Party List Research Articles

Two-tier proportional electoral system in Ukraine: cross-regional analysis of the first approbation

The article examines some effects from the first approbation of a two-tier proportional system with „flexible” lists in the local elections in Ukraine in 2020. In the comparative-regional context, the impact of the new system on the increase in the number of invalid ballots is analyzed and the percentage of voters who exercised the right to preferential voting for a particular candidate from the district list of the elected party is calculated. Hypotheses about regional differences in these quantitative parameters are formulated: in particular, the share of invalid ballots may be influenced by ethnolinguistic and urban factors. It was found that about 80% of voters who took part in the autumn 2020 vote exercised the right to preferential voting by entering the number of a particular candidate on the ballot – this unexpectedly high figure is in the context of other national cases using proportional systems with „flexible” or clean „open” lists. Particular attention is focused on the relationship between the two levels of the electoral system – the single closed and district flexible lists, and, accordingly, the balance of influence of voters and party leaders on the passage of candidates to local councils. This ratio was calculated for all oblast councils, and the material of the Kharkiv and Lviv oblast councils determined the empirical probability of changing the order of candidates in the district party lists under the influence of voters. Although supporters and lobbyists called the introduction of a new electoral system in Ukraine a model with „open” lists, the article identifies two key institutional mechanisms for significantly downplaying the role of preferential voting in the final determination of candidates. It is argued that according to the results of the personal distribution of seats among the candidates in the party lists, this model of „flexible” lists was closer to the pole of „closed” than „open” lists. Keywords: electoral systems, electoral lists, Electoral Сode of Ukraine, proportional electoral system, „flexible” lists, preferential voting, invalid ballots.

Первый опыт участия в постсоветских парламентских выборах в Нижегородской области: страницы политической истории

The article is devoted to an important event in the political history of post-Soviet Russia, namely the first parliamentary elections in its history. The aim of the work was to determine the specifics of the results of the first elections of deputies of the Russian Parliament after the collapse of the USSR in the Nizhny Novgorod region. The tasks of the work are related to the study of the elections of deputies of the State Duma (both by single-mandate districts and by party lists), and the Federation Council. A number of conclusions are drawn regarding the political sympathies of residents of different administrative-territorial units of the Nizhny Novgorod region in the first half of the last decade. A kind of Nizhny Novgorod «red belt» is defined geographically, consisting of the southern districts of the region, as well as several districts of the north and east of the region, where voters mostly supported the left. It is revealed that the level of political activity in the elections is quite high, which is not surprising in view of the intense political life during the perestroika period in Gorky, and then in Nizhny Novgorod

Analysis of electoral systems used in the election of deputies of the Parliament of the Republic of Kazakhstan

The article is devoted to the analysis of electoral systems during the election of deputies to the Mazhilis of the Parliament of the Republic of Kazakhstan. Based on the study of the laws of the Republic of Kazakhstan, many normative legal acts regulating the election procedure in Kazakhstan, the author conducted a study of the evolution of electoral legislation. The Constitution of the Republic of Kazakhstan of August 30, 1995, and the constitutional law of the Republic of Kazakhstan on elections have undergone significant changes, which are associated with the process of democratization of the political system and the gradual transition from the majoritarian electoral system to a proportional system of elections of deputies of the Mazhilis of Parliament. In the article, the author, relying on the study of monographic literature, the experience of foreign countries, conducts a study of the features of the proportional electoral system. The author reveals the differences between open and closed types of a proportional system, which depends on the methods of forming party lists, as well as the possibilities of voting by voters considering different forms of party lists. In the article, the author gives his vision of improving electoral systems during the election of deputies to the Parliament of the Republic of Kazakhstan.

Исследование совмещенных выборов: региональные и муниципальные выборы 2020 г.

The paper analyzes the results of voting at the regional and municipal elections held simultaneously on September 13, 2020 on party lists in the cities of Syktyvkar and Vorkuta of the Komi Republic, the city of Kaluga of the Kaluga Region and in 12 districts of the Novosibirsk Region. The correlation and regression analysis methods are used to study the relationship between the results of political parties that participated only in regional elections and the difference in the results of other parties in municipal and regional elections. The reasons for the choice difference in regional and municipal elections are discussed: varying set of parties in the two ballots, arrangement of parties in the ballots, and attitude of voters to the candidates included in the lists of the same party in regional and municipal elections. It is shown that in different regions and even in different districts of the same region, the losses of the main parties are associated with voting for various small parties. The place of new parties ("New People", "For Truth", "Green Alternative", "Party of Direct Democracy") in the political spectrum of Russia is also discussed. The conclusion is made about the importance of the study of combined elections for political science.

Пропорційна виборча система з відкритими списками: аналіз на прикладі результатів виборів до Черкаської міської ради

Based on the analysis of the electoral system used in local elections in communities with more than 10,000 voters, the main consequences of the application of the new electoral legislation in the formation of the deputy corps are highlighted on the example of Cherkasy City Council election results: in this proportional system with open lists voters could not influence the formation of the deputy corps of the Cherkasy City Council due to the consolidation of the guaranteed mandate, the application of an additional qualification barrier, as well as the distribution of mandates in a single electoral list without taking into account the preferences of voters. It is proved that the lists of political parties have not become open in practice. It was found that most deputies of the city council received seats on a single party list, although they were not elected in the constituencies. It was found that the place in the top five in the single party list provided a mandate to those who received minimal voter support. It was verified that competition between candidates from one party within one territorial constituency significantly increased the total number of votes per party, but did not secure a mandate for two candidates in any constituency in the city. It has been shown that the gender quota has contributed to an increase in the number of women in the Cherkasy City Council from 10 to 26%. The purpose of the article is to analyze the results of the elections to the Cherkasy City Council and to determine the main trends in the formation of the deputies on the basis of the Electoral Code of Ukraine. In accordance with the purpose of the article, the author analyzed the lists of political parties that participated in the election of deputies to the Cherkasy City Council and overcame the 5% barrier. The official results of the Cherkasy City Council elections in the territorial constituencies and in the city as a whole were also analyzed. Based on the norms of the Electoral Code, which regulate the establishment of voting results and distribution of parliamentary seats, two types of candidates have been identified – newly elected deputies of the Cherkasy City Council: those who received a mandate due to voter support; those who won a seat due to a place in the top five of the single list of a political party. Candidates who did not receive a mandate but received significant electoral support were also singled out.

The Best at the Top? Candidate Ranking Strategies Under Closed List Proportional Representation

Under closed-list proportional representation, a party's electoral list determines the order in which legislative seats are allocated to candidates. When candidates differ in their ability, parties face a trade-off between competence and incentives. Ranking candidates in decreasing order of competence ensures that elected politicians are most competent. Yet, party lists create incentives for candidates that may push parties not to rank candidates in decreasing competence order. We examine this trade-off in a game-theoretical model in which parties rank their candidate on a list, candidates choose their campaign effort, and the election is a team contest for multiple prizes. We show that the trade-off between competence and incentives depends on candidates’' objective and the electoral environment. In particular, parties rank candidates in decreasing order of competence if candidates value enough post-electoral high offices or media coverage focuses on candidates at the top of the list.

Striking out women: preferential voting and gender bias in Latvian Saeima elections

ABSTRACT The 2018 parliamentary elections were a watershed year for women in Latvian politics where women's descriptive representation increased from 18% to 31% in one election with no gender quota. This paper explores this significant gain by examining ranked choice (positive and negative) preference voting in the Latvian Saeima (parliament) elections. The results show that small institutional changes increased the pool of candidates and countered stagnant levels of women's representation. Though female candidates were less likely to have their names struck out on party lists, women received fewer pluses than their male counterparts, revealing gender bias against female candidates.

Początki politycznej kariery czołowych polityczek CDU i CSU na poziomie federalnym w Niemczech w latach 1991–2018

The article focuses on the first steps in the political career of female politicians from the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and the Christian Social Union (CSU), who assumed top political positions at the federal level in Germany between 1991 and 2018. The author analyses when the female leaders of the CDU and CSU took their first parliamentary seats in the German Bundestag, when they obtained the first leading positions at the federal level, and also how many years after joining the party this took place. It is also interesting whether top female politicians took their first parliamentary seats through votes in direct districts or thanks to the party list (second votes). Do the career paths of the female politicians from the Christian Democrats fit the model of typical career paths, or do they also include those who have avoided key positions on their way to the top?

Sexism in the political discourse of Ukraine

The article is intended to analyze the phenomenon of sexism through the prism of political discourse in Ukraine. The specific purpose of the article was to review the involvement of women in the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine (VRU) at the level of party lists, committees, the Office and permanent delegations. The problem of sexism among the deputies of the Verkhovna Rada was noted.
 The aim of the article was to consider the manifestations of sexism in the political sphere of Ukraine. Analysis of statistics has shown that the problem of sexism is relevant today.
 The author discusses the quantitative ratio of men and women among the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine and politicians in general. Through interviews with female deputies, the author shows the problem of the discriminated. An analysis of recent media publications has shown us examples of sexism from top government positions.
 As a conclusion and recommendations, the author notes the need to develop a system of civic and political education on gender equality; develop curricula on the participation of women in politics aimed at both women and men;
 to carry out trainings and other types of support for women candidates; to advocate the improvement of the coverage of women-candidates in the media.

The role of the party factor in the implementation of electoral strategies (by the example of local elections in 2020)

The author analyzes the dynamics of changes in the activity and participation of political parties in the implementation of electoral strategies and technologies by the example of local elections in 2020. In particular, a wide range of techniques implemented by regional organizations of political parties during the campaign was studied. It is found out that in the conditions of decentralization reform and the new Electoral Code of Ukraine lower party organizations were not only involved into the electoral process, but were also empowered to form representative local authorities and develop their political policies.
 It is stated that mandatory membership of party, open lists in local council elections and gender quotas in those lists became normative innovations for political parties. At the same time, it was found out that the party factor proved to be relevant also for the candidates for mayors, 80% of which were nominated by parties in regional centers. Having analyzed open data of the Central Election Commission the author ascertains that one fifth of the top candidates for mayors of regional centers were representatives of local political projects – parties, which activities are focused on specific regions or even communities. It is found out that because of reputational risks related to low rating of both the political forces as well as the institution of political parties in general there is a tendency to keep a distance from parliamentary parties.
 Political technologies used by parties in local elections are carried over from one campaign to another – bribery of voters, voting tourism, involvement of “clone” candidates, speculating on polls, ignoring sociological tools, manipulating party branding et cetera. Among other peculiarities there are the deepening of interparty competition, the struggle of the “first non-passing” and the “last passing” candidates in party lists, which indicates the deformation of communication component in the activities of political parties and the lack of stable party structure with defined roles and functions. Resolving these problems is a priority in the strategy of party organization and administration in the state.

Designing preference voting

Electoral systems in which voters can cast preference votes for individual candidates within a party list are increasingly popular. To the best of our knowledge, there is no research on whether and how the scale used to evaluate candidates can affect electoral behavior and results. In this paper, we analyze data from an original voting experiment leveraging real-life political preferences and embedded in a nationally representative online survey in Austria. We show that the scale used by voters to evaluate candidates makes differences. For example, the possibility to give up to two points advantages male candidates because male voters are more likely to give ‘zero points’ to female candidates. Yet this pattern does not exist in the system in which voters can give positive and negative points because male voters seem reluctant to actively withdraw points from female candidates. We thus encourage constitution makers to think carefully about the design of preference voting.

Fostering European Identity

Over recent years, the concept of ‘European identity’ has received increasing scholarly attention. Despite this progress, political initiatives to foster a shared feeling of Europeanness still appear to be designed largely ad hoc. This contribution aims at providing a link between the existing state of knowledge and policy approaches to promote European identity. With a target group perspective, we develop a classification of measures to promote European identity. This classification is based on the distinctions between a ‘civic’ and a ‘cultural’ European identity. Within this framework, we assess seven proposals: transnational party lists for the European Parliament, an EU Citizens’ Assembly, EU consular offices, a Pensioners’ Erasmus, a ‘European Waltz’ program, an EU public service broadcaster, and a European bank holiday. We conclude that current identity strategies suffer from too narrow target groups that already tend to have a European perspective.

Going transnational? Candidates’ transnational linkages on Twitter during the 2019 European Parliament elections

How transnational are European Parliament (EP) campaigns? Building on research on the European public sphere and the politicisation of the EU, this study investigates to what extent the 2019 EP campaign was transnational and which factors were associated with ‘going transnational’. It conceptualises Twitter linkages of EP candidates as constitutive elements of a transnational campaign arena distinguishing interactions with EP candidates from other countries (horizontal transnationalisation) and interactions with the supranational European party families and lead candidates (vertical transnationalisation). The analysis of tweets sent by EP candidates from all 28 member states reveals that most linkages remain national. Despite this evidence for the second-order logic, there are still relevant variations contingent on EU positions of parties, the adoption of the Spitzenkandidaten system and socialisation in the EP. The findings have implications for debates on the European public sphere and institutional reform proposals such as transnational party lists that might mitigate the EU’s democratic deficit.

Federal and Subnational Elections in Russia: Coherence and Divergence in Electoral Outcomes

Abstract This article examines the differences between Russian voting at federal elections and regional legislature elections, both combined and conducted independently. The authors analyse these differences, their character and their dynamics as an important characteristic of the nationalisation of the party system. They also test hypotheses about a higher level of oppositional voting and competitiveness in subnational elections, in accordance with the theory of second-order elections, as well as the strategic nature of voting at federal elections, by contrast with expressive voting during subnational campaigns. The empirical study is based on calculating the differences in votes for leading Russian parties at subnational elections and at federal elections (simultaneous, preceding and following) from 2003, when mandatory voting on party lists was widespread among the regions, to 2019. The level of competitiveness is measured in a similar way, by calculating the effective number of parties. The study indicates a low level of autonomy of regional party systems, in many ways caused by the fact that the law made it impossible to create regional parties, and then also by the 2005 ban on creation of regional blocs. The strong connection between federal and regional elections in Russia clearly underlines the fluid and asynchronic nature of its electoral dynamics, where subnational elections typically predetermine the results of the following federal campaigns. At the same time, the formal success of the nationalisation of the party system, achieved by increasing the homogeneity of voting at the 2016 and 2018 federal elections, is not reflected by the opposing process of desynchronisation between federal and regional elections after Putin’s third-term election. There is also a clear rise in the scale of the differences between the two. At the same time, the study demonstrates the potential presence in Russia of features common to subnational elections in many countries: their greater support for the opposition and presence of affective voting. However, there is a clear exception to this trend during the period of maximum mobilisation of the loyal electorate at the subnational elections immediately following the accession of Crimea in 2014–2015, and such tendencies are generally restrained by the conditions of electoral authoritarianism.

The rise of the democracy – authoritarianism cleavage and opposition coordination in Turkey (2014–2019)

ABSTRACT This article examines the coordination of opposition parties in Turkey between the 2014 presidential and the 2019 local elections. To explain opposition coordination from secular, Turkish nationalist, pro-Kurdish, and Islamist parties, the article points out a rising democracy-authoritarianism cleavage. As Turkey became one of the most pronounced cases of democratic backsliding worldwide, this political cleavage gradually overshadowed historically rooted social cleavages and incentivized the opposition parties to coordinate in the name of fighting for democracy. The article shows that in seven electoral contests, the opposition parties coordinated in the form of nominating joint candidates, encouraging strategic voting, running a unified campaign, helping presidential candidates collect signatures, promising to support each other in the runoff, pledging to form a transitional government, transferring deputies to be on the ballot, nominating members of the smaller opposition parties under a larger party's list, not competing in certain districts against each other, and establishing an official alliance. Thanks to their extensive menu of coordination, the opposition parties challenged the ruling party's predominance, undermined its parliamentary majorities, and won local elections in key cities. The article's causal argument and findings have implications for opposition coordination in authoritarian regimes.

More federal legislators lead to more resources for their constituencies: Evidence from exogenous differences in seat allocations

Electoral district magnitude varies across German electoral constituencies and over legislative periods due to Germany's electoral system. The number of seats in parliament per constituency is effectively random. This setting permits us to investigate institutionally driven variations in the magnitude of individual constituencies on the allocation of federal resources to these constituencies. We analyze the causal effect of having more than one federal legislator per constituency on federal government resources by exploiting information from 1,379 constituencies from 1998 to 2017. More federal legislators per constituency lead to statistically significantly more employment of federal civil servants. The size of the effect is large and corresponds to about 3.5% of average employment once a constituency is represented by additional legislators from party lists. Robustness tests support our results. Further evidence points to heterogeneity of the effect: Constituencies represented by additional legislators who are experienced and who are members of larger, competing parties obtain more federal resources.

The importance of personal vote intentions for the responsiveness of legislators: A field experiment

AbstractIndividual legislators can be important agents of political representation. However, this is contingent upon their responsiveness to constituency requests. To study this topic, an increasing number of studies use field experiments in which the researcher sends a standardized email to legislators on behalf of a constituent. In this paper, we report the results of an original field experiment of this genre with the members of the German Bundestag. Supplementing previous research, we explore whether constituency requests in which voters mention a personal vote intention (rather than a partisan vote intention) increase legislators’ responsiveness, and how this treatment relates to electoral system's incentives. We find that legislators treated with a personal vote intention were more likely to respond (67 per cent) and respond faster than those treated with a partisan vote intention (59 per cent). However, we also show that the treatment effect is moderated by electoral system incentives: it is larger for nominally‐elected legislators than for those elected via a party list. Our results suggest that electoral system's incentives matter for legislators’ responsiveness only when constituents explicitly signals an intention to cast a personal vote.

Gender quotas in the 2019 European elections: insights from the Italian case

ABSTRACT In the European elections of May 2019, Italy enforced for the first time the provisions of national law n. 65 of 22 April 2014 aimed at balancing gender representation. In particular, the law provides that: (a) party and coalition lists cannot be composed of candidates more than half of whom are of the same gender; (b) the first two candidates in a list must be of different genders; c) if a voter expresses three preferences, they must include candidates of different genders. Through the analysis of the Italian case, we try to assess the effect of gender quota provisions on gender representation in European elections: are women penalized by voters or in the selection of candidates? We use process tracing to analyse the phases from candidacy to appointment to the European Parliament. We find a persistence of under-representation of women deriving from the very low number of female party leaders (and, consequently, heads of lists); a lower tendency of female candidates to attract preference votes, and a change of gender representation caused by the obligation on candidates to opt for a specific position when elected in multiple constituencies.

Defects of Russian Elections and Ways to Overcome Them

Abstract The article discusses defects of Russian elections, with emphasis on the fact that the electoral systems being used favour the regime. The system used for registration of candidates and party lists allows the state to deny access to strong candidates whose election would inconvenience the state bureaucracy. Pro-government candidates are advantaged during election campaigns, as segments of the population that are dependent upon the state find themselves pressured to participate, sometimes including outright control of their vote. Furthermore, many regions experience large-scale electoral fraud. The article suggests means to overcome these defects, including a comprehensive revision of electoral legislation.

Basic Principles of the Election System and Reform Measures of the Public Official Election Act

Basic Principles of the Election System and Reform Measures of the Public Official Election Act