Party Members Research Articles

Perempuan Muda dan Partai Politik : Dari Descriptive Participation menuju Substantive Representation

The low level of political participation among women in general, including young women, in Indonesia can be explained through three reasons. Firstly, women face a challenging playing field because politics is predominantly characterized by a masculine culture. Secondly, in their pursuit of political engagement, women encounter several obstacles, such as patriarchal structures, sexist and ageist views, and social class barriers. Thirdly, young women are also hindered by political nepotism, lack of party support, limited political knowledge, and financial constraints. This paper utilizes the conceptual framework of Women and Political Party by Lovenduski (1997), Squires (2007), Ann Phillips’ theory of women’s representation, as well as the works of Young, Mouffe, Childs, and Krook to examine the dynamics of young women and political parties in Indonesia from the 2019 elections to the upcoming 2024 elections. The focus is on the interconnection between descriptive participation and substantive representation. The research methodology employed involves a critical analysis of existing literature supplemented by interviews conducted with young women actively involved in five political parties qualified as participants in the 2024 elections (Golkar, NasDem, PKB, Demokrat, and PSI), including both ordinary party members and those who were elected as members of the DPR (People’s Representative Council of Indonesia) in the 2019 elections.

What role for solidarity? A frame analysis of the solidarity conceptions of the German Laender governments in the 2020 COVID-19 pandemic

ABSTRACT Solidarity experienced a revival during the COVID-19 pandemic and has been an important component of the political discourse in every economic—and therefore also the social—crisis that hit Europe in the last years. This contribution aims to assess the relevance that members of German governing parties at the Laender level attached to solidarity during the COVID-19 pandemic. By conducting a frame analysis, we identify calls to different types of solidarity, and brought these in relation to the explanatory power of situational aspects, economic interests and party-political positions. Empirical analysis displays that solidarity is an important, albeit not too frequently used frame, in crisis dialogue. High threat perception (but not actual threat) appears to foster claims to solidarity and other forms of communal behaviour, while the economic situation and party-political stances do not exhibit an equally strong effect. Nevertheless, aligned party-political positions on solidarity go along with a reduced understanding of the concept, which primarily serves as a justification for placing a burden on the caretakers of society. This traditional notion of solidarity is even more prominent amongst leftist party members, a fact raising questions concerning the distinctiveness of German party positions, as well as concerning social equality.

Public attitudes toward hydropower in China: The role of information provision and partisan identification

The development of hydropower projects needs public support. Although China has led the world in hydropower development during the past few decades, little is known about how the Chinese public views existing hydropower projects and future hydropower development plans. Based on an online survey experiment (N = 2971), this study investigates the effects of five types of information provision, including (1) power generation benefit, (2) emission reduction benefit, (3) flood control, navigation and grid benefits, (4) negative environmental impact and (5) involuntary migration impact of hydropower, and partisan identification on public attitudes to China's hydropower policy and most representative hydropower project, the Three Gorges Project. First, information provision about the benefits of power generation has no significant effect on public attitudes to the Three Gorges Project and China's hydropower development plans. Second, information provision about the benefits of emission reduction and flood control, navigation and grid effects can significantly increase public evaluation of the Three Gorges Project, but does not influence public support for abstract hydropower development plans. Third, information provision about the negative impacts on the environment and involuntary migration can significantly decrease public evaluation of the Three Gorges Project and support for hydropower development plans. Finally, Chinese Communist Party members have more positive attitudes to China's hydropower development plans and the Three Gorge Project than the non-members, and they are more responsive to environmental information but less responsive to the migration issue.

Three Dimensional Interpretation of The Growth Logic of The CPC's "Original Mission"

The CPC was born in distress, grew up in tribulation, and grew up in overcoming risks. In the past 102 years, our party has been able to develop from 53 party members to a large party with over 98 million party members, which is because the whole party has always adhered to not forgetting its original intention and mission. Socialism with Chinese characteristics has entered a new era. The party, which starts from a small boat, must create a new and greater miracle of the Chinese nation in the new era. Only by not forgetting its original intention and keeping its mission in mind. To truly and comprehensively understand the theoretical connotation and contemporary value of the CPC's "original mission", we must understand the generation logic of the original mission. This article will explain why the CPC has determined and always adhered to this original mission from the three dimensions of theory, reality and history.

Informal Power and Short-Term Consequences: Country Presidents and Political Parties in Romania

Country presidents and their political parties have strong connections along partisan lines. However, it remains unclear how this relationship unfolds when country presidents have to be non-partisans and formal ties are not permitted. This article seeks to address this gap in the literature and analyzes how country presidents use informal powers to maintain an influence in the life of their (former) political parties. We use Romania as the most likely case where we would expect such powers to occur and matter, because the country’s constitution bans the country’s president from being a party member once they are elected to public office. We compare the behaviour of the two Romanian country presidents who have each served two complete consecutive terms in office in the post-communist period. Our analysis covers the 2004–2022 period and focuses on the following four dimensions: electing successors, prime ministerial appointments, inclusion in coalition agreements and parties’ electoral performance.

Structuring Intra-Party Politics: A Mixed-Method Study of Ideological and Hierarchical Factions in Parties

Scholars acknowledge the existence of intra-party divisions and the potentially negative electoral effects of disunity. Some assume that intra-party divides are between professional politicians and grassroots members, others highlight the importance of ideological blocs. Yet, precisely mapping factional structures, especially ideological factions, is difficult because of the “black box of intra-party politics.” Based on theories of party change and spatial competition, we argue for the existence of two distinct ideological factional dimensions that may differ from hierarchical factions. We test our expectations by triangulating evidence from three unique datasets from Sweden: a survey of party members, a media content analysis, and interviews with politicians. Our mixed-methods approach allows identifying the number, structure, content, sizes, and ideological positions of factions. The results show substantial variation in all aspects and that hierarchical and ideological factions rarely coincide. These findings have important theoretical, conceptual, and methodological implications for comparative politics.

Soviet Sounds, Communist Pedagogy: Lessons for Today’s Musicians, Organisers, Educators

ABSTRACT Interventions in the field of music by the Soviet All-Union Communist Party have been read variously as personal interference by the ‘deranged despot’ Joseph Stalin, as the individuality of artists subsumed under totalitarian control, and as the mechanism by which socialism itself was constructed. The first two arguments are refuted by examining (1) the subjective roles of the Party and of both Party and non-Party members in the Union of Soviet Composers in these interventions and (2) the objective conditions present during the years of Stalin’s Party leadership that related to the process of the development of music policy. Soviet music policy was formulated through vigorous, sometimes vicious struggle. This contest between a communist social force, and reactionary, anticommunist forces, remained alive as a ‘background hum’. The formulation and implementation of Soviet music policy was a pedagogical process carried out by workers with leadership from the Party. Non-Party workers were involved through participation in their Union, which used its independence and power to interpretively implement Party decrees. The way Soviet musicians fought to create a diverse, equitable, and inclusive society in practice, beyond the realm of slogans, is worth understanding as a pedagogical model for today’s communists.

Spatial production in the process of rapid urbanisation and ageing: A case study of the new type of community in suburban Shanghai

Sustainable communities have been a substantial issue for urban studies worldwide. Population ageing is a major challenge for community development considering China's rapid urbanisation, which calls for the re-evaluation of the newly emerging trend of urban communities in China. This study aims to systematically investigate China's increasing focus on the older adult community through the practice of construction and governance, with an emphasis on how these new-type communities create a balanced multi-subject co-governance under the transformation of land use. Considering the Xiuye community in Songjiang District, Shanghai, as a case study, we innovatively introduce a general matrix of community spatiality to progressively propose the spatial production mechanism of community governance, thereby combining critical theory with human practice on the nature of space. The findings indicate that the triple concept of absolute, relative and relational spaces plays a vital role in understanding gated communities under uncertainties such as the recent pandemic. The historical residual problem of the nature of community industrial land is a key factor in producing multiple social contradictions; moreover, the agents of power and capital often exhibit evasive and immoral behaviour in major community affairs, and party member volunteers and authorised suppliers have made important contributions to the fight for residents' rights at all levels. The implications of this study are of great value for rethinking community space in the context of ageing, and governments and enterprises must undertake the required actions along with residents to reshape the current unstable multi-subject co-governance relationship.

Political Participation and Socioeconomic Status (SES) the Governor Election in Kepulauan Riau

Political participation is an individual activity that may affect a country's or government's political policy. Political participation in democracy takes many forms, such as voting, establishing a political group, engaging in legal or illegal protests, campaign involvement, discussing politics offline or online, or becoming a political party member. The term political participation in this study refers to voting participation. Voter participation is important because it creates a political and democratic climate that encourages people to participate actively in state administration. To determine strategies and policies to increase voter participation, what factors can influence someone to vote can be seen. One factor that influences a person's desire to participate in politics is a person's socioeconomic status. Therefore, this study examines how Socioeconomic Status (SES) influences political participation. Political participation in this study is seen from whether the permanent voters (DPT) exercise their right to vote in the 2020 gubernatorial election. The SES consists of socioeconomic status, which is seen from: demographic background (social status, including age, ethnicity, educational background, and religion); economic status of the average income of voters per month. Krejcie Morgan sampling method, 384 respondents were processed with Eviews 11 software using logit regression model analysis. This study found three variables significantly affect the dependent variable: Ethnic, residential election participation, and trust level in the candidate. This study recommends that the strategies used in the efforts to enhance political participation of the Riau Islands community in the regional head election are: forming volunteers democracy, dividing four segments of socialization, improving the quality of the organizing committee resources by conducting technical guidance, aggressively achieving political socialization, political publications, and the delivery of the stages of the elections using various social media platform. Moreover, implementing Good Governance will produce output from society's most economical market mechanisms. Thus, it is expected that people's political awareness will be enhanced.

Party-led public participation in neighborhood governance: a comparative analysis of two forms of social networks

Neighborhood governance has been the center of attention in urban politics and public policy for many decades. Although wide-ranging literature explores the favorable effects of public participation on neighborhood governance, it is only relatively recently that attention has been directed to the manner in which effective participation develops and the consequent implications for participatory democracy. This article examines how local states encourage public participation in neighborhood governance using social networks in contemporary China. Based on a case study of the Minor Facts program, our findings demonstrate that even when participation mechanisms are introduced by the Party, horizontal networks also play a role in participation. Moreover, we present two forms of social networks and their mechanisms to illustrate how local states strategically mobilize them. These social networks also increase the social status and moral authority of Party members and political elites in ways they find useful for strengthening local government capacity to ensure political compliance. This article provides an important qualitative insight into network-related activators of participatory behaviors in the community.

IMPLEMENTASI SISTEM INFORMASI PARTAI POLITIK (SIPOL) PADA TAHAPAN VERIFIKASI PARTAI POLITIK CALON PESERTA PEMILIHAN UMUM TAHUN 2024 DI KOMISI PEMILIHAN UMUM KABUPATEN MUARA ENIM

The political party information system (SIPOL) is a special application used by the Indonesian KPU to verify data on political parties participating in elections, which also aims to help political parties manage and update data on administrators and membership at every level. The theory used in this research is 12 principles of the use of information system technology in elections. The research method used is direct observation, documentation and literature. The aim of this study is for evaluating the KPU's development and improvements to the SIPOL application. The research analysis uses inductive qualitative analysis, namely research analysis based on the data obtained and then supported by reference materials. The results in this study are that SIPOL is effective in assisting KPU performance in verifying political party membership data. As well as being efficient, transparent, easy to use, flexible, and accurate in helping Political Parties manage and update Management and Membership data at every level. The design of SIPOL is not only intended to provide services to political parties to fill in management and membership data and assist the KPU in conducting administrative and factual verification, but also to encourage accountability, transparency, and public participation in controlling the work of the KPU in conducting the verification process of political parties.

Current Situation and Effective Ways of Education of Higher Vocational Student Party Members during Internship

Internship is an important part of talent training program in higher vocational colleges. After the student party members in higher vocational colleges entered the internship stage, the motive of study related to political theory decreased, the attention shifted, and the ideology fluctuated greatly, which increased the difficulty of ideological and political education leading. At present, the imperfect school-enterprise co-education mechanism, the unreasonable distribution of course elements, and the ignorance of the people-oriented service limit the effectiveness of the education and management of student party members as interns. Therefore, based on the characteristics of student party members in higher vocational colleges, this paper focuses on the current situation of the management of student party members in internship in higher vocational colleges, constructs an effective path and enhances the pertinence and effectiveness of education for student party members in internship in higher vocational colleges.

Pancasila Ideology in Political Education Programs

Pancasila is the source of everything related to the nation and state which reflects the soul of the nation (Volkgeist). In the life of the Indonesian people, in realizing the spirit of the nation, a political party was formed which is an important element as a supporter of the success of a democratic country. Therefore the Gelora Party as a political party needs to build and have good political will in the form of unity, attitude to defend and love the Indonesian people. Political education is the foundation for political parties which need to comply with the Pancasila Ideology. The condition of Indonesian society where some of them do not fully understand Pancasila Ideology needs to be guided, one of which is through political parties. The implementation of political party members in practicing political education needs to be maximized. So that the obstacles that occur in political education programs can be overcome. This research is based on the Theory of Policy Implementation and Theory of Constraints, with a type of qualitative research, as well as descriptive research methods. In this study, researchers looked for studies that were relevant to the research being conducted, reviewing existing research. Public apathy towards politics is one of the inhibiting factors, besides that the Indonesian Gelora Party is a new party which is constrained by human resources. The efforts made by the Regional Leadership Council of the Indonesian Wave People Party in Tangerang Regency in carrying out political education have been quite good through joint discussion forums to social media. The obstacle or obstacle faced by the Regional Leadership Council of the Indonesian Wave People Party in Tangerang Regency is having to compete with long-established political parties.

Conspiracy believers perceive an ideological match with their party

ABSTRACT Research demonstrates conspiracy endorsement arises from a strong motivation to preserve beliefs. This same motive is implicated in political projection—the degree to which political judgments about groups are anchored on the self. This paper is the first to test the hypothesis that conspiracy endorsement regulates the magnitude of in-group projection. Empirical evidence from the 2012, 2016 American National Election Surveys is presented. Across the ideological spectrum, Democrats and Republicans that endorsed party concordant conspiracies were more likely than party members that did not to perceive strong similarity between their own ideology and the ideology of their party. Whether liberal, moderate, or conservative, conspiracy believers do not consider their ideological preferences as unique. Rather they perceive their ideological preferences as widely shared by in-group party members.

Watching the digital grassroots grow: assessing party members’ social media campaigning during the 2021 German Bundestag election

ABSTRACT Party member mobilization is part of a modern election campaign, just like social media are. This article enhances prior research on the strategic inclusion of grassroots campaigning from a top down perspective by adding insights from the individual perspective of the rank-and-file party members. Evidence is built from a party member panel survey conducted among four German parties: CDU, SPD, Bündnis 90/Die Grünen and Die Linke. Based on quantitative data analyses, first, the article scrutinizes the share of online campaigners among members and the importance of digital campaigning for the toolbox of electioneering. Social media are essential campaign tools even if only about half of campaigners actively participates in such activities. Still, only a small group of campaigners categorically rules out engaging via social platforms. Secondly, the article analyzes which groups of members are more likely to participate in social media campaigning, showing that higher age, being male and holding a university degree is associated with a lower probability to participate in such activities. Additionally, these newer forms of campaigning are rather used by highly engaged members who are familiar with party routines. Hence, social media campaigning requires skills and resources, despite its flexibility and accessibility.

Feminism within parties: Implications for political elite evaluations and policy attitudes

Although gender-related attitudes have played an increasingly larger role in recent U.S. elections, the implications of feminist identity beyond electoral politics remain largely understudied. This paper examines how the interaction of feminist and party ID impacts political elite evaluations and policy attitudes that are not gender-based by relying on an original survey fielded as part of the 2020 CES and the 2016 ANES. Our analyses show that feminists of both parties give the highest feminist ratings to co-partisan elites. However, while Democratic feminists rate Democratic elites as more feminist than Republican elites, Republican feminists rate the two similarly. Furthermore, within both parties, feminist self-labeling is associated with increased support for policies that advance social equity and inclusion. This gap in policy preferences between feminists and non-feminists largely persists across ideologies—among liberal, moderate, and conservative members of both parties. These findings suggest that feminist identifiers constitute a distinct group within each party, and fostering feminism across political leanings may strengthen public support for more equitable and inclusive policy goals and outcomes.

Supporting Diversity on Party Lists: Attitudes of German Party Gatekeepers towards Enhancing Immigrant Representation

ABSTRACT Previous studies have found that political parties play a crucial role in explaining why certain minoritised groups are largely excluded from the parliamentary sphere. However, researchers still know relatively little about the specific challenges surrounding the selection of immigrant-origin candidates. There is some understanding of the demand dimension (e.g. aspiring migrants’ lack of political resources), but not much has been discovered about the selection dimension thus far. This paper provides insights into party gatekeepers’ attitudes toward the migration issue in candidate selection. Our work focuses on Germany, where over a quarter of the population has a ‘migration background,’ but these groups are significantly underrepresented in parliaments. Our findings draw from large-scale survey data collected at seven parties’ nomination conferences for the 2017 Bundestag election. We conducted binary-logistical regressions to analyse how selecting party members’ attitudes and social characteristics affect their support for balancing state lists. Our results show that the gatekeepers’ hierarchical position within their parties (as grassroots or members of the party elite) has no impact on their support for increasing diversity. It is rather gatekeepers’ ideological self-positioning, gender and general sensitivity toward politically marginalised groups that have a significant impact on their support for the migration issue.

ГЕНЕРАЛЬНАЯ ЧИСТКА РКП (Б) 1921 ГОДА (НА МАТЕРИАЛАХ БРЯНСКОЙ ГУБЕРНИИ)

The article is devoted to the study of extraordinary personnel policy measure - the general purges in 1921. On the materials of Bryansk province the activity of the commission for checking and purging the Party personnel is shown. The reasons for exclusion from the party and data on the social structure of the excluded, withdrawn and dropped out are given. Attention is paid to their labor activity, behavior in society and attitude to the Soviet power. The documents show that many expelled from he Party did not seek to return to the Party ranks. Mostly those who held responsible positions (employees) showed a desire to restore their lost status. At the same time, it was noted that party members often remained unaware of their party status for some time, which caused a passive and irresponsible attitude to work. Nevertheless, in the course of the purge, an inventory of members of the provincial organization was carried out and the party members with "corrupting" influence in the region were found. The introduced into the scientific turnover archival materials and periodicals make it possible to consider the peculiarities and results of the purge of the party ranks in Bryansk province.

Party-Building through Ideological Campaigns under Xi Jinping

This article investigates the increasing reliance on ideological campaigns by the Chinese Communist Party under Xi Jinping as part of an unfolding party-building project. Analyzing five campaigns conducted from 2013 to 2021, the study shows that they aimed to re-establish the linkage between the party center and party members, reinforce society’s connection to the party center, and crowd out competing narratives both inside the party and outside it. The article highlights the evolution of ideological campaigns in three phases, emphasizing how they developed from focusing on party members’ social environment toward positioning the party center and Xi Jinping at its core as the source of values and norms for party members and societal actors. The development of the party’s ideological campaigns under Xi Jinping thus has significant implications for the party’s model of governance, both internally and externally.

University Education and Politics of Funding in Nigeria

Funding is the engine every organisation needs to keep it moving even though other resources such as human and material resources etc., are also important in the university system. Funding in this context is the money to be used in running the affairs of the university. The aim of funding university education is to enable it to provide more facilities and add to the existing ones. Secondly, it aids in accrediting more courses and faculties. Also, funding contributes to producing qualified, skilled manpower who are turned out into the labour market as qualified products, self-reliant, and can think critically for themselves for sustainability. However, the recent trend in the country shows that universities are overwhelmed with politics from the federal to the state level. There is a political undertone from the government to the management of various universities in Nigeria. Issues of who is in power, the political party that is in position, and which party members are being voted and elected into the Senate, House of Representatives and the House of Assemblies in the states dictate how the various universities will be administered and managed. Thus, the aims, goals and objectives of university education are defeated. It was concluded that university education is the powerhouse of every nation, Nigeria inclusive. Therefore, if Nigeria wants to develop as a nation and increase its gross domestic product (GDP), it should remove politics out of the context of the university system. It was suggested that for the universities to achieve the goals and objectives for which they were set up, politics should be stamped out from the system and the universities should be adequately funded without political bias in whatever form and be allowed to function autonomously