Political Path Research Articles

A preliminary study of the ideological and political path of public English courses in vocational colleges and universities with new media background

Under the background of the rapid development of new media, the organic integration of public English courses and ideological and political education in vocational colleges and universities is facing opportunities and challenges. How to use new media technology to improve teaching effectiveness, cultivate students' media literacy, and conduct effective curriculum thinking is an urgent problem to be solved. Taking the public English of vocational colleges and universities as an example, this study takes the problems and challenges faced by public English teaching in colleges and universities under the background of new media, and explores the effective way to use new media technology to realize the thinking and politics of public English courses.

Promise or Peril?: The Political Path of Prison Abolition in America

Promise or Peril?: The Political Path of Prison Abolition in America

PETRO SHELEST'S ACTIVITIES TO PRESERVE THE MEMORY OF THE COSSACKS

The purpose of the article is to cover Petro Shelest's activities to preserve the memory of the Cossacks. I aimed to cover the political path of Petro Shelest. What he was guided by when he was first secretary. What cultural monuments he reconstructed and restored during his reign.The article clarifies the features of socio-political activity of the Ukrainian Soviet Republic. The set of documents used in the work makes it possible to objectively assess the activities of Petro Shelest. The use of historical-systematic method of research made it possible to reproduce the main character of the hero.The article also identifies the main architectural complexes that were reconstructed during the reign of Petro Shelest. What historical sculptures have been completely restored. What Petro Shelest paid attention to when he was in power and what bothered him about the history of Ukraine. The activity of the Ukrainian party leadership, which was aimed at preserving the memory of the Cossacks is considered.

Political economy and the pursuit of universal health coverage in Ghana: a case study of the National Health Insurance Scheme.

The road to universal health coverage depends on resources committed to the health sector. In many cases, the political structure and strength of advocacy play an important role in setting budgets for health. However, this has, until recently, not been of interest to health system researchers and policymakers. In this study, we document the political path to the establishment of the Ghana National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS) as well as continuous political interest in the scheme. To achieve our objectives, we used qualitative data from interviews with key stakeholders. These include stakeholders instrumental in the design and establishment of the NHIS. We also reviewed party manifestoes from the two main political parties in the country. Promises relating to the NHIS were extracted from the various manifestos and analysed. Other documents that account for the design and implementation of the scheme were reviewed. We found that the establishment of the NHIS was down to political commitment and effective engagement with relevant stakeholders. It was considered a solution to the political promise to remove user fees and make healthcare accessible to all. A review of the manifestos shows that in almost every election year after the NHIS was established, there has been some promise related to improving the scheme. There were several policy propositions repeated in different election years. The findings imply that advocacy to get health financing on the political agenda is crucial. This should start from the development of party manifestos. It is important to also ensure that proposed party policies are consistent with national priorities in the medium to long term.

Geoethics to Start Up a Pedagogical and Political Path towards Future Sustainable Societies

The development of geoethics is at a turning point. After having strengthened its theoretical structure and launched new initiatives aimed at favouring the spread of geoethical thinking, geoethics must deal with some issues concerning the social organization of dominant cultures, the existing economic structures, and the political systems that govern the world. Nowadays geoethics must move towards the construction of a pedagogical proposal, which has a formative purpose, for future generations and the policy leaders, but also a political one, in the noble sense of the term, that is, concerning the action of citizens who take part in public life. The pedagogical and political project of geoethics will have to be founded on the principles of dignity, freedom, and responsibility on which to ground a set of values for global ethics in order to face planetary anthropogenic changes. Furthermore, this project must be inclusive, participatory, and proactive, without falling into simplistic criticism of the current interpretative and operational paradigms of the world, but always maintaining realism (therefore adherence to the reality of the observed facts) and a critical attitude towards the positive and negative aspects of any organizational socio-economic system of human communities. In our vision there can be no sustainability, adaptation, or transition in human systems that do not pass through an ethical regeneration of the human beings, who are aware of their inborn anthropocentric and anthropogenic perception/position and assume responsibility for the consequences of their actions impacting the Earth system. In fact, the ecological crisis is the effect of the crisis of humans who have moved away from their intimate human nature. Through this paper we want to enlarge disciplinary areas that should be investigated and discussed through the lens of geoethical thinking and propose geoethics for an ethical renewal of societies, making them more sustainable from a social, economic, and environmental perspectives.

The Current Political Path of an Ultra-Catholic Agent of Brazilian Christofacism Father Paulo Ricardo

The article foregrounds Father Paulo Ricardo’s role in the political history of the present time and in the building of the political-religious guidelines that helped the shaping and mobilization of Jair Bolsonaro’s extreme rightwing project, from 2018’s candidacy to the presidency, but mainly in the face of time management of the Covid-19 pandemic. From the notion of Christofascism, as a “theology of authoritarian power,” one seeks to understand how the referred priest helps in intellectual production, hence sustaining the governmental summit mainly with the arrival of Covid-19 in the country. The article also seeks to use the notion of “trajectory” by Giovanni Levi to trace the last years of the priest’s religious activity, mainly from his productions on social media of political-religious appeal, when Father Paulo Ricardo directly feeds what we call Bolsonaro’s “Christofascism” with themes that help in the “war of the gods” promoted in this condition, in contempt for science and helping to feed this new type of authoritarianism experienced in contemporary Brazil.

On lives, politics and history. A conversation with Allen F. Isaacman and Barbara S. Isaacman about activism, Mozambique and other African histories

In late 2019, Allen and Barbara Isaacman were in Portugal to conduct research on Samora Machel – guerrilla fighter and first president of the People’s Republic of Mozambique – which led to the book Samora Machel. A life cut short. Since the late 1960s, Allen and Barbara Isaacman have been working on what is now the territory of Mozambique, developing one of the most extensive and solid researches on the history of Africa. Their analyses focus on African political and social structures, the process of Portuguese colonial occupation, and how it affected the lives of African populations. In their books, archival knowledge and oral sources support a historiography concerned with the analysis of field processes, namely with the intention of bringing to the forefront the practices, expectations, and worldviews of the local populations. The conversation took place on October 15-17, 2019. Over several hours of recording, we talked about their personal, academic and political path. The lessons we took away from this conversation are varied and bear upon Barbara and Allen Isaacman’s generosity, ethical elevation, analytical rigor, and sense of solidarity with the Mozambican people.

Cleaning house before hosting new guests: A political path dependence model of political connection adaptation in the aftermath of anticorruption shocks

AbstractResearch SummaryWe develop a political path dependence model that integrates the network embeddedness perspective and the literature on corporate political strategy to understand how firms adapt their political connections when anticorruption efforts lead to the turnover of government officials. We posit that although firms that have close associations with ousted corrupt officials can benefit from both removing existing political connections (“cleaning house”) and developing new connections with their successors (“hosting new guests”), political path dependence enables firms to do the former but constrains them from doing the latter. These effects are magnified when firms are highly dependent on the government, and when the ousted corrupt officials have great political power. Evidence from anticorruption campaigns in China between 2012 and 2018 lends support for our theoretical predictions.Managerial SummaryIt is common for firms to strive to stay connected with government officials. Of interest is, when political power shifts, can firms “update” their connections by severing ties with politicians who fall out of power and building new ones? Our political path dependent model demonstrates that it may not be a symmetric process. After the downfall and replacements of public officials due to corruption indictments, firms that are more closely associated with ousted, corrupt officials will indeed be more motivated and able to remove existing connections. However, the successors of ousted officials will more likely distance themselves from these firms, thereby undermining the firms' abilities to build new connections with them. Empirical evidence from anticorruption campaigns in China between 2012 and 2018 supports our predictions.

PERAN JALALUDIN RAKHMAT SEBAGAI AKTOR DALAM PERJUANGAN HAK-HAK MINORITAS DI PARLEMEN

Minority groups often get discriminatory treatment from the surrounding socio-political environment .Therefore, They always fight for their right through political path. This study examines the role of an actor in fighting for the minorities’ right in parliament by highlighting the case of Jalaludin Rakhmat when he was a member of the House of Representatives Council in 2014-2019. The focus of this study is highlighting the political role of Jalaludin Rakhmat in fighting for the interests of the Syiah Group in the DPR, including describing the various dynamics along with it. The method used in this study is qualitative by collecting in depth-interview data with Jalaludin Rakhmat, several PDIP politicians, Syiah figures in West Java, and socio-political observers. The documents reading related to Jalaludin Rakhmat’s activities in both scientific journals and national news was also carried out to deepen the context and issues of Syiah in Indonesia. The results of this study revealed that Jalaludin Rakhmat’s role in legislative represents an actor-centered effort to intervene in the political process which aims to provide space for Syia groups to fulfill their various interests. However, from its political intervention efforts, it turned out that there were not many pro-Syia policy products.The success of Jalaludin Rakhmat’s intervention can not be determined only by the ability of the actor, but also by the political structure in the DPR. In addition, the identity attached to an actor also affects the success of his achievements in fulfilling his interests. Minority interest issues are still considered politically disadvantageous for political parties. This study concludes that minority actors who make it into parliament do not necessarily correlate with the opening of the political system to the struggle of minority groups.

Tackling Covid-19 and Building Back Better: The Case of Ethiopia

The Covid-19 pandemic struck Ethiopia at an important juncture in its development and political path. Following impressive progress in poverty reduction and human development in recent decades, driven by a state-led model, it is transitioning towards a more democratic governance structure and a more liberal economic model. This article examines the country’s response to the pandemic, focusing on social protection and health systems. Ethiopia’s experience demonstrates the importance of building shock-responsive systems for social protection, including pre-identification of vulnerable groups and a financing strategy to trigger an immediate response. It also highlights how the health sector capacity can be further strengthened in anticipation of future health emergencies. For example, the government could identify and build the health sector industry capacity before future shocks occur in order to quickly scale up the response. Covid-19 had a disproportionate impact on women and girls due to the closure of schools; limited access to gender-based violence and health services; and the economic impact on informal sectors. The article concludes by sharing key lessons for developing countries on how prioritisation of vulnerable groups and ensuring strong political commitment can support a more effective pandemic response.

Commentary

Commentary

Politik Diplomasi Masa Revolusi Menuju Pengakuan Kemerdekaan Indonesia (1946-1949)

This paper aims to find out how the politics of diplomacy in the early days of independence, especially during the Syarir Cabinet to Hatta Cabinet, and to explain how the efforts of the Indonesian political elite to address diplomatic politics in the face of aggression and to analyze the role of third parties in Indonesian diplomacy. The method used in this research is a qualitative method, namely fact finding with the correct interpretation. Descriptive research is to study problems in society and the procedures that apply in society. The method used is literature study with data collection techniques by conducting a review study of books, literature, notes, and reports that have to do with the problem being solved. The conclusion of this research is that the political attitudes of the various Indonesian elites, the first group is that the government prioritizes the political path of diplomacy rather than armed resistance or 100 percent independence. The attitude of this first group is more influenced by the education they have received since studying in the Netherlands, among the first group are; Hatta, Syahrir, Setiadjid, Abdul Majid and Amir Syarifuddin and Agus Salim. This group believes that de jure the Netherlands is still strong and has the support of its allies such as Britain and America. Meanwhile, the second group who chose the armed or guerrilla resistance method in achieving 100 percent independence among this group was more than the opposition and military figures such as Tan Malaka, Panglima Sudirman and the leaders of the Masyumi and PNI parties. This conflict caused Sudirman to choose Guerrilla as the right way to achieve 100 percent independence. The conflict between Indonesia and the Netherlands ultimately requires American involvement in resolving the dispute between the two countries. This was proven by the US for the second time issuing a UN resolution to pressure the Netherlands to want to surrender sovereignty to the Indonesian republic even though under certain conditions, such as the Netherlands has not recognized the states belonging to the Republic of Indonesia and Papua. Then the independence of the Republic of Indonesia still has the remaining debt to the Dutch. Keywords : Politics, Diplomacy, Revolution, Independence

How Has Political Sharia Fared in Nigeria?

Exactly twenty years ago, twelve states in northern Nigeria treaded the volatile path of religious politics through the adoption of sharia law. Since Nigeria’s political independence, it has design...

Research on Innovative Practice of Ideological and Political in College English Courses

In recent years, global economic integration has a great impact on college students’ thinking. Many college students are lack of ideals and beliefs and their moral consciousness is very weak and ideological quality is not high. Therefore, ideological and political education should be carried out in college English teaching. We need to make scientific and reasonable teaching program. It will help to improve the overall quality of college English teaching and the ideological quality of college students. Based on this, the paper summarizes the practical value of curriculum ideology and politics in college English teaching. It also analyzes the advantages of curriculum ideology and politics in college English teaching. To provide some reference for college teaching, the paper even explores the practical path of curriculum ideology and politics in college English teaching.

A Sestina in 1979

POETRY Firoozeh KashaniSabet is a novelist and a professor of Middle Eastern history at the University of Pennsylvania. Her creative work follows the treacherous path of politics by intruding into people’s personal lives and private spaces. Through her poems and stories, she explores some of the themes of her academic research, including alienation, prejudice, power, love, and violence. A Note on “A Sestina in 1979” by Firoozeh Kashani-Sabet After the Iranian Revolution of 1979, the Islamic Republic placed restrictions on public musical performances and the pursuit of professional musical interests. Although traditional Persian music regained some of its status and popularity, the state maintained a complicated, and often negative, relationship with Western music, especially in public settings. This poem recognizes the beauty and burden of creating “boundless music” of all genres and in all social settings. A Sestina in 1979 by Firoozeh Kashani-Sabet for Lida Berberian I remember when I couldn’t read music; The pile of unfamiliar books lay listless; my hands glided across every open note, reaching out to the piano, an overture to harmonize the random sounds into one melody. I was six . . . She led me through six measures, my fingers following hers. “Music,” she hummed, “is what we’ll create.” One by one we approached my listless drills. I felt the grand piano long enough to caress every note. Her music, my only language. The note, my first alphabet. Six seasons later, we bought a new piano. The rioters outside listened to our music, the estranged waltzes. My fingers, no longer listless, had learned to crescendo from one measure to the next, perfecting one suite after another. The note from the committee arrived on a listless afternoon, as the Shah’s requiem dimmed. I had six weeks to perform a lifetime of music. My teacher stood beside the piano choosing the études, correcting my pianofortes . The voices blending into one, a deafening cry for freedom. The music fading – the stilted chord, every pedaled note. We practiced together for six days, the metronome ticking away the listless hours. Nothing seemed listless on stage, the grand piano awaiting my turn. Six pages delivered, the judges following my one remaining bar of music. Gunshots crackling with each note, a revolution unfolding as the music cruelly echoed. No listless repetitions, one last time touching the piano, harmonizing every note – Six breathless measures, a coda for boundless music. WORLDLIT.ORG 15 EBONY AND IVORY / PHOTO BY BLONDINRIKARD FRÖBERG / FLICKR ...

ЛЕГКО ЛИ БЫТЬ ПРЕМЬЕР-МИНИСТРОМ АВСТРАЛИИ?

The article attempts to trace the main milestones of the political path of Scott Morrison – the current Prime Minister of the Commonwealth of Australia – and give a balanced assessment of this statesman.

WTO Legal Issues Arising from Carbon Border Measures: An Introductory Primer

Carbon border measures (CBMs) are an important tool for integrating climate and trade policy. At the same time, however, they raise novel issues for the World Trade Organization (WTO). Although these issues may present themselves as legal issues, they are significant diplomatically and politically for a number of reasons. First, U.S. allies, the European Union (EU) in particular, are politically invested in the WTO as the center of a rules-based international trading system. Allies are therefore reluctant to adopt or acquiesce to measures that do not have a plausible justification under WTO rules. Diplomatic engagement on allies’ policies, such as the EU’s forthcoming CBM, is thus most effective when it is informed by WTO issues. Second, U.S. allies have perceived the United States under the Trump administration as actively undermining the WTO. They therefore would be especially sensitive now to U.S. policies, such as a potential U.S. CBM, that could fly in the face of WTO rules. Third, U.S. allies, led by the EU, are eager to rebuild the WTO’s Appellate Body (the lynchpin of the WTO’s dispute settlement system), which the Trump administration incapacitated following years of bipartisan discontent with the body. CBMs present a challenge to this endeavor. If the Biden administration adopts CBMs that cannot at least plausibly be justified before the WTO’s dispute settlement system, reviving dispute settlement at the WTO will be considerably more difficult. Preemptively thinking through WTO legal issues with CBMs may thus smooth the diplomatic and political path for adopting such measures and presenting them to both the U.S. business/environmental communities and U.S. allies. For simplicity, this memo focuses on the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), the cornerstone of WTO rules. Additional analysis under other WTO rules, such as the Technical Barriers to Trade Agreement or the Agreement on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures, can be provided upon request. The GATT follows a system of primary rules with which members must comply unless an exception to those primary rules applies. This memo discusses briefly why CBMs are likely to violate the GATT’s primary rules, before turning to issues that arise in justifying a CBM under GATT exceptions. We conclude with a discussion as to why the approach we’ve argued for elsewhere1 is perhaps particularly well suited to being defended under GATT exceptions.

Structure and performance of medical and dental care in two Brazilian health regions between 2007 and 2014.

The structure and performance of medical and dental care were analyzed in two health regions that differed socioeconomically and in the provision of services, through case study in the Norte-Barretos (São Paulo) and Juazeiro (Bahia) regions from 2007 and 2014, taking into account political, organizational and structural dimensions and structure and performance indicators. The results showed that the regionalization was positively recognized, the distribution of services did not meet the population demand, and the installed capacity of the health care network was not adequate for the health needs of the population. Norte-Barretos stood out regarding structure (except for potential coverage of oral health teams in the Family Health Strategy) and effectiveness, while Juazeiro stood out concerning efficiency; e.g. although with fewer resources, the use of services was relatively higher. The observed pattern seems to reflect aspects related to the regionalization and the political path of each care provided, the so-called "silos effect". The results may support the design of health policies aimed at overcoming the undersized structure of public health services in regions of lower socioeconomic development and search for parameters and coordination mechanisms to balance performance indicators better.

Проблема державного устрою і поділу влади в теорії Б. М. Чичеріна

Zenkin M. V. The problem of state structure and separation of powers in the theoryof B. N. Chicherin. – Article.The article is devoted to the analysis of the system of separation of powers in the theory of the first politicalscientist on the territory of the Russian Empire Boris Chicherin. His vision of the state structure of Russia isanalyzed within the framework of his liberal and Westernizing concept. In his political theory, views are noticeablethat anticipated M. Weber’s theory of legitimacy and the problem of political cultures developed byG. Almond and S. Verba.The political scientist analyzes the branches of government, pointing out the need to separate one fromthe other, as a guarantee of the realization of the rights and freedoms of a citizen. Indicates the need for notjust a mechanical separation of powers, but equal cooperation of branches for the most effective organizationof public administration, trying to transfer the system of “checks and balances” to the domestic political soil.The problems of coexistence of the state with civil society, the political elite, which Chicherin calls “politicalaristocracy”, are also touched upon.Chicherin compares the constitutional monarchy and the republic and concludes that the type of form ofgovernment is not so much important as the reasonable organization of state administration and the relationshipbetween the state and civil society. Considering the constitutional monarchy, the best and most stableform of government, he considers its development and transformation through the institution of parliamentarism,where each of the two chambers plays a special role, the dominant of which is the lower. The stabilityand influence of the upper chamber is ensured by a combination of various methods of its formation: byinheritance, by position (state dignitaries and chief judges), by the choice and appointment of the monarch.Obviously, his preference for English parliamentarism, however, pointing to the insufficiently high level ofpolitical culture of his contemporary political aristocracy, and Russia's proximity to France, makes a preferencefor the French political path.

Manguni and Christian Nationalism (in) Minahasa

This article describes the process and meaning of the reconstruction of Manguni, as the sacred bird in the old Minahasa religion which became a symbol of Gereja Masehi Injili in Minahasa (GMIM) in the context of colonialism. In particular, that thing to be discussed is the reconstruction of meaning, from Manguni as a mythological belief to Manguni as an ecclesiastical symbolic motive that carries a message of nationalism. Since the early of 20th century, the historical context and discourse of the Minahasa Christian intellectuals have been the subject of research to trace the development of Christian nationalism (in) Minahasa. In the context of GMIM, the interesting things are constituted as the dialogues and debates in colonial church forums, namely the Indische Kerk delivered by Christian leaders. This articles shows that, as a reaction to colonialism whic has changed many things predominantly in Christan Minahasa society, nationalism has grown and developed uniquely through discourse of community elites and church leaders. The expression of nationalism is through political and ecclesiastical path, which both of them use the legacy of religious tradition as tool of negotiation, namely the symbol of the institution with the motive of Manguni bird.