Patterns Of Political Communication Research Articles

Fungsi Instagram sebagai Sarana Komunikasi Politik Raden Muhammad Khalil Prasetyo

Among the politicians who utilize social media to communicate about politics is Raden Muhammad Khalil Prasetyo. This political message is intended at his supporters, the residents of Medan City. Political players can draw in voters, engage in direct communication with the public, and have private discussions with them using social media. This study attempts to identify the political communication patterns on Instagram of Raden Muhammad Khalil Prasetyo and the advantages that he derives from using the platform. Using descriptive qualitative research techniques, this study looks at how to use the data collected to address current issues. This essay presents, examines, interprets, and conducts direct interviews with informants as the key data source for the author. The study's findings demonstrate that a politician must talk gently and courteously while interacting with the general populace. The people will view the politician favorably as a result of this. You need Instagram management abilities to make a favorable impression, such publishing videos of engaging activities rather than dull ones. He needs to make the most of Instagram's features to grow his following and make it easier for others to communicate with him.

Patterns of Political Communication in Virtual Leadership in Political Parties After the COVID-19 Pandemic

After the COVID-19 pandemic, all sectors must still implement health protocols while continuing to work virtually to fulfill their obligations. The GERINDRA Party is one of the major parties in Indonesia that continues to carry out political communication to carry out its functions. The virtual leadership model and competitive organizational culture are applied in running an adequate organization. This research aims to analyze virtual leadership and competitive culture in post-pandemic organizations. The research method is carried out with bibliometric analysis which utilizes vos viewer software to conduct analysis and participatory research because the author is at the research location. The result is that virtual leadership is applied with several conditions, including leaders understanding the perceptions of members and organizations, leaders acting as the key to success, leaders being obliged to work remotely, leaders following the flow of globalization, and mastering ICT. Then the competitive organizational culture is applied with innovation, knowledge, collaboration, and target markets.

Public Policy in the Digital Era: Transformation of Political Communication

Communication is a basic human activity in everyday life, communication is an important component for the survival of humans or community groups. The current development of information technology is able to change social, cultural and even political communication patterns in Indonesia and even the world so that in practice political communication has now begun to shift from conventional to social media. The massive use of the internet among the public is an indication of the digital era which is giving rise to unpredictable changes in the direction of the pace. This research aimed to find out what kind of public policies are made in the current digital era. The research uses a qualitative research method with a library study method as the data collection method. This literature study aims to enrich the author's information as well as enrich data or research materials in the field. The results of this research are that public policy in the digital era has had a positive impact or influence on the transformation of political communication in Indonesia, and social media is also able to change political communication patterns from conventional to social media by utilizing applications such as Facebook and Instagram to reach its target audience. and gain a political voice.

Political communication patterns of the 2024 Indonesian Presidential Candidates via Instagram social media

Political communication patterns of the 2024 Indonesian Presidential Candidates via Instagram social media

Political Presence on Facebook during and beyond Election Campaigns: The Portuguese Case

Motivated by the conjecture that traditional political communication patterns and strategies are broken within social network sites, this paper investigates the presence of Portuguese political parties on Facebook during a year with two major elections (European and Legislative), both from the posting activity aspect and the user engagement. The following research questions are formulated: Is it possible to identify distinctive styles adopted by different parties or to demonstrate that their audience acknowledges them in a different manner? If such distinction is possible, can it be correlated with the party’s foundation time, relative size, or place within the political spectrum? Our analysis shows that the common assumptions that older parties do not behave like newer ones fail when tested against the collected data. We also observe higher levels of user engagement attracted by newly founded, minor, and right-leaning parties, compared to their older, major, and left-leaning counterparts, respectively.

Social Media-Based Party-Building Activities In Bangladesh: An Analysis of the Bangladesh Awami League’s Facebook Page

User behaviour of political parties’ social media varies from country to country. Though there is much research on political parties’ social mediabased election campaigns, there is a scarcity of research on how political parties use social media for their party-building activities. Particularly about Bangladeshi political parties, there is no research in this area. The user behaviour and effectiveness of the Bangladesh Awami League’s (AL) Facebook page are explored in this study to realise Bangladesh’s social media-based political communication patterns. Following the mixedmethods approach, it has collected both qualitative and quantitative data. This study has analysed the posts shared on AL’s Facebook page to collect its data. The interview is also taken with five key persons closely related to the AL’s Facebook page. This study has explored that Al does not use its Facebook page in a participatory way. Instead, it uses the platform as a one-way communication channel mainly for disseminating information, advertising this party, mobilising its supporters and confronting its opposition parties and rumours. Though it does not use its Facebook page in a participatory way, AL’s Facebook page is helping this party to do its partybuilding activities easily. Besides, it is also helping to enhance and achieve its other goals. The study fills the existing knowledge gap in this field and helps other political parties understand how a Bangladeshi political party uses social media to substantiate its party-building activities. Social Science Review, Vol. 38(2), December 2021 Page 197-215

How Do Mainstream Parties Justify Their (Un)willingness to Rule with Populist Parties? Evidence from Twitter Data

AbstractParties usually argue in favour or against a government coalition based on party considerations in terms of projected policy implementation, power in office and vote maximization – that is, the ‘policy, office, votes’ triad. So far, however, it remains unclear which claims mainstream parties invoke to motivate their choice to rule or not rule with populist parties. Adopting the ‘policy, voter, office’ triad, this article examines mainstream parties' Twitter claims on ruling with populist parties in Austria, Belgium, Germany and the Netherlands (2006–2021, N = 1,919). Mainstream parties mainly reject ruling with (mostly radical right) populist parties. To justify unwillingness, policy-based motives referring to the populist parties' extremist nature trump motives on office-seeking and vote maximization. To justify willingness, predominantly office-seeking motivations are invoked. Party characteristics (ideology, incumbency status, size) and context, however, shape these claims. This study sheds light on mainstream parties' patterns of political communication on coalition formation with populist parties.

Political Communication Patterns through Social Media: A Case of an Indonesian Presidential Staff Twitter Account

Given the current technological developments, social media has become a necessity and a new tool that can complement services. Social media can influence the understanding of political communication and its impact on the public. Every element of society uses social media for various purposes, including the government. One who is quite active on Twitter and has repeatedly drawn controversy is the Presidential Chief of Staff, Retired General Moeldoko. The research investigates the pattern of political communication carried out by the Presidential Chief of Staff by focusing on his Twitter account and using the components of the effectiveness of political communication and media effects. The research applies a qualitative approach supported by the NVivo 12 Plus software. The data are collected using the NCapture for NVivo feature on the Presidential Chief of Staff’s Twitter account (@Dr Moeldoko). The results show that Moeldoko’s communication through Twitter is generally for the media or fellow government agencies. His communication is also a way to provide information about government programs. In addition, the research also finds that the alleged ineffectiveness in Twitter management is based on a decrease in account activity. It can be concluded that his pattern of communication is general, vertical, and not participatory.

Patterns of Political Communication Between Government Institutions and Effect to the Trust of the Acehnese People

This study has described how the pattern of political communication between government institutions and its impact on public confidence in development in Aceh Province, Indonesia. This study focuses more on the analysis of communication patterns between the executive (ie: Governor of Aceh Province) and the legislative (DPR) in carrying out their respective duties and functions in the context of development in Aceh Province, Indonesia. This study uses a descriptive qualitative approach aimed at describing the pattern of political communication between government institutions and analyzing the level of trust of the Acehnese people. The benefit of this study is to provide a formula for good and effective political communication with elites at various levels of institutions from the executive to the legislature. Based on the results of the study, it can be concluded that the patterns of political communication between government institutions, namely the executive and legislative institutions, are personal communication patterns, informal communication patterns, family communication patterns, party or organizational communication patterns. All types of communication patterns are carried out between parties in carrying out interest lobbying and development policies in the Aceh Province, Indonesia. This type of communication pattern, based on the results of research, has been carried out by both parties in running government institutions in Aceh, namely the Aceh Government and the Aceh Legislature.

Keeping Receipts: Lessons on Civic Engagement in Autocratic States from Kazakh Advocacy for Xinjiang

Abstract How do civil society actors in authoritarian states use the internet to mobilize and advocate for rights claims? The internet has changed the patterns of political communication for civil society actors, but the range of tactics used in autocracies remains undertheorized. In this paper, I analyze the activities of Atajurt Eriktileri, a group that petitions the Kazakhstani government on behalf of co-ethnics detained in Xinjiang, China. Empirically, I complement five semi-structured interviews with an interpretive analysis of 3,272 petition videos (an original dataset) posted to Atajurt’s YouTube channel. I identify four visual–discursive patterns and three scripts that characterize the petitions, which speak to Atajurt’s strategy of atomized collective action; this approach helps avoid the repression that comes with more traditional forms of mass mobilization. The hypervisibility of Atajurt’s social media presence challenges the dominant literature on civil society and resistance in authoritarian regimes that emphasizes hidden forms of contention.

SEMIOTIC ANALYSIS OF THE POLITICAL COMMUNICATION PATTERNS OF JOKO WIDODO AND NAHDLATUL ULAMA IN THE 2019 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION CAMPAIGN

Semiotics is used as the basis for the meaning contained in each message, especially regarding political communication which uses a reference that every message meaning is contained in it. A political communication that uses the interactional communication model carried out by Joko Widodo and Nahdlatul Ulama convinces the public to support Joko Widodo as a candidate for President of Indonesia in 2019. Semiotics has a relationship with the prevailing culture in an area due to signs and patterns of political communication. carried out by Joko Widodo and Nahdlatul Ulama is believed to be a communication process and uses signs and figures of speech through the metaphor of political communication by referring to the communication made between the two actors to participate in seeing the communication process by sending messages to the public. Semiotics is used in a message as well as to be sent to the public. The campaign carried out by Joko Widodo has a close relationship with Nahdlatul Ulama as the two of them did to believe in all Indonesian people with the messages sent by both of them. However, the semiotic element contained in the political communication carried out by Joko Widodo and Nahdlatul Ulama invites the Indonesian people to follow what is done by interpreting the meaning of semiotics in the political messages sent by Joko Widodo and Nahdlatul Ulama to the Indonesian people.

SEMIOTIC ANALYSIS OF THE POLITICAL COMMUNICATION PATTERNS OF JOKO WIDODO AND NAHDLATUL ULAMA IN THE 2019 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION CAMPAIGN

Semiotics is used as the basis for the meaning contained in each message, especially regarding political communication which uses a reference that every message meaning is contained in it. A political communication that uses the interactional communication model carried out by Joko Widodo and Nahdlatul Ulama convinces the public to support Joko Widodo as a candidate for President of Indonesia in 2019. Semiotics has a relationship with the prevailing culture in an area due to signs and patterns of political communication. carried out by Joko Widodo and Nahdlatul Ulama is believed to be a communication process and uses signs and figures of speech through the metaphor of political communication by referring to the communication made between the two actors to participate in seeing the communication process by sending messages to the public. Semiotics is used in a message as well as to be sent to the public. The campaign carried out by Joko Widodo has a close relationship with Nahdlatul Ulama as the two of them did to believe in all Indonesian people with the messages sent by both of them. However, the semiotic element contained in the political communication carried out by Joko Widodo and Nahdlatul Ulama invites the Indonesian people to follow what is done by interpreting the meaning of semiotics in the political messages sent by Joko Widodo and Nahdlatul Ulama to the Indonesian people.

Political Communication Patterns of Young Adults in Germany

While the political communication and participation activities of young adults are changing, this is often not adequately captured by research due to a too narrow conceptualization of the phenomenon. Our approach conceptualizes political communication as activities comprising the reception of political content, interpersonal communication regarding political issues and political participation. We incorporated both analog and digital media, as well as different forms of political participation, to reflect the complex reality of political communication activities of young adults in the digital age. On the basis of a sample from 2013, we investigated the patterns of political communication of young adults (ages 18–33 years). This age group represents the first generation to have grown up under the ubiquitous influence of the internet and other modern information technologies. In addition, we examined factors influencing the formation of different political communication patterns of this generation. Results of cluster analyses demonstrated that young adults should not be seen as a homogeneous group. Rather, we found six communication types. Interestingly, no online-only type of political communication was revealed, By applying multinomial logistic regression analysis, we were able to demonstrate that socio-demographic variables, individual resources and cognitive involvement in politics influence the likelihood of belonging to more active political communication types. The present study investigated various information and communication opportunities of young adults, and is rare in terms of the richness of data provided. Our conceptual innovative approach enables a better understanding of young adults’ complex political communication patterns. Moreover, our approach encourages follow-up research, as our results provide a valuable starting point for intergenerational comparisons regarding changes in political engagement among young adults in Germany, as well as for cross-country analysis regarding different generations of young adults.

The Political Communications of Khofifah Indar Parawansa to Obtain Support of The Golkar Party, The Democrat Party, and Nahdlatul Ulama Figures in the 2018 East Java Governor Election

Identity politics is often seen as preventing a woman from becoming a leader. In fact, the potential for leadership is a gift from God that must be managed wisely, responsibly, and full of trust. In the Qur'an sura Al Baqarah verse 228 Allah SWT gives His signal that women have equal rights with men in all matters including leadership. Twice failed in the East Java Governor Election did not stop Khofifah Indar Parawansa's determination to return to participate in the for the third time. This study has the aim of knowing the political communication efforts carried out by Khofifah Indar Parawansa in gaining the support of the Golkar Political Party and the Democratic Party as well as NU figures so that they win the 2018 East Java Governor election. The research method used in this study is to use qualitative analysis with a phenomenological approach that uses a phenomenological approach. Relies on data collection, including interviewing key informants and several other key informants, as well as conducting in-depth analysis of a series of studies. The results of this study conclude that the political communication process of Khofifah Indar Parawansa before becoming the Governor of East Java for the 2018-2023 period, the main thing is to build intensive political communication to the Kiai Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) as informal figures who are influential in East Java. Through the role of the NU (Nahdliyin) East Java clerics, strategies and patterns of political communication were developed with local political figures from major political parties to win the 2018 East Java Governor election contestation.

STRATEGI KOMUNIKASI POLITIK BAWASLU KABUPATEN TUBAN DALAM PENCEGAHAN SENGKETA PILKADA 2020 ERA PANDEMI COVID-19

Bawaslu of Tuban Regency is an institution in charge of overseeing the course of Regional Head Elections as mandated by law. In addition, Bawaslu of Tuban Regency also has the authority to prevent and handle disputes in the election process. In preventing disputes, the process certainly cannot be separated from the political communication implemented by Bawaslu of Tuban Regency. This research is a descriptive qualitative type that uses the interview method and document study in collecting research data. The results showed that in preventing disputes in the election process, Bawaslu of Tuban Regency used formal, informal, vertical and horizontal political communication patterns. The use of this communication pattern is based on the complex dynamics faced by Bawaslu of Tuban Regency.

Pola Komunikasi Politik Eksekutif dan Legislatif dalam Proses Pembangunan Kesejahteraan Rakyat

This study aims to reveal the patterns of political communication practiced by the executive and parliament in developing communities' well-being in Aceh Tamiang Regency - Aceh Province, Indonesia. A qualitative approach was applied in collecting the data through observation, interviews, and document analysis. The finding of the study reported that the inhibiting factor for the political communication between the executive and the legislature was managing and negotiating the Regency Expenditure Budgeting. The formulation of the budgets always based on personal or political affairs - either the regent or the legislatures' businesses. Besides, the executive is always procrastinating work resulting in fatal mistakes for society. Even though the communication was intense, the most obvious misconception was the negligence of both parties in completing the budget documents that were to be submitted timely to the province. This problem is essentially the fault of the two institutions. The heedlessness they performed resulted in the loss of community welfare development funds, causing the Aceh Tamiang district to suffer losses in their physical and non-physical budgets for developing social welfare, well-being, and infrastructure development.

Manajemen Isu Komunisme dalam Bingkai Nasakom di Era Soekarno (1959-1966)

AbstractThis research focuses on the management issue of communism in the Nasakom framework through the policies and patterns of political communication of President Soekarno's government. This issue was used by Soekarno since the 1959 Presidential Decree. The solution implemented by Soekarno unwittingly opened a space for political communication in the middle way. Compromise management style is used to suppress conflicts that occur between interests. The method used in this study is the historical method. The results showed that the approach adopted by President Soekarno could not be separated from Communism. Even though it seemed to unite all the ideologies that were developing at that time, in fact there was a very sharp political competition between factions. This then led to the events of 30 September and the emergence of a new order. This research is part of a broader study to examine the management of communism issues in every political regime in Indonesia. Keywords: Nasakom, Issue Management, Communism, Literature Study

Political Communication in the Determination of Regional Expenditure Budget (APBD) of Ambon City in 2019

Kota Ambon merupakan salah satu daerah yang mengalami keterlambatan dalam melakukan penyusunan anggaran dan penetapannya dari tahun 2010-2014. Keterlambatan yang terjadi disebabkan oleh pola komunikasi lembaga terkait yang tidak terjalin dengan baik. Pola komunitasi yang tidak terjalin ini menimbulkan perdebatan dua lembaga yang berakibat fatal pada penetapan anggaran di bulan Januari sampai Maret, padahal batas waktu penetapan anggaran paling lambatnya adalah pada bulan Desember setiap tahun. Keterlambatan penetapan menjadi fokus penelitian dengan menganalisis pola komunikasi politik pada lembaga eksekutif dan legislatif dalam menjalankan kewenangan perencanaan anggaran sesuai dengan ketentuan yang berlaku.
 Pola komunikasi politik yang terjadi pada perencanaan anggaran menentukan berjalannya proses perencanaan anggaran dengan baik, tepat dan akuntabel. Komunikasi politik pada pembahasan APBD Kota Ambon merupakan proses yang terjadi pada perencanaan dan penetapan anggaran. Perencanaan anggaran yang terjadi pada lembaga eksekutif dan legislatif terbentuk oleh pola komunikasi formal tentang mekanisme perencanaan anggaran, serta pola komunikasi informal untuk melakukan bargaining, negosiasi, dan lobi dalam mengakomudir kepentingan di antara kedua lembaga.
 Metode penelitian kualitatif dengan pendekatan studi kasus digunakan untuk menganalisis pola komunikasi politik pada lembaga legislatif dan eksekutif. Teknik pengumpulan data adalah dengan cara observasi, wawancara, dokumentasi serta penggunaan bahan-bahan yang terkait. Hasil penelitian mengungkapkan bahwa pola komunikasi ekternal antara lembaga eksekutif dan legislatif dalam proses penetapan APBD Kota Ambon memanfaatkan saluran komunikasi formal dan informal. Selanjutnya pencocokan program kerja dilakukan melalui tahapan reses yang diakomodir pada dokumen KUA-PPAS serta dituangkan pada pandangan fraksi masing-masing di DPRD.

Social media in/and the politics of the European Union

Abstract This paper looks at how social/online media – using the example of Twitter – are used in the politico-organizational communication of the European Union at a time when it faces multiple crises and is in acute need of effectively communicating its politics to the European demos. Proposing a critical discourse framework for the analysis of the politico-organizational use of Twitter, the paper shows that while, to some extent, bringing change or ‘modernization’ to EU political communication patterns, social/online media help in sustaining some of the deep-seated dispositions in EU communicative and organizational practices as well as political discourses. As deployed by the EU’s – and specifically the European Commission’s – spokesperson service, social/online help in solidifying some of the controversial patterns in EU political communication. They also bring in other, more contemporary, challenges as regards using Twitter and social media as parts of political and institutional/organizational communication.

The News Media Outlet is the Message

At the time of its inception, “the medium is the message” by Marshall McLuhan (1964) was both prophetic and controversial. A half-century later, with innovative broadcasting technologies leading to a massive scale media market, the concept of a singular “medium” seems too broad to understand theoretical patterns of political communication. This study proposes a new phrase, “the news media outlet is the message,” and examines the differing effects of news media outlets for partly-mediated political communication. The experimental study measured changes in voters’ candidate evaluations before and after watching each of the three real-time televised debates in the 2012 American presidential election. The participants, who were randomly assigned to and viewed the debates via one of the five different news media outlets, showed a clear media channel effect on their evaluations of political candidates in partly-mediated forms of political discourse, and it confirmed that the news media outlet was indeed the message.