an institutional field, and substitute this moral commitment for a political assessment of its effects. By contrast, few academics have undergone the political learning curve represented by social movements. This may explain the widespread persistence – beyond any intellectual or empirical credibility – of a faith in ‘critical scholarship’ isolated from agency, an orientation to policy makers and mainstream media as primary audiences or an unquestioned commitment to existing institutional frameworks as pathways to substantial social change. Drawing on over three decades of movement participation and two of academic work, this article explores two processes of activist training within the academy. It also explores the politics of different experiences of theoretical publishing for social movements audiences. This discussion focuses on the control of the “means of mental production” (Marx, 1965), and the politics of distribution. The conclusion explores the broader implications of these experiences for the relationship between movements and research.

Framing in the Emergence of Dominant Design

Research on the origins of dominant designs has focused primarily on technical and economic factors (Murmann & Frenken, 2006; Narayanan & Chen, 2012). Building on social movements and cognition work, this paper applies a social movements perspective as a basis to consider how framing actions and framing contests shape the emergence of a dominant design. This perspective suggests that factors that are often taken as facts of the contest are, instead, collective frames of participants, and are therefore subject to change and contestation. Distinguishing between the factors and the frames regarding them, I develop propositions regarding frames of network effects, technological superiority, and platforms. I also consider the importance of prototypes and product entry for influencing a framing contest, and thus, design dominance.

Legitimation of New Ventures: A Review and Research Programme

AbstractResearch on how new ventures (NVs) achieve legitimacy is fragmented and rests on taken‐for‐granted assumptions that require problematization. Following a systematic literature review, I identify five distinct perspectives on NV legitimation: an institutional perspective, a cultural entrepreneurship perspective, an ecological perspective, an impression management perspective, and a social movement perspective. After comparing and contrasting these perspectives, I synthesize them into a generative and integrative typology. Based on this typology, I develop a new research programme. The programme widens the extant scholarship agenda by challenging its shared assumptions and contributes to further integration of the literature by building bridges between perspectives.

A Homeless Bill of Rights (Revolution)

This Article examines an emerging movement so far unexplored by legal scholarship: the proposal and, in some states, the enactment of a Homeless Bill of Rights. This Article presents these new laws as a lens to re-examine storied debates over positive and social welfare rights. Homeless bills of rights also present a compelling opportunity to re-examine rights-based theories in the context of social movement scholarship. Specifically, could these laws be understood as part of a new “rights revolution”? What conditions might influence the impact of these new laws on the individual rights of the homeless or the housed? On American rights culture and consciousness? The Article surveys current efforts to advance homeless bills of rights across nine states and the U.S. territory of Puerto Rico and evaluates these case studies from a social movement perspective. Ultimately, the Article predicts that these new laws are more likely to have an incremental social and normative impact than an immediate legal impact. Even so, homeless bills of rights are a critical, if slight, step to advance the rights of one of the most vulnerable segments of contemporary society. Perhaps as significantly, these new laws present an opportunity for housed Americans to confront our collective, deeply-rooted biases against the homeless.

Dared to Care: Organizational Vulnerability, Institutional Logics, and MNCs’ Social Responsiveness in Emerging Markets

A significant gap exists in our understanding of what explains the varying responses of multinational corporations (MNCs) to social issues in emerging markets. Arguably, in a setting where both market institutions and regulations and norms of corporate social responsibility are underdeveloped, it is more difficult for corporations to take actions beyond those that serve their immediate economic interests. Proposing a social movement perspective on MNCs’ responsiveness to social issues in emerging markets, we identify the mechanisms by which online activists grab firms’ attention and force them to become more socially responsive. A perception of organizational vulnerability and a home-country institutional logic that is consistent with the demands of the online campaign provide political opportunity structures that hasten the corporate response but affect the magnitude of firm response differently. We test our framework in the empirical context of corporate philanthropic action following the 2008 earthquake in Sichuan province in China, which triggered an online campaign that questioned MNCs’ donations to the disaster relief effort. Our study contributes to the literature on heterogeneous organizational responses to social movements, a better understanding of the antecedents for MNCs’ social responsiveness in emerging markets, and research on MNCs.

Principal-Principal Agency Problem and Shareholder Activism

Drawing from the social movement perspective of corporate governance, we explore the underlying dynamics of agency conflict between controlling shareholders and minority shareholders, namely principal-principal agency problem. We argue that tunneling of resources from publicly traded firms to business group affiliates could be used as a device of minority shareholder expropriation and show how it is guided by motives of controlling families. In response, we explore how minority shareholder activism acts as a possible means through which minority shareholder accesses corporate governance in order to alleviate the principal-principal agency problem. Using rich related party transactions data of inter-firm purchases, sales, debts, and loans within Korean business groups, we examine how and why controlling shareholders in publicly traded firms wield their power over the firms and shift resources out from the firms to generate private benefit. We show how minority shareholder movement gained its presence in Korea and test the efficacy of minority shareholder activism in reducing related party transactions.

Challengers from Within Economic Institutions: A Second-Class Social Movement? A Response to Déjean, Giamporcaro, Gond, Leca and Penalva-Icher’s Comment on French SRI

In a recent comment made about my paper “A Social Movement Perspective on Finance: How Socially Responsible Investment Mattered” (J Bus Ethics 92:57–78, 2010), published in this journal, Dejean, Giamporcaro, Gond, Leca and Penalva-Icher (J Bus Ethics 112:205–212, 2013) strongly criticize the social movement perspective adopted on French SRI. They both contest the empirical analysis of the movement and the possibility for insiders to trigger institutional change towards sustainability. This answer aims to address the different concerns raised throughout their comment and illuminate the differences between both approaches. It first explains why SRI in France can be considered as a social movement, despite not being protest-oriented. It then reflects on the dangers of systematically associating societal change with radical activism. It concludes by elaborating on the importance of acknowledging the potential contribution of reformist movements from within the economic institutions to the enhancement of the social good.

Local French Food Initiatives in Practice: The Emergence of a Social Movement

This article analyses the development of local food systems from a social movement perspective. It examines the case study of a farm market located in France and considers whether and how local initiatives in food distribution can be viewed as a social movement, using social theory as the conceptual framework.

Women´s vulnerability to violence and health damages under the perspective of rural social movements

Women´s vulnerability to violence and health damages under the perspective of rural social movements

Women´s vulnerability to violence and health damages under the perspective of rural social movements

This text analyzes the situations of vulnerability to violence and damage to health from the perspective of women in rural settings. It appears that even with the participation in rural social movements and the struggle for better working conditions, women have greater social vulnerability in rural areas expressed by the inequality of access to state public services, as well as unequal access the labor market and land tenure, which is reflected in inequalities in health. It was observed that women were exposed to different vulnerabilities and to violence resulting in murder and other situations that affect the health and reflect inequalities of gender, race and class. It was evident that much stills needs to be modified so that the hierarchies of gender are reduced in Brazil. In this sense, it appears that both in the state, and in the Academy this is an issue that still needs to be contextualized and developed, aiming at the structuring of public policy.

Tribal Resistance Movements and the Politics of Development-Induced Displacement in Contemporary Orissa

The article is a study of two tribal movements based on development-induced displacements in contemporary Orissa. In fact, all the two micro-movement studies are resistance movements against mining based heavy metal industries, e.g. against the Utkal Alumina International Ltd. (UAIL) at Kashipur and against the Vedanta Aluminium Ltd. (VAL) at Lanjigarh. Based on both primary and secondary data, the study is an exercise in new social movement theory. Within the analytical framework of new social movement perspective, the article attempts to explore the nature and extent of displacement and loss of livelihood caused by the projects along with the issues of disappearing tribal culture and tribal identity with the advent of modernity and its corresponding alien culture. Further, it explores the extent of politicisation of the movements. In its continued exploration, the article articulates the role of the civil society (intellectuals, mass media, activists’ organisations and NGOs) in shaping the course of the movement. Lastly, it explicates the questions on development discourse and emergent policy issues from these micro-movements.

Principal-Principal Agency Problem and Shareholder Activism

Drawing from the social movement perspective of corporate governance, we explore the underlying dynamics of agency conflict between controlling shareholders and minority shareholders, namely principal-principal agency problem. We argue that tunneling of resource from publicly traded firms to business group affiliates could be used as a device of minority shareholder expropriation and show how it is guided by motives of controlling families. In response, we explore how minority shareholder activism act as a possible means through which minority shareholder access to corporate governance in order to alleviate the principal-principal agency problem. Using rich related party transactions data of inter-firm purchases, sales, debts, and loans within Korean business groups, we examine how and why controlling shareholders in publicly traded firms wield their power over the firms to generate private benefit by shifting resources out from firms. We show how minority shareholder movement gained its presence in Korea and test the efficacy of minority shareholder activism in reducing related party transactions.

Social Movements Confront Neoliberalism: Reflections on a Caribbean Experience

In 2008 15 Caribbean countries signed an ‘Economic Partnership Agreement’ (EPA) with the European Union providing for liberalisation of trade and investment between the two regions and the binding of investor-friendly government policies. The agreement occasioned much controversy and was signed over the protests of many sectors of civil society. This article discusses the controversy from the perspective of social movements confronting neoliberalism. First, I summarise the background and conduct of the EPA negotiations in the context of asymmetrical power in relations between the EU and the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) group. Next, I give an account of the civil society campaign to review and renegotiate the Caribbean EPA; focusing on issues, methods and tactics and the factors leading to the eventual outcome. Finally, I reflect on the lessons to be drawn for social movements in confronting neoliberalism. En el 2008, quince países caribeños firmaron un ‘Acuerdo de Asociación Económica’ (EPA, por sus siglas en inglés) con la Unión Europea, que contempla una liberalización de comercio e inversión entre las dos regiones y la unión de políticas gubernamentales más propicias para la inversión. El acuerdo ocasionó mucha controversia y se firmaron bajo las protestas de varios sectores de la sociedad civil. Este artículo detalla la controversia desde la perspectiva de los movimientos sociales que confrontan al neoliberalismo. Primero, hago un resumen sobre el fondo y la conducta de las negociaciones de la EPA en el contexto del poder asimétrico en las relaciones entre la UE y el Grupo Africano, Caribeño y Pacífico (ACP, por sus siglas en inglés). A continuación, describo la campaña de la sociedad civil para analizar y renegociar la EPA caribeña, enfocándome en las cuestiones, métodos y tácticas y factores, dando pie al resultado final. Por último, reflexiono sobre las lecciones que deben sacarse para los movimientos sociales, al enfrentar el neoliberalismo. 2008年，15个加勒比地区国家与欧盟签署了《经济伙伴关系协定》（Economic Partnership Agreement， EPA）。该协定以推动两个地区间的贸易和投资自由化为目的, 包括一系列有利于投资的政府政策。该协定引发了许多争议，最终在公民社会许多部门的抗议声中签署。本文从与新自由主义对抗的社会运动这一角度讨论了这些争议。首先，结合欧盟与非洲、加勒比和太平洋地区国家集团权力不对称的背景，本文概括了此次EPA谈判的背景和行为。其次，本文叙述了公民社会以对加勒比地区国家签署的EPA进行评估和重新谈判为目标的活动，集中于活动的议题、方式、策略以及导致最终结果的因素。最后，本文反思了社会运动在对抗新自由主义时应吸取的教训。 2008년 15개 카리브해 연안국들은 유럽연합과 무역과 투자의 자유화와 투자에 유리한 정부정책에 관한 ‘경제협력협정(EPA)을 유럽연합과 맺었다. 그 협정은 논란을 낳았고, 많은 시민사회의 저항에도 불구하고 조인되었다. 이 글은 신자유주의에 대항하는 사회운동의 관점에서 논쟁을 논의한다. 첫째, 유럽연합(EU)과 아프리카, 카리브와 태평양 집단(ACP) 사이에 존재하는 비대칭적 권력 맥락 속에서 이루어진 EPA 협상의 배경과 전개과정을 요약한다. 그 다음, 이슈, 방법과 전술과 최종적인 결과에 영향을 준 요소들에 초점을 맞춰, 카리브지역의 EPA을 검토하고 재협상을 요구하는 시민사회 캠페인을 설명한다. 마지막으로 신자유주의를 직면하고 있는 사회운동에 주는 교훈을 다룬다.

There is No Alternative: The Critical Potential of Alternative Media in the Face of Neoliberalism.

The article discusses the concept of “the alternative” and the media through four sections. The first section discusses neoliberalism and the connection between neoliberal doctrine and mainstream media. This connection is described as promoting “public amnesia”, financialization and economization of news journalism, and social divide. The second section discusses alternative media from the perspective of new social movements and symbolic resistance, claiming that the symbolic resistance framework undermines the critical potential of alternative media. The third section comments on some recent critical literature on neoliberalism and capitalism. The fourth section takes examples from artistic explorations of capitalism and television to propose how a media of the alternative might learn from art practices.

Not in our name: collective identity of the Serbian Women in Black

The Belgrade-based activist groupWomen in Blackhas been for twenty years now articulating a feminist anti-war stance in an inimical socio-political climate. The operation of this anti-patriarchal and anti-militarist organization, which has resisted numerous instances of repression, has not been until now systematically approached from a social movement perspective. This paper draws upon a range of empirical methods, comprising life-story interviews, documentary analysis and participant observation, to address the question as to how it was possible for this small circle of activists to remain on the Serbian/post-Yugoslav civic scene for the last two decades. My central argument is that a consistent collective identity, which informs the group's resource mobilization and strategic options, holds the key to the surprising survival of this activist organization. I apply recent theoretical advances on collective identity to the case of the BelgradeWomen in Blackwith the view of promoting a potentially fruitful cross-fertilization between non-Western activism and the Western conceptual apparatus for studying civic engagement.

Marginalized Stakeholders in a Firm-specific Setting: Gaining saliency and use of representations

We argue that although some of the postcolonial literature and researchers of critical management studies, find marginalized stakeholders lack their own representation, our research contradicts these assumptions. Combining social movement perspective and stakeholder theory we suggest that marginalized stakeholders are able to use political capabilities and use their own representations in order to achieve firm-specific goals. A marginalized stakeholder group achieves salience and representational power by manufacturing a new voice and through goal-driven unique and temporary alliances that adapt heterogeneous ideological standpoints, through protest strategies which are designed to participate in dialogues with powerful actors, and by mobilizing symbolic resources.

Mobilizing Resources in Collaborative Innovation

By applying a social movement perspective to the topic of collaborative innovation, I examine how a project team mobilizes resources from diverse stakeholders. Analysis of an innovation project at NASA offers insights into how a project team influences stakeholders in the face of divergent and shifting criteria. I find that the project team mobilized stakeholders’ resources, such as Congressional funding and academic endorsement, after developing three mechanisms for collective action: constructing a clear project identity, adopting flexible roles, and performing institutional groundwork that changed the arrangements through which resources were distributed.