History Of Peace Research Articles

In conversation: David Hostetter and Matt Meyer on the pasts and futures of peace research

AbstractPeace & Change is nearing fifty years as a vehicle for disseminating new research in peace history and peace studies. The Peace History Society has sponsored the journal since its founding in 1972 and it has grown and evolved through its partnerships with fellow organizations. The International Peace Research Association (IPRA) became a partner organization to Peace & Change in late 2020, expanding the journal’s community of scholars, readers, and reviewers to include more diverse disciplinary, international, and transnational perspectives. To mark this fruitful new partnership, Peace & Change editor Heather Fryer hosted a Zoom conversation between Peace History Society president David Hostetter and IPRA Secretary General Matt Meyer on the state of the field in our present historical moment. Awakened to activism by President Jimmy Carter’s call for a military draft in 1980, both Hostetter and Meyer have been deeply engaged in peace activism, scholarship, and leadership in the academic societies that have shaped the conversations in Peace & Change over many years. Here, they reflect on the past to propose next steps forward for the journal, for peace research, and for our organizations. Throughout their wide‐ranging discussion is a call to resist the urge to hastily enact new post‐2020 agendas and to concentrate instead on building trust—everywhere.

Partition of Punjab: How a Secularist Province Developed Communal Consciousness

Why did the Punjabi community, well-known for its unique intercommunal harmony among Sikhs; Muslims; and Hindus, suddenly erupt into religious persecution at a more severe level than other Indian provinces which did not boast such a peaceful history? Although this question has largely been ignored in favor of a macro-analysis of the Partition of the entire Indian subcontinent, understanding how communal tensions arose in a relatively cordial community provides useful insight into the factors that increase one’s awareness of religious identity and destruction of their national identity. This paper identifies why intercommunal relations thrived in pre-partition Punjab. Furthermore, it investigates the elements which facilitated Punjab’s chaotic violence: 1) The fall of the Punjabi Unionist Party symbolized the destruction of national identity, 2) Involvement of the INC and the Muslim League in Punjabi government affairs through the utilization of propaganda introduced religious sectarianism, and 3) The British negligence while constructing the Punjab Boundary Award eliminated any means of reconciliation among the Muslims, Hindus, and Sikhs.

‘This is an Account of Failure’: The Contested Historiography of the Hague Peace Conferences of 1899, 1907 and 1915

ABSTRACT The Hague conferences of 1899, 1907 and the one not held in 1915 occupy an uncomfortable place in the history of war, peace, and diplomacy. Siloed in a range of sub-disciplines, historians often evaluate the conferences in terms of their relative ‘success’ or ‘failure’. Where diplomatic historians generally marginalise the political relevance of the conferences in explaining the march to global war in 1914, legal historians mobilise The Hague as a point of origin for the expansion of international humanitarian and human rights law and the law of war. Peace historians prefer to explain the relative weakness of pre-1914 transnational peace activism, whilst historians of global governance describe The Hague as a starting point for twentieth century multilateralism. Rarely do these histories speak to each other, which leaves their largely oppositional findings floating freely, untethered to either each other or the complex context in which The Hague’s conferences, conventions, and institutions evolved. In response, this analysis argues for the historical need to re-tether these Hague developments to the context of the time in which they first appeared, thus helping to shape a more nuanced understanding of their on-going political and legal relevance as well.

동아시아공동체 구상을 위한 수업방안 탐색: 조선통신사 기억의 장소를 통한 트랜스문화학습*

Is the East Asian Community feasible? Countries in East Asia are experiencing multiple conflicts in a multi-layered and complex way, and it seems that the relationship is getting worse. However, it is necessary to overcome the exclusivity and move toward an inclusive and receptive direction in order to face the interdependence caused by globalization. To this end, I explored educational method to cross the boundaries and form multiple and complex identities. Joseon Tongsinsa, symbolize the history of peace and exchange in the East Asian region, especially between Korea and Japan. I did an action research in education centering on the place of memory of the Joseon Tongsinsa. Transculture, which focuses on crossing the border of a nation-state and connection, becomes a method of cultural learning to form an East Asian community. First, I developed a lesson plan by collecting various narratives and personal memories in Ushimado, one of the port destinations of Joseon Tongsinsa. And repeated to plan-action-reflect-replan the lesson in elementary schools in Korea and Japan. In the first practice, I planned a lesson that survey beyond the single narrative centered on the nation and looked at Joseon Tongsinsa from various perspectives, but some students still showed a strong feeling of ‘the nation’. Therefore, in the second practice, I tried a class in which student could loosen the connection between ‘Nation’ and ‘Culture’ through ‘Karako-Odori’. In this lesson, students experienced a little ‘confusing’ in the perception of the nation=culture, and had a chance to rethink what culture is. It is difficult to loosen the borders and boundaries in a short time, but the East Asian Community will become an imaginable future if an open identity is formed through experiences across cultures.

Inside the Global Drive for Cyber Peace

Too often, the international community is focused on responding to the latest cyber attack, disinformation campaign, or escalation. From ranswomware afflicting the City of Baltimore to state-sponsored campaigns targeting electrical grids in Ukraine and the United States, we seem to have relatively little bandwidth left over for asking the big questions, including: what is the best we can hope for in terms of “peace” on the Internet, and how might we be able to get there? More broadly, what are the long-term implications for such pervasive cyber insecurity across the public and private sectors, and how might they be curtailed? This Article dives into the history and evolution of cyber peace, including an analysis of lessons from analogous contexts such as U.N. peacekeeping efforts and the Digital Blue Helmets Initiative. These findings are then contextualized by reviewing recent efforts aimed at promoting cyber peace, including the Paris Call for Trust and Security in Cyberspace, the Christ Church Call, U.N.-centered norm building efforts such as through the Group of Government Experts, Global Commission on Cyber Stability, and the Digital Geneva Convention. These efforts are conceptualized within a polycentric framework, emphasizing practical implications for practitioners and policymakers.

A Just and Durable Peace? American Evangelicals and the Quest for Peace after WWII

The force of evangelical activism is now a well-known story in American politics, but its unity, coherence, and perspective are often taken for granted, or under-analyzed, particularly on global issues. In this article, I investigate the question of evangelical influence and perspective on global peace after World War II, focused in this case around the United Nations. Surveying, first, the diversity of the movement called evangelicalism in the late war period, I argue that meaningful evangelical minorities existed, second, in both the neo-orthodox turn of Reinhold Niebuhr, third in the hugely successful though more mainline efforts of John Foster Dulles and the Federal Council of Churches, and, of course, finally in the majority report of conservative, evangelical anti-globalism, of both dispensational and presuppositional varieties. Far from monolithic, I argue that an evangelical perspective and influence on global peace must read each of these movements alongside one another, in part clarifying, in part unsettling, what is often counted as evangelical in both the history and present of global peace.

The March 1st Movement and the Red Thread of International Peace History

This paper offers a narrative that transcends the received view of the March 1, 1919 Movement as a nationalist, anti-Japanese Movement for Korean Independence. Moving beyond the description of the Movement as one for independence and self-determination, I discuss the March 1st Movement within the deeper context of international peace history. When we transcend the traditional narrative and position the March 1st Movement and its participants within broader geographic, social and historical contexts, the cosmopolitan and humanitarian dimensions of the Movement are illuminated. Understood as a complex landscape of stories that illustrate an awakened conscience, cosmopolitan affection and the politics of hope, the March 1st Movement shines as an important moment in the red thread of international peace history.

Peace History: Curricular Challenges and Innovative Opportunities

Peace History: Curricular Challenges and Innovative Opportunities

One Course, Two Presidents, Three Years: Teaching Peace History in Donald Trump's America

One Course, Two Presidents, Three Years: Teaching Peace History in Donald Trump's America

Integrating Peace History in the U.S. History Survey Course: Challenging Identity from the Outside In

Integrating Peace History in the U.S. History Survey Course: Challenging Identity from the Outside In

Punishment in Negotiated Transitions: The Case of the Colombian Peace Agreement with the farc-ep

The peace agreement recently concluded between the Government of Colombia and the farc-ep not only marked a milestone in the history of Colombia and peace making; it also introduced an unprecedented penal measure: negotiated criminal punishment. This example demonstrates that criminal punishment can be moulded to accommodate the needs of a society undergoing a political transition triggered by a peace negotiation. In the 1990s Garland already pointed out that penal measures are shaped by their social and historical context, and also affect their social environment. Based mainly on a sociological perspective on punishment, this article analyses the relationship between the punishment negotiated in the recent peace talks with the farc-ep and the Colombian government’s trying to come to terms with atrocities committed during the armed conflict. Based on the Colombian experience, this article also outlines contextual factors, which shape how punishment is negotiated in the context of peace agreements

IN PURSUIT OF BROAD AGREEMENTS IN THE FUTURE DEVELOPMENT OF THE DECLARATION ON THE RIGHT TO PEACE WITHIN THE UNITED NATIONS

War and peace perpetually alternate and peace is always seen as an endless project, even a dream, to be realised in brotherhood by everyone all over the earth. Present generations should ensure that both they and future generations learn to live together in peace with the highest aspiration of sparing future generations the scourge of war. The UN Charter is the most solemn pact of peace in history, which lays down on the necessary basic principles for an enduring peace. Recently, in the context of the joint effort in the recognition of the high importance of practicing tolerance, dialogue, cooperation and solidarity among all human beings, peoples and nations, the General Assembly has raised the voice of victims to strongly condemn war and to openly reiterate their inalienable right to enjoy peace such that all human rights are promoted and protected and development is fully realized. The aim is to present activities of the General Assembly focused on the adoption of the Declaration on the right to peace.

佐藤公美著, 『中世イタリアの地域と国家-紛争と平和の政治社会史-』(プリミエ・コレクション 20), 京都大学学術出版会, 二〇一二・一〇刊, A5, 三二六頁, 三八〇〇円

佐藤公美著, 『中世イタリアの地域と国家-紛争と平和の政治社会史-』(プリミエ・コレクション 20), 京都大学学術出版会, 二〇一二・一〇刊, A5, 三二六頁, 三八〇〇円

Re-Thinking the Very Concept of Peace

The appreciation of Peace, the promotion of its values, and the efforts for its attainment as the only way to cope with horrifyingly destructive dimensions of the war we are facing with on a daily basis since so many long years all across the world urges nowadays to the extreme. This necessity appears to such an extent, and with such intensity, as to having been transformed more than ever in one of the most dominant catchphrases of political, social, intellectual and practical discourses of our violent times, a ubiquitous topic within universities, governments, civil societies and other non-governmental organizations and institutions. There are large pacifist movements which are facing off ever more actively against the war. There is also an ever more active engagement of many intellectuals and artists poised to face off against the hawkish and bellicose aesthetics we were facing with up to last two or three decades in most Western countries by a constructive bolstering and promotion of a peaceable and pacifistic aesthetics. By the 1970s the new discipline of peace studies, embracing the history and philosophy of peace, was well establish. Since 1980 there is even a university dedicated to Peace studies, the United Nations mandated “University for Peace”, with its main campus in Costa Rica, which is launching its programs and establishing its centers around the world. About 30 years ago will faced and will be very active well known the CPP, Concerned Philosophers for Peace is the largest, most active organization of professional philosophers in North American involved in the analysis of the causes of violence and prospects for peace. And, many philosophers and thinkers are engaged in the international peace dialog and a large number of separated initiatives that have involving a significant number and pages of essays and conferences on philosophy of war and on the Philosophy of Peace, too.

Peace, patriotism and the Australian Commonwealth: historiographical observations on nations and movements

What is the place of ‘peace history’ in the study of Australian history? This article considers the marginalisation of ‘peace history’ and ponders recent challenges to such marginality. It further explores the possibility that studies of the Australian peace movement might not simply contribute to a fuller understanding of Australia’s past, but might also contribute to a more ambitious and historically grounded understanding of the ‘social movement’ as a transnational political actor.

Editors’ Introduction: Religion and Peace History

Peace & ChangeVolume 42, Issue 2 p. 179-184 Article Editors’ Introduction: Religion and Peace History Prudence Moylan, Prudence MoylanSearch for more papers by this authorBenjamin Peters, Benjamin PetersSearch for more papers by this author Prudence Moylan, Prudence MoylanSearch for more papers by this authorBenjamin Peters, Benjamin PetersSearch for more papers by this author First published: 16 March 2017 https://doi.org/10.1111/pech.12230Citations: 1Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat Citing Literature Volume42, Issue2April 2017Pages 179-184 RelatedInformation

The American Friends Service Committee's Mission to the Gestapo

The Night of Broken Glass (November 9–10, 1938) and its aftermath prompted the American Friends Service Committee (AFSC), a Quaker organization, to send a three‐man delegation to Berlin in December 1938 to intercede with the Nazi government on behalf of Germany's Jews. The delegation quickly learned from German Jewish leaders that emigration was more urgent than relief. It met with two of Reinhard Heydrich's lieutenants at the Gestapo on December 19 and proposed that the AFSC assume control of Jewish and non‐Aryan emigration: The AFSC over the next three years would relieve Germany of every Jew who was fit to leave. Heydrich appeared to agree to the Quakers’ proposal. The leader of the AFSC's delegation, the pre‐eminent American Quaker, Rufus Jones, thought the Quaker message of love and goodwill had momentarily triumphed over the Nazis’ hate. But evidence surrounding Adolf Eichmann's visit to the Gestapo a month later suggests otherwise. (The author wishes to thank the attendees of the 2015 conference of the Peace History Society for their invaluable feedback on his presentation of an earlier version of this article.)

Supernaturalism and Peace Activism: Expanding the Boundaries of Peace History

Sherwood Eddy was one of the most influential figures in world Christianity and a major figure in the interwar peace movement, yet he has been neglected by scholars. This essay argues that religion served as the nexus of his radicalization, shaping how he interpreted social reality and imagined social change. The same was true of most other peace activists in the twentieth century; indeed, it is impossible to understand the substance of peace politics in the twentieth‐century United States without reference to religion. By taking religion seriously, we expand the boundaries of peace history and challenge historiographical dichotomies between pacifism and realism, liberal Protestantism and evangelicalism, American Christianity and internationalism, religion and radicalism.

PAST AND PRESENT OF THE PEACE AGENDA WITHIN THE UNITED NATIONS: THE INFLUENCE OF THE SOCIALIST NOTION OF PEACEFUL CO-EXISTENCE

War and peace perpetually alternate and peace is always seen as an endless project, even a dream, to be realised in brotherhood by everyone all over the earth. Present generations should ensure that both they and future generations learn to live together in peace with the highest aspiration of sparing future generations the scourge of war. The UN Charter is the most solemn pact of peace in history, which lays down the necessary basic principles for an enduring peace. Recently, in the context of the joint effort in the recognition of the high importance of practicing tolerance, dialogue, cooperation and solidarity among all human beings, peoples and nations, the General Assembly has raised the voice of victims to strongly condemn war and to openly reiterate their inalienable right to enjoy peace such that all human rights are promoted and protected and development is fully realized.

War and Peace in the Borderlands of Myanmar: The Kachin Ceasefire, 1994-2011

War and Peace in the Borderlands of Myanmar: The Kachin Ceasefire, 1994-2011. Edited by Mandy Sadan. Copenhagen: NIAS Press, 2016. Softcover: 517pp. This collection of essays on the historical precedents, anthropology, political economy and prospects of conflict and peace in Kachin State, Northern Myanmar makes an outstanding contribution to the literature. It should be regarded as essential reading on these issues, together with the editor, Mandy Sadan's earlier account of Kachin histories (Being and Becoming Kachin: Histories Beyond the State in the Borderworlds of Burma, Oxford University Press 2013, reviewed in the December 2015 issue of Contemporary Southeast Asia). Sadan has brought together a diverse and stimulating collection of voices, ranging from well-established analysts to first-time authors. Veteran Myanmar-watcher Martin Smith provides a comprehensive overview of and reflection on the Kachin Independence Organization's (KIO) ceasefire with the government between 1994 and 2011, arguing that it should be seen in the larger historical context of fluctuating but deeply inequitable relations between the Myanmar government and the military, and minority communities (pp. 57-91). Representatives of a younger generation of Myanmar scholars include Matt Walton, who provides a useful conclusion (pp. 461-72), and Lee Jones (pp. 95-113) and Kevin Woods (pp. 114-48) who contribute important assessments of post-ceasefire political economies, including Woods' critique of development activities as a form of counterinsurgency, wherein battlefield enemies become business bedfellows (p. 114). Two chapters on the view from China add much to understanding the dynamics of peace and conflict in (particularly northern) Myanmar. Enze Han (pp. 149-68) assesses changing Sino-Myanmar relations, while Ho Ts'ui-p'ing (pp. 169-201) describes the situation of Jingpo communities in Yunnan Province, and their relationships with the Jingphaw in Myanmar, and the state (very different to that of their cousins across the border). Particularly interesting, readable and informative are the chapters contributed by first-time Kachin authors; less academic in approach and style, but extremely valuable in providing a nuanced account of how it was to live through some of the traumatic events of these years. Khkum Bu Lu's chapter on the experience of women in conflict and peace (pp. 291-307), Hkanhpa Tu Sadan's piece on Kachin university student life in 1990s Yangon (pp. 308-29) and Duwa Mahkaw Khun Sa's chapter on the history and dynamics of the Kachin National Organization (KNO, pp. 330-58) communicate memories and lived experiences in a way which is impossible to capture in more formal academic analysis. Their chapters include accounts of both suffering (e.g. the problem of drugs in many Kachin communities) and hope (e.g. the solidarity and friendship between individuals and Kachin subgroups). The final four chapters provide comparative accounts of other peace processes in Myanmar, and India. Of these, Patrick Meehan's succinct history of peace and conflict among the Palaung (Ta'ang) is particularly useful, offering a nuanced and comprehensive contribution to the sparse literature on this community (pp. 361-87). As the focus throughout is on the KIO ceasefire, it is surprising that the book contains no voices directly from the KIO itself--especially given the (interesting and important) contribution from its sometime rival organization, the KNO. …