Party Support Research Articles

The winner takes all the trust: populism, democracy, and winner-loser gaps in political trust in Central and Southern Europe

ABSTRACT Studies typically find that supporters of populist parties exhibit low political trust. Drawing on research on winner-loser gaps in political support and the consequences of political polarization on attitudes, I re-examine the association between populism and political trust taking into account the supported party’s status in or outside of government, distinguishing between government leaders and junior coalition partners. I analyze data from the European Social Survey Rounds 1–9 from nine Central and Southern European countries that experienced populist parties as government leaders, combined with party characteristics from the Varieties of Party Identity and Organization as well as democracy scores from the Varieties of Democracy datasets. Results show that the effect of party status on political trust is stronger among supporters of populist than non-populist parties. Further, I find that supporters of populist governments enjoy greater trust advantages in less democratic contexts.

TRIANGLE OF POLITICAL POWER OF THE MATARAMAN COMMUNITY IN KEDIRI

The political upheaval in the early days of reform had an impact on the formation of parties which were no longer monopolized by the political elites during the New Order era. This was evidenced by the democratic principle of transparency in the election of government officials. The development of the political culture at the regional level is different from the situation at the national level. The development of political culture at the regional level is more dominated by political thoughts and behavior based on a mature political culture. The Mataraman Kediri community has social and cultural characteristics that also influence their political traditions. In the context of general elections, the Mataraman community has a special characteristic in their political choices which is reflected in the choice and support for certain political parties, that the way the people elect depends on their past historical patterns. The results of this study indicate that the people of Mataraman Kediri have a synergistic political pattern known as thearchitecture of power politics. The relationship between the religious elite, entrepreneurs, and the government has a political synergy that is able to influence political patterns and maps in the Mataraman region of Kediri.

The Readiness of Lasem Batik Small and Medium Enterprises to Join the Metaverse

Today’s business competitiveness necessitates the capacity of all company players, particularly small and medium enterprises (SMEs), to enter a broader market through information technology. However, the Lasem Batik SMEs have endured a great deal of turmoil during the COVID-19 pandemic. Marketing has been conducted through physical and internet channels, but the results have not been maximized. The purpose of this research was to consider the possibilities of Lasem Batik SMEs adopting metaverse technology as a marketing medium to enhance sales. The investigation was conducted on 40 Lasem Batik SMEs who met the requirements of using online media to sell their products, having a medium-sized firm, and displaying marketing that has reached the provincial level. The findings of this study are as follows: (1) The majority of participants stated that the metaverse is a virtual 3D space. This understanding is deepened by discussions about virtual 3D spaces that combine VR and AR, which today is often referred to as the metaverse. (2) Batik business owners hope that by using the metaverse, they will be able to obtain many benefits, especially related to market expansion. (3) Lasem Batik SMEs show great interest in expanding their marketing channels to a wider area; Lasem Batik entrepreneurs also accept the challenge of studying the metaverse with new knowledge and techniques they have never considered. (4) Overall, 75% of participants were ready to use the metaverse, and 25% still required guidance. (5) Local communities, universities, and large corporations provide great support for the use of the metaverse. (6) The commercial success of Lasem Batik SMEs is defined by product quality; ongoing online and offline advertising; originality and innovation; and the capacity to capitalize on possibilities, retain local wisdom, and preserve strong customer connections. The main conclusion is that the readiness of batik entrepreneurs to use the metaverse is highly dependent on the support of various parties. A strong desire to progress and develop one’s business is the main factor determining one’s intention to use the metaverse. As a result of the research, a prototype of a metaverse platform for Lasem Batik exhibitions has been developed. SMEs can use the room template provided by the platform and join other SMEs to hold a metaverse exhibition to attract global customers. These results can be connected to create a metaverse exhibition to attract global customers.

Implementor Involvement In Increasing Children’s Immunity During A Pandemic In Muara Dua Sub-District

Vaccination programme for children aged 6 to 11 in Muara Dua District, Lhokseumawe City: readiness of essential stakeholders and parents to increase children's immune protection. Decree of the Republic of Indonesian Minister of Health (KMK) Number HK.01.07./MENKES/6688/2021. The Covid-19 vaccine is only given in school settings during the pandemic and is intended to prevent children between the ages of 6 to 11 from being exposed to the virus and provide them with safety during face-to-face learning (PTM). Lhokseumawe City executes the Covid-19 detonation in accordance with the directives of the federal government. Many youngsters between the ages of 6 and 11 in Lhokseumawe City have received vaccines. The cooperation and support of the appropriate parties is crucial for the successful implementation of this strategy. Qualitative application of research methods, informants were determined purposively by considering the criteria. Using observation, interviews, and documentation to obtain data. Implementation of a child immunization program actually requires the participation and support and readiness of various parties. Based on research findings, the readiness of the implementers has been successful, as evidenced by the support of parents in bringing their children to open service positions and the mental strength of the implementers. Safe vaccination services are provided for children.

The Urgency Of Strengthening The Aceh Truth And Reconciliation Commission: An Effort To Sustain Peace By Reparations Of Conflict Victims

The conflict for Aceh's independence from the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia ended peacefully through political negotiations in 2005. However, the issue of the rights of conflict victims has not been resolved until now. At the same time, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was established to handle it. This article aimed to explain the main causes of TRC's weakness in getting the attention and support of related parties, including the community, to strengthen the institution. This article uses a qualitative method with document data to explain the weaknesses of the Aceh TRC. Its findings show that the Aceh TRC could not encourage the government to make reparations for victims of the conflict, the main reason being that the formal regulatory status that underpins the institution's existence is too low.

A Criticism of the British Left in Trevor Griffiths’s The Party in Light of ’68 Paris Student Riots

Among the political playwrights of the post-war British drama, Trevor Griffiths is known for his commitment to socialist ideals and his continuous search for an ideal social(ist) structure in his works. Coming from a working-class background and having met many notable intellectual socialists prior to his dramatic career, Trevor Griffiths dedicated his playwriting to debate about the present and future of socialism in Britain and elsewhere. Despite Griffiths’s loyal attachment to socialism, his works provide a criticism of the left, left-wing parties, lack of unity among the proletariat, and lack of support and cooperation of the leftist parties in his country. The Party (1973) is one of those plays in which he provides a dialectical approach to an ideal understanding of socialism that is based on unity between the workers, the party as an organisation and the intelligentsia. Griffiths’s main concern is to lay out some of the reasons for the failure of the left and claim that a true socialist revolution can never be possible unless a commitment is achieved by all involved parties. This paper discusses socialist Trevor Griffiths’s play The Party as a criticism of the left in relation to prevalent concerns of Britain in the 1970s. While evaluating the reasons for Griffiths’s criticism, the discussion of the play is also related to the Paris student riots as a casein-point failed socialist revolution attempt due to similar problems Griffiths observes in his country.

Drivers of Ghanaians' approval of the electronic levy.

The government of Ghana proposed an electronic levy (E-LEVY) in the 2022 budget and economic policy statement to increase revenue in the wake of dwindling opportunities for borrowing from the external market. Whilst existing studies found that most Ghanaians did not support the E-LEVY, the factors that explain the decision were not studied. We contribute to the literature on the E-LEVY by examining the drivers of approval of the E-LEVY in Ghana. We used data of 600 respondents and fitted it to a cloglog model selected based on a battery of tests. We found that older persons were more likely to approve of the E-LEVY than younger people. Persons affiliated with the ruling party, the NPP, were more likely to approve of the E-LEVY than persons not affiliated with the party. Level of education, gender, size of household, monthly income and marital status did not distinguish the tendency to approve of the E-LEVY. Although the ruling party-affiliated respondents were more likely to approve of the E-LEVY, the low probability requires that the government engages not only its party supporters but independents, about the need to support and pay the E-LEVY.

Where is the populist radical right successful? Spatial analysis of populist radical right parties in Slovakia and Czechia

ABSTRACT When the popularity of the populist radical right increases, questions arise. Where are these parties successful? Does the geographic distribution of their support change along with changes in their primary issues? This article analyzes spatial aspects in the support of populist radical right parties in Slovakia and Czechia and their change over time. The spatial distribution was examined using spatial autocorrelation.The results showed that these parties have strong support in “left-behind” regions and peripheral rural regions and weak support in the surroundings of largest cities. The distribution of support for parties also changed more significantly when the parties changed the presented main issues. In Slovakia there was visible spatial competition between the traditional populist radical right party, the Slovak National Party (SNS), and newer and adaptable party, the People’s Party Our Slovakia (ĽSNS). ĽSNS succeeded in areas with traditionally strong support for SNS thanks to changes in its main electoral themes. In Czechia, the distribution of support between Dawn and Freedom and Direct Democracy (SPD) has changed. Dawn had a support distribution similar to the populist party Public Affairs, which shared ideas of direct democracy. SPD’s support distribution was closer to areas traditionally supporting the populist radical right.

The Changing Structure of Political Conflicts in the South of Europe: An Analysis of Issue Voting in Four Countries

This research analyses the demand-side of politics in Southern European countries, investigating how three relevant voting determinants have changed throughout time. The focus is on Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain, and the examined variables are the European Union, immigration and state intervention in the economy. The period of analysis is 2009–2019 and we identify the structure of political conflicts from the point of view of voters. We find that the electoral support of parties has been increasingly influenced by party positions on immigration (with the partial exception of Portugal), but not on the European Union. Moreover, the issue of ‘state control and regulation of the economy’ is boosting its explanatory power in all the countries investigated in this study. Thus, new issue determinants have gradually reshaped the system of voting preferences across Southern Europe, with voter demands becoming more likely to match party supply on immigration and economic interventionism.

Peripheralization Processes as a Contextual Source of Populist Vote Choices: Evidence from the Czech Republic and Eastern Germany

The existing research on contextual sources of support for populist parties has revolved around two factors: the unemployment rate and the size of immigrant groups. Conceived as residential characteristics, observation of these factors has been seen to increase support for radical parties in Western European countries. We identify different contextual (non-individual) drivers of support for populist parties in the post-communist Czech Republic (Czechia). Based on a large sample of voters ( n = 23,734), we identify the (contextual) effect of economic hardship and demographic decline on support for populist parties. We interpret these results as supporting the theory of regional peripheralization. This peripheralization has been identified to be particularly strong in the post-communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe, and has widened regional socio-economic disparities in this region. We show how these processes have affected voting behaviour and support for political parties. In a second step, we use a sample from eastern Germany ( n = 524) to test whether peripheralization affects support for populist parties in other post-communist regions. The results confirm the hypothesis also in the case of east Germany. Our study contributes to the debate by pointing out a novel mechanism that leads to increased support for radical and moderate populist parties.

Political change as group-based control: Threat to personal control reduces the support for traditional political parties.

People desire agentic representations of their personal and collective selves, such as their own nation. When national agency is put into question, this should increase their inclination to restore it, particularly when they simultaneously lack perceptions of personal control. In this article, we test this hypothesis of group-based control in the context of political elections occurring during socio-economic crises. We propose that people who are reminded of low (vs. high) personal control will have an increased tendency to reject traditional political parties that stand for the maintenance of a non-agentic political system. We experimentally manipulated the salience of low vs. high personal control in five studies and measured participants' intentions to support traditional and new political parties. Across four of five studies, in line with the predictions, low personal control reduced support for the main traditional conservative party (e.g., Partido Popular (PP) in Spain, the Republicans in France). These results appeared in contexts of national economic and/or political crisis, and were most pronounced when low (vs. high) national agency was made salient in Studies 4 and 5. The findings support the notion that rejecting the stability of the national political system can serve as a means to maintain a sense of control through the collective self.

Young Citizens’ Party Support: The “When” and “Who” of Political Influence within Families

Decades of evidence point to the vital role of parents in shaping their children’s partisan leanings, particularly concerning mainstream parties. And yet the contours of intergenerational influence remain quite obscured. For instance, scholars disagree on when social learning in the household occurs (childhood vs adolescence) and about who is the dominant socializer (mother vs father). Data from a long-term German household panel survey allow for a fine-grained examination of intergenerational influence processes over time. We model the partisan preferences of 18-year-olds as a function of their mothers’ and fathers’ own contemporaneous and past partisan preferences. Our intergenerational inquiry reveals that mothers dominate socialization during childhood while influence in late adolescence is more evenly distributed between mothers and fathers. We also find that mothers have an advantage over fathers in communicating center-left party preferences. These findings have implications for our understanding of socialization, partisanship, and democratic stability.

Uncovering the flash potential of immigration: attitudes, salience, and far-right support in Europe

Abstract Attitudes toward immigrants and immigration are a central explanation for the electoral support of far-right parties. However, while these parties gained strength over the last two decades, European citizens’ views about immigration have not changed much. In this study, we contribute to solving this puzzle by uncovering the flash potential of immigration. With its salience as a politically contested issue increasing, negative yet previously less relevant immigration preferences and evaluations transform more often into politically tangible attitudes and behaviors, such as support for far-right parties. We uncover this flash potential with individual-level ESS data and aggregated measures of issue salience among the public, allowing us to model the conditioning effects of contextual-level immigration salience on the individual-level relationship between immigration attitudes and far-right support. The results from random-effects within-between models analyzing 208,794 individual respondents from 141 country-rounds and 24 countries over the period of 2002–2018 show that the effects of citizens’ attitudes on support for far-right parties are stronger in contexts and periods in which the salience of immigration is higher. Accordingly, while immigration attitudes among European public have not turned more negative over time, they have become more influential for citizens’ party attachments and vote choices.

Explaining region creation conflicts in Ghana

ABSTRACTFor the first time in its history, Ghana held a referendum in 2018 to divide some of its regions to create new ones. Though the regions are purely administrative, the division faced resistance in some areas and not in others. This study combines qualitative comparative analysis with process tracing to show that the resistance occurred within regions with relatively high support for the opposition party, but only in the combined presence of (traditional) elites competing from either side of the region and controversies regarding claims to (traditional) political authority. Further, it finds a bottom-up mechanism of the resistance, evolving as the threatened interests of stakeholders grew from the community to the regional, national and diaspora levels. As in other African cases, this suggests that the sources of conflicts in Africa are not so much about ethnic differences but more about elites’ unequal access to political and economic resources.

The nature of the Education Cleavage in four Eroding Democracies1

Abstract In recent years, weaker and consolidated democracies alike were in many instances caught by a wave of autocratisation. However, given the protractedness in the time of the phenomenon of democratic erosion, it is not unlikely that the process overlaps with multiple electoral cycles. This gives to those parties committed to liberal democracy a window to organise themselves and challenge the incumbent at the ballots. The present study investigates whether the political division between incumbent parties and organised pro-democratic opposition in Poland, Hungary, Bolivia and Turkey coincides with a political cleavage that fits Baiern and Maier’s three-dimensional conceptualisation of the term. Through a quantitative approach, it emerges that indeed authoritarian and liberal values (Normative dimension) substantially account for the divergence in political support (Organisational dimension) by the different educated groups (Social dimension) in all the countries under observation. These findings not only support the existence of an educational cleavage outside of Western and Northern Europe, but also highlights its centrality in the ongoing fight for democracy. Furthermore, Hungary appears as a peculiar case, since democratic commitment accounts more than the authoritarian-liberal scale in explaining the support (or lack of it) for the incumbent party by the Hungarian educational groups.

Preface

It is with great honour; we present the proceedings of the 2nd International Conference on Environmental Ecology of Food Security (ICEFS) which was organized by the Socio-Economic Department Faculty of Agriculture, the University of Mataram in collaboration with the Faculty of Agriculture University of Mataram, Study program of Agribusiness Hasanuddin University, Faculty of Agriculture Universitas Halu Oleo, Universitas Negeri Gorontalo, Faculty of Agriculture Universitas Tadulako, Politeknik Pembangunan Pertanian Gowa, Faculty of Agriculture Universitas Sulawesi Barat, Faculty of Agriculture Universitas Udayana, Faculty of Agriculture Universitas Nusa Cendana, LPPM Universitas Musamus Merauke, Indonesian Agricultural Economic Association (PERHEPI), Agriculture Association of Indonesia, Nutrition and Food Experts Society of Indonesia, and Indonesian Agronomy Association and held in the 19-20 of May 2022. The Proceedings of the previous conferences in this series have been published in the IOP conference series: Earth and Environmental Science (EES).The proceeding of the 2nd ICEFS 2022 consists of 134 reviewed papers. The conference included speakers who were experts in the fields covered by the conference: Dr. Janet Reid from Massey University, New Zealand, Dr. Carol Levin from the University of Washington, Dr. Iean Russel from FAO, and Prof. Taslim Sjah from the University of Mataram.This international conference was held successfully thanks to the support and assistance of various parties. On this occasion, allow us to convey our appreciation to the speakers, Faculty of Agriculture, University of Mataram, all university partners, speakers, participants, Indonesian Agricultural Economics Association, Agribusiness Association of Indonesia, Nutrition and Food Experts Society of Indonesia, Indonesian Agronomy Association, and all partners who have supported the implementation of the 2nd ICEFS 2022. I would also like to thank all of the committee members for their dedicated and coordinated efforts for this conference. Finally, I hope that the conference will provide a meaningful international forum for sharing knowledge, expertise and experiences; and also cultivate more networking to strengthen efforts to sustain food security in the changing climate.Warm Regards,Dr. Ir. Halimatus Sa’diyah, M.Sc.The Chief CommitteeSocio-Economic Department Faculty of Agriculture University of MataramList of Conference Committees are available in this pdf.

To Rx or Not: Mainstreaming Informal Providers

On a hot summer afternoon, there is a huge commotion around the Jawnpore District Hospital. There is passionate sloganeering by the ruling party supporters competing with protests by the opposition party activists against the alleged lack of personnel and infrastructure in the district hospital. Not far away from this hullabaloo, Grameen Arogya, a non-governmental organization, stages a satyagraha to silently protest against the official silence on dysentery deaths in the region. A motorcade of government cars enters the hospital grounds. The local leaders of the ruling party and the District Hospital Superintendent are waiting to welcome and garland Shri Jagatprakash Goel, Union Health Minister, visiting the hospital. Goel ji joins the doctors in their regular ward rounds and inspects the hospital. Then he addresses the public and the medical community including a few office bearers of the medical association (the association of registered doctors). The moment Goel ji concludes the address, Mr Das from Grameen Arogya, rushes to the podium and hands a memorandum to Goel ji. He grabs the microphone and makes an emotional account of the deplorable healthcare situation in Jawnpore. He discusses the difficulties arising due to a lack of registered doctors and rampant absenteeism in the public hospital, particularly when there is no private provider of healthcare. He proposes that the only practical way to alleviate these difficulties in providing rural healthcare is to ‘mainstream the quacks’ and cites a 2006 multi-national survey-based research study ( Chaudhury et al., 2006 ). He appeals to Shri Jagatprakash Goel, the minister, to make provision for special training of informal providers (Ips), to fill the need for medical practitioners in rural areas. Supporters of the ruling party and members of the medical community run to the dais to stop Mr Das from speaking further. But the minister asks the crowd to calm down and handles the situation. He assures Grameen Arogya that he will investigate the issue.

복지인식은 정당 지지의 차이를 만드는가? : 정당 지지층별 복지인식 차이 및 복지인식이 정당 지지에 미치는 영향

이 연구는 한국에서 복지의제가 중요한 정치 담론으로 등장한 현상에 주목하여 복지인식과 정당 지지간의 관계를 파악하고자 했다. 이를 위해 한국종합사회조사 2006, 2014, 2016, 2018, 2021년 자료를 활용하여 한국인의 전체적인 복지인식과 정당 지지층별 복지인식 차이 그리고 복지인식이 정당 지지에 미치는 영향을 분석했다. 분석결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 전체적인 복지인식은 감소 추이를 보였고 정당 지지층별 복지인식은 당파적 균열의 강화를 나타냈다. 둘째, 복지인식은 정당 지지에 영향을 미치는 변수임을 확인했다. 복지인식과 정당 지지의 관계는 2014년 자료부터 나타났으며 복지인식은 오직 진보정당 지지 가능성만을 높였다. 이는 보수정당 집권기에 빚어진 복지공약 후퇴 및 파기 논쟁이나, 2010년대 복지논쟁을 경험하면서 구체적인 복지인식이 형성되었을 가능성 그리고 공공복지가 확대된 시기적 배경 같은 요인으로 추정해 볼 수 있다. 본 연구의 분석결과는 한국에서 복지의제가 진영을 가르는 쟁점이 되고 있음을 말해준다. 이 점 때문에 정당들이 진영 대결 구도에 얽혀 복지의제에 대한 타협의 폭을 줄이거나 국민적 이해와 설득 과정을 소홀히 할 가능성도 있다. 정당들이 복지의제를 단지 진영 논리에 따른 선거 전략의 도구로만 활용할 것이 아니라 복제의제에 대한 폭넓은 공론화와 충분한 사회적 대화의 노력이 필요할 때다.

Lacking control – analysing the demand side of populist party support

ABSTRACT This paper examines the influence of lack of control, a diffuse attitude closely associated with emotions, on support for radical populist parties of the left and right. Lack of control is the perception of not having control over one's own life. Although this is not political per se, it is hypothesized that underlying emotions and associated feelings shape political preferences. We argue that as populist parties offer a clear distinction between in – and out-group and promise order, less complexity, as well as economic protection for ordinary people, they have a greater appeal to such citizens. In doing so, the paper tests three hypotheses. The findings of two cross-country analyses carried out with data of the European Values Study 2017 lend empirical support for the theoretical arguments made. The two pooled analyses of 12 radical right populist parties and six radical left populist parties yield that lack of control increases support for radical populist parties of both the left and the right. An examination of interaction effects suggests that sensing a lack of control tends to have a reinforcing effect on voters with nativist attitudes in support of RRPP.

정치적 선호에 따른 심리적 특성 탐색

The present study investigated the psychological differences as among political party preference(i.e. the ‘People Power Party(PPP)’, the ‘Democratic Party of Korea(DPK)’, other conservative parties(OC), and other liberal parties(OL)). Three-hundred and thirty adults(women=165) completed an online survey comprising the Schadenfreude Tendency Scale, the Interpersonal Reactivity Index, the Zhongyong Questionnaire, and the preferred political parties and support level. Results showed that there was no significant difference in Shadenfreude by political party preference, but there was a significant difference in empathy and Zhongyong attitude. The individuals with DPK preference reported higher levels of empathy and Zhongyong compared to those with PPP, OC, and OL preference. In addition, it was examined whether there were differences in the three variables according to political party preference and support level. The interaction effects in all variables were insignificant. However there was a marginal interaction effect in Shadenfreude.