ions that define what is happening as of a type. But the act that reproduces these paradigms can only occur at particular moments, in particular places, among particular interlocutors, and can only use particular sounds, marks, and things. Contemporary commerce is fueled by appeals to intimacy: from producers who add a personal touch to differentiate their products, to consumers who turn shopping into sacrifice and commodities into intimate elements of selves.46 Capitalism promises intimacy but then calls it into crisis when the competition puts a price on service or when one is forced to sell the family silver or pawn one’s coat. Yet it is not simply the conventional character of social action that exposes intimacy to crisis in the market. It is also the fact that this intimacy requires objects that originate beyond the immediate setting, in economies that control their availability and cost. In 1997, when international investors suddenly dumped their shares in Indonesian enterprises, demanding payment in foreign currency and sending the rupiah’s value plummeting, Indonesians received an object lesson in the vulnerability of national currencies to forces beyond their control.47 The New Order survived for three decades by managing a national geography in which the central government controlled export revenues from the outer islands’ natural resources.48 These revenues flowed into the production of official intimacies: through an expanded civil service, which bound vast numbers of state employees to the regime; through state enterprises, which enriched senior officers who otherwise might have threatened President Suharto’s rule. Revenues also flowed into the production of unofficial intimacies: through deals that made fortunes for the president’s children and Sino-Indonesian friends. Met by forceful intervention from the International Monetary Fund, the Asian crisis led to an attack on nepotism and cronyism at the center and, ultimately, to Suharto’s resignation. But it also threatened intimacies created in markets throughout the nation’s cities and towns. Arjun Appadurai has linked ethnic violence to the Public Culture 322 46. See Miller, Theory of Shopping; and Peter Stallybrass, “Marx’s Coat,” in Border Fetishisms: Material Objects in Unstable Spaces, ed. Patricia Spyer (London: Routledge, 1998). See also Arjun Appadurai, “Introduction: Commodities and the Politics of Value,” in The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective, ed. Arjun Appadurai (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986). 47. Compare Anna Tsing, “Inside the Economy of Appearances,” Public Culture 12 (2000): 115–144. 48. See John Bresnan, Managing Indonesia: The Modern Political Economy (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993), and Hal Hill, “The Economy” in Indonesia’s New Order: The Dynamics of Socio-Economic Transformation, ed. Hal Hill (St. Leonards, Australia: Allen and Unwin, 1994). See also John Sidel, “Macet Total: Logics of Circulation and Accumulation in the Demise of Indonesia’s New Order,” Indonesia 66 (1999): 159–94. PC 13.2-08 Rutherford 5/3/01 11:31 AM Page 322